by AlicetheCurious » Thu Sep 21, 2006 10:32 am
Dream's End, you are questioning whether zionism is racist; I believe that both 'secular' and 'religious' zionism are racist, and that those who believe that either is not, are kidding themselves (like the author of the first article).<br><br><br><!--EZCODE QUOTE START--><blockquote><strong><em>Quote:</em></strong><hr><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>A Solution to Israel’s Demographic Peril</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> <br> <br>by Larry Derfner<br> <br><br>When Israeli Arabs protest that talk of the “demographic threat” is racist, can Israeli Jews blame them? If non-Jewish professors and politicians anywhere on earth spoke of a Jewish demographic threat to their countries, what would Jews call it? What, for that matter, would decent non-Jews call it?<br><br>Raising the specter of the Arab demographic threat to Israel is, in fact, racist — if you believe that Zionism is racism, that a Jewish state is a racist state.<br><br>I don’t believe that (even while I know there is no shortage of Jews whose Zionism doesn’t amount to anything more than racism). Although the Jewish state by definition “belongs” to the Jews more than it does to its non-Jewish citizens, I don’t consider it a force for racism, but the opposite: Whatever racism exists in Israel, the Jewish state came into being as an answer to racism of a rather larger magnitude — the habit of anti-Semitic oppression.<br><br>And however unjust a Jewish state is to its Arab citizens, if Israel stops being a Jewish state it will start being an Arab state, and I think the injustice to the Jews that would result from that is worse than anything Israeli Arabs have to endure.<br><br>So I don’t think it’s racist or anti-democratic or unfair to want a Zionist future for this country. And while Zionists are known to argue over what makes a Jewish state, I’d say the absolute minimum, the point every Zionist can agree on, is that it must have a solid Jewish majority.<br><br>How much is solid? Eighty percent, the current figure (including the Russian immigrants who think of themselves as Jewish, even if the religion does not), is solid. But I’d say that once the figure drops below 75 percent, which leading demographers predict will happen in about 20 years, the viability of a Jewish state with an Arab minority in the Middle East starts coming into question. And the way things are going demographically, it’s downhill from there.<br><br>Obviously, Israeli Arabs, and not just them, take all this in as racism. But as it turns out, the project to solidify Israel’s Jewish majority serves not only the purpose of preserving the Jewish state, but also — despite all the Jewish racists — of protecting the democratic rights of Arab citizens.<br><br>There’s no way to avoid it — the more Israeli Jews feel their majority threatened, the more hostile, fearful and punitive they will become toward Israeli Arabs. It can already be felt: in the denial of citizenship to Palestinians marrying Israeli Arabs; in Finance Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s boast that his child welfare cuts brought down the Israeli Arab birthrate; in the growing Jewish majority telling opinion polls that the government should “encourage” Israeli Arabs to emigrate.<br><br>None of this would be happening, I don’t think, if the 80 percent Jewish majority were secure; if Israel weren’t inching steadily toward a demographically binational state; if its foundation — its citzenry — weren’t headed for a “tipping point.”<br><br>Demography is a dirty business. I don’t like dealing with it. I don’t like knowing that if an Arab friend has a baby, I’m of course happy for him personally, but in the abstract, as a Zionist, as an Israeli thinking about the national interest, I have to say that such a birth is bad news.<br><br>This is a miserable state of affairs. And it wouldn’t be if demographic trends showed Israel’s Jewish majority holding at 80 percent, or even a little less, for generations to come. In the name of the national interest, Zionists could celebrate the births of all the Israeli Arab babies just as much as the births of all the Jewish ones. (More than a few Zionists, I’m sure, would still refrain.)<br><br>So for the sake of Israel’s Jewish character and democracy, the demographic threat has to be overcome. There have been all sorts of suggestions, some of which are truly malevolent, such as Netanyahu’s stated motive in cutting child welfare, and the idea of encouraging Arab citizens to leave the country — to coerce them into leaving, to bring about “voluntary transfer,” to make Israeli Arabs’ lives so daunting that they will “choose” emigration.<br><br>And if these are the only ways to preserve Israel as a Jewish state, then let’s leave it for the Arabs and the Jewish racists and help the decent Jews find a better place to live.<br><br>Then there’s the idea of cutting out a heavily Arab section of the Galilee and joining it to a Palestinian state in the West Bank, maybe in exchange for Israel’s annexation of the West Bank settlement blocs.<br><br>There are a couple of drawbacks here: One, who wants to give up the heart of the Galilee? Two, the Arab citizens in the Galilee don’t want to become part of Palestine, so you can’t force them. (Incidentally, you can force Jewish citizens out of Gush Katif, because Gaza, unlike the Galilee, doesn’t belong to sovereign Israel.)