Economic Aspects of "Love"

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Apr 27, 2012 8:30 am

A Question of Class | Dorothy Allison


“…My people were not remarkable. We were ordinary, but even so we were mythical. We were the they everyone talks about, the ungrateful poor. I grew up trying to run away from the fate that destroyed so many of the people I loved, and having learned the habit of hiding, I found that I also had learned to hide from myself. I did not know who I was, only that I did not want to be they, the ones who are destroyed or dismissed to make the real people, the important people, feel safer. Entitlement, I have told them, is a matter of feeling like we, not they. But it has been hard for me to explain, to make them understand. You think you have a right to things, a place in the world, I try to say. You have a sense of entitlement I don’t have, a sense of your own importance. I have explained what I know over and over again, in every possible way I can, but I have never been able to make clear the degree of my fear, the extent to which I feel myself denied, not only that I am queer in a world that hates queers but that I was born poor into a world that despises the poor. That fact, the inescapable impact of being born in a condition of poverty that this society finds shameful, contemptible, and somehow deserved, has dominated me to such an extent that I have spent my life trying to overcome or deny it. I have learned with great difficulty that the vast majority of people pretend that poverty is a voluntary condition, that the poor are different, less than fully human, or at least less sensitive to hopelessness, despair, and suffering. Even now, past forty and stubbornly proud of my family, I feel the draw of that mythology, that