<br><br>A couple of other notions to bolster the Jewish majority involve easing the conversion process for interested gentiles, and pushing aliyah with more enthusiasm and marketing skill among the 5 million to 6 million American Jews. There’s nothing objectionable about either of these ideas, I just don’t think they’re mass-scale solutions. I don’t think they’re going to get enough takers to make a dent in the demographic threat.<br><br>So here’s my idea: Secular Israeli Jews have to start making more babies, say one more per family. If the religious also want to have more babies, that’s, of course, just as good, but I mention the secular, because they only have an average of about two children per family, while the religious have more, often many more.<br><br>In the pioneering era, when there weren’t that many Jews here, Jewish fertility was an overt Zionist value. Among the secular, it’s long forgotten, and I think it’s time to remember it again.<br><br>The biological clock is ticking for the Jewish state — and for its democracy.<br><br><!--EZCODE ITALIC START--><em>Larry Derfner is the Tel Aviv correspondent for The Jewish Journal.</em><!--EZCODE ITALIC END--><br><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK START--><a href="http://www.jewishjournal.com/home/preview.php?id=14386">www.jewishjournal.com/hom...p?id=14386</a><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK END--><br><br><hr></blockquote><!--EZCODE QUOTE END--> <br><br><!--EZCODE QUOTE START--><blockquote><strong><em>Quote:</em></strong><hr><br><br><br><br><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>Foundations of a Political Messianic Trend in Israel</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--><br><br><br>written by<br><br>Uriel Tal<br><br>published in<br><br>The Jerusalem Quarterly<br>Number 35<br>Spring 1985<br>ISSN 0334-4800<br><br><br>This study sets out to present a critical analysis, based on primary sources, of a political messianic trend in Jewish religious nationalism in Israel. The basic premise underlying the dogma held by this trend maintains that since the beginning of the Zionist enterprise, and particularly since Israel's victory in the Six-Day War, the country has lived in a political reality which is transcendental. <br><br>Accordingly, the military conquest in the Six-Day War is evidence of the state of metaphysical transformation in which the political reality finds itself—to a degree that the holiness of the Land of Israel, as stated by Rabbi Shmaryahu Arieli in The Law of War, extends even to conquered foreign lands, including the Sinai Desert, Sharm el-Sheikh and the eastern shore of the Suez Canal. <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>This is not the beginning, but rather the midst of a messianic era, in which the Land of Israel is liberated not only from political adversaries, but also...from a mystical force which embodies evil, defilement and moral corruption</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END-->, and we are thus entering an era in which absolute sanctity rules over corporeality. <br><br>...<br><br><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>Nachmanides writes: "We are commanded to take possession of the land given by the Lord to our forefathers, to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and we will not leave it in the hands of any other people or allow it to lie waste. And he said unto them (Numbers 33:53): 'You must take possession of the land and settle there, for to you I have given the land to occupy.'"</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> <br><br>This commandment, Nachmanides continues, was specified for us in its particular boundaries: <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>"and go to the mount of the Amorites, and unto all its neighboring places, in the plain, in the hills, and in the vale and in the south, and by the seaside, to the land of the Canaanites, and unto Lebanon, unto the great river, the River Euphrates" (Deuteronomy 1:7), and this, Nachmanides claims, "lest you yield from any place." Place is sanctified by total holiness, and that is why we were commanded to kill those nations, the seven peoples and Amalek—in order not to place the Land in their hands.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--><br><br>From this point of departure an explicit policy is now entailed: relying on these sources, the Chief Rabbinate issued Halakhic rulings concerning the holiness of the territories—and due to this, the sanctity of their borders and of the political sovereignty over them which proclaim the existence of a religious duty, to be put into effect by political action. <br><br>The Chief Rabbinate's decision of 22 Adar 5736 (1976), for example, states the following: "The Temple Mount is Mt. Moriah, the site of the Temple and of the Holy of Holies, the place where the Lord God of Israel chose to house His Name, which was sanctified by ten holy blessings by David, King of Israel: the Jewish people's right to the Temple Mount and the site of the Temple is an eternal and inalienable divine right, over which there can be no concessions." <br><br>In light of this sacredness, there is no room for any compromise: neither with regard to time, i.e., concessions at least for the time being, for a year or a generation, nor with regard to place.<br><br>Another decision concerning the prohibition of handing over an part of the Land of Israel to the gentiles, dated 21 Iyyar, 5739 (1979), forbids the transfer of any territory, including that which was conceded to Egypt in return for peace: "According to our holy Torah and the clear and authoritative law, there is a strict ban on transferring ownership to the gentiles" of any single part of the Land of Israel, because it is sanctified by the sacredness of the biblical "Covenant between the Pieces." <br><br><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>This invocation of the Covenant of Abraham elucidates how an archaic and primordial symbol of the slaughtering of animals, used by primeval tribes as evidence of political union, becomes a source of authority for contemporay political policy. Returning the territories, the chief Rabbinate ruled, would constitute a violation of the commandment, "and though shalt not show mercy unto them" (Deuteronomy 7:2): the gentiles should not be given the right of encampment on the soil of the Land of Israel, "and no argument of the saving of lives (pikuach nefesh) can invalidate this severe prohibition."</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--><br><br>From everything said so far, the concrete implications of the political messianic outlook concerning human rights can be discerned: <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>If time and place are categories of existential totality, then there cannot possibly be a place for gentiles here. As we have seen, we are not dealing with a band of crazy prophets, nor with an extreme minority on the fringe of society, but with a dogmatic school of thought and methodical doctrine, which inevitably leads to a policy which cannot tolerate the concept of human and civil rights, because the conception of the totality of the dimensions of time and place leaves no room for tolerance. It is a movement which possesses great inner powers of mystical belief, and in light of the analysis of its ideological foundations, we find ourselves confronted with a structure familiar to us from twentieth-century political messianism. There is as yet no place for comparison of content, but with regard to the structure of the conception—as distinct from its content—<!--EZCODE ITALIC START--><em>it is impossible not to notice an analogy to totalitarian movements of this century</em><!--EZCODE ITALIC END-->.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--><br><br>The conclusion which follows from the epistemological structure of the dimensions of time and place as described above, emerges in the form of <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>three positions concerning the question of the non-Jew's human and civil rights, somewhat like three possible degrees of a solution: the restriction of rights; the denial of rights; and in the most extreme case—the call for genocide based on the Torah. Every one of these positions has been expressed in the sources under discussion.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--><br><br><br>The first degree is still relatively moderate: it states that equality of the rights of citizen and man is nothing but a foreign democratic principle, alien and European, which existentially alienates us from the Holy Land. <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>Therefore, the principle of equal rights is not binding in our dealings with the Arab residents of the country, and their status can only be that of foreigners</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> (gerim). <br><br>...<br><br><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>The second position already leads to the denial of human rights, because the actualization of our existence in the Land of Israel depends on the Arabs' emigration from it.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> This matter has frequently been discussed in Nekuda, to the point that <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong><!--EZCODE UNDERLINE START--><span style="text-decoration:underline">some people within the movement have said that as the Torah speaks in communicable language, and one should not "utter the unhearable," i.e., as the issue would shock the public at the moment, one should try to refrain, as a temporary measure, from explicitly talking about the expulsion of the Arabs; yet the attitude in principle is that there is no place for Arabs in the land</span><!--EZCODE UNDERLINE END-->.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> <br><br>Therefore, <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>the differentiation in time of war between citizen and soldier, as accepted in enlightened countries, is unacceptable because both of them, the citizen and the soldier, belong to the category of population which a priori has no right to be here; both of them are enemies of Israel.<br><br>The commandment to conquer the land "is above the human and moral considerations of the national rights of the gentiles to our land," as Rabbi Shlomo Aviner claims in his article, "The Messianic Realism"</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> (Morasha, Vol. 9). Indeed, Israel was commanded in the Torah that "thou shalt be holy," but we were not commanded to be moral; and <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>the general principles of morality which have been accepted by mankind, in principle at least, do not commit the Jew, for he was chosen to be beyond them</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> (Nekuda, No.43).<br><br><br><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>The third position concerning the question of the non-Jew's human rights is based upon the positive commandment from the Torah of the eradication of any trace of Amalek, i.e., actual genocide. This solution was suggested by Rabbi Israel Hess in his article, "The Commandment of Genocide in the Torah" (Bat Kol, the student journal of Bar Ilan University, Feb. 26, 1980), and apart from several colleagues such as Uriel Simon and other members of Oz ve-Shalom (the dovish religious group), <!--EZCODE ITALIC START--><em>we do not know of any dissenting reaction on behalf of the rabbinical teachers of this trend</em><!--EZCODE ITALIC END-->.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> <br><br>Their silence is particularly significant in this instance, as we are dealing with a community for whom, because of its political structure, its leadership is not just the guide but also the one who grants absolution, because according to their outlook, the function of the Chief Rabbinate and heads of the yeshivot is to react to reality and to demonstrate to man the error of his ways (the rabbis in the yeshivot are thus called mashgichim—'supervisors'). <br><br><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>Rabbi Hess proclaims that "the day will come when we will all be called to fulfill the commandment of this religiously commanded war, of annihilating Amalek"—the commandment of genocide. The manner of carrying this out is described in I Samuel 15:3: "Go now, attack Amalek, and deal with him and all that he has under the ban. Do not spare him but kill man and woman, child and infant, ox and sheep, camel and ass."</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--><br><br><br><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>This duty of carrying out the annihilation of Amalek is based, according to Rabbi Hess, on two arguments: the one concerning racial purity, and the other concerning war.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> The racial justification is as follows: according to Genesis 36:12, Amalek is the son of Timna, who was Eliphaz's concubine. Yet according to I Chronicles 1:36, the same Timna was the daughter of Eliphaz and thus Amalek's sister. <br><br>Rabbi Hess thus concludes that Eliphaz cohabited with his wife (who herself was somebody else's wife), begat his daughter Timna by her, took his daughter as a concubine, cohabited with her, and thus Amalek was born. <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong><!--EZCODE ITALIC START--><em>Thus, the rabbi tells us, it is impure blood which flows in Amalek's veins and in the veins of Amalek's descendants for all time</em><!--EZCODE ITALIC END-->.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> <br><br>And as for the second argument—Amalek is the enemy who fought against Israel in a particulary cruel manner, Hess says, personifying boundless evil, because when the Children of Israel were walking along their way, exhausted, Amalek attacked and killed them, man, woman and child. <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>According to this conception, in the opposition between Israel and Amalek there appears the opposition betwen light and darkness, between purity and contamination, between the people of God and the forces of evil, and this opposition continues to exist with respect to the descendants of Amalek for all time. <!--EZCODE ITALIC START--><em>And who are his descendants for all time? These are the Arab nations</em><!--EZCODE ITALIC END-->.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--><br>...<br><br>In conclusion, we are presented with a political messianism in which the individual, the people and the land arrive at an organic union, bestowed with absolute holiness. It is based on a metaphysical comprehension of political reality, which is expressed by a conception of the totality of time and place. The danger of this totalistic outlook lies in its leading to a totalitarian conception of political reality—because <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>it leaves neither time nor place for the human and civil rights of the non-Jew.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--><br><br><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK START--><a href="http://www.geocities.com/alabasters_archive/messianic_trend.html#contents">www.geocities.com/alabast...l#contents</a><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK END--><br><hr></blockquote><!--EZCODE QUOTE END--> <br><br><br>And another point of view:<br><br><!--EZCODE QUOTE START--><blockquote><strong><em>Quote:</em></strong><hr><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>Murder Under the Cover of Righteousness<br>There Is No Fixed Method for Genocide</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--><br>By SHULAMIT ALONI<br><br>Dr. Ya'akov Lazovik writes ("Academic Genocide", "Ha'Aretz", 4 March) that in the State of Israel it is impossible that the regime and the nation will plan and commit a genocide. It is difficult to determine if this is naivety or self-righteousness. As we know, there is no single fixed method for murder and not even for genocide. The author Y. L. Peretz wrote about "the righteous cat" who does not spill blood, but only suffocates.<br><br>The government of Israel, using the military and its instruments of destruction, is not only spilling blood, but it is also suffocating. What other name can be given to the dropping of a one-ton bomb over a dense urban area, when the justification uttered is that we wanted to murder a dangerous terrorist and his wife? The rest of the citizens who were killed and injured, among whom are children and women, do not count, of course.<br><br>How is it possible to explain the expulsion of citizens from their homes at three o'clock in the morning on a rainy night, then depositing bombs in the house and then departing without warning? When those expelled returned to their home, the bombs were exploded and a brutal murder and destruction of property was thus committed. And what is the justification for what happened in Jenin? We did not destroy the whole neighbourhood, just 85 houses; it was not slaughter, we killed only 50-some citizens. How many does one need to murder and destroy for it to be a crime?--A crime against humanity, as determined by the Laws of the State of Israel, not only the laws of Belgium.<br><br>And more: A curfew and closure of an entire city so that a few celebrants from the racist bunch in Hebron could walk to the Cave of the Fathers, and tanks destroying fruit and vegetable stands, and bulldozers that destroy houses, and Generals who, in their arrogant hubris, are willing to destroy a whole neighbourhood for the convenience of a group of settler hooligans. Curfew, closure, brutality, murder, destruction of homes of suspects, while we keep parroting the incantation that a person is innocent until proven otherwise (as in the case of our Prime Minister and his sons).<br><br>The order that Ariel Sharon gave to the soldiers who went to wreak revenge in Qibiah: "Maximize losses in life and property", has not been forgotten. Today Sharon, Mofaz and Yaalon, the three Generals who manage the policy of this government, behave like that self-righteous cat--suffocating all the time. Curfew and another curfew, arrests and more arrests, destruction of roads, brutality to the residents at road stops. Benny Alon, (a minister in the present government), already said: "make their life so bitter that they will transfer themselves willingly".<br><br>This is done on a daily basis, in addition to the destruction. The Chief of Staff, Yaalon, already announced that he is "destroying for re-building". One can understand from his moves that the "building" is building of more and more settlements. So that they will not be obliged, as military rulers, to take care of the residents' well-being, the army uses sorties, followed by retreats. They enter a village, they kill, they destroy and they arrest, and then they retreat. Those who remain on the ashes and the ruins will take care of themselves.<br><br>Many of our children are being indoctrinated, in religious schools, that the Arabs are Amalek, and the bible teaches us that Amalek must be destroyed. There was already a rabbi (Israel Hess) who wrote in the newspaper of Bar Ilan University that we all must commit genocide, and that is because his research showed that the Palestinians are Amalek.<br><br>The nation is not planning to commit genocide; the nation really does not want to know what's happening in the territories. The nation is following orders given by the legitimate representatives of the regime. After the legitimate Prime Minister who wanted to bring peace was murdered, the hand is loose on the trigger, greed is paramount, and there is always some reason to brutalise all of the residents of a city that number tens, if not hundreds of thousands, because there are always people there who are on the "wanted" list. It is sufficient that one person is wanted to bomb and kill, by mistake, of course, also women, children, workers and other humans--if indeed we still count them as humans.<br><br>Of course with our self-righteousness, with our self-adoration in our "Jewish ethics" we make sure to advertise how beautifully the doctors take care of Palestinian victims in the hospitals. We do not advertise how many of those are executed in cold blood in their own homes.<br><br>So it's not yet genocide of the terrible and unique style of which we were past victims. And as one of the smart Generals told me, we do not have crematoria and gas chambers. Is anything less than that consistent with Jewish ethics? Did he ever hear how an entire people said that it did not know what was done in its name?<br><br>Shulamit Aloni was an Member of the Kenneset and served as a Minister of Communications and the Arts, Science and Technology.<br><br><br><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK START--><a href="http://www.counterpunch.org/aloni03072003.html">www.counterpunch.org/aloni03072003.html</a><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK END--><hr></blockquote><!--EZCODE QUOTE END--><br><br> <p></p><i></i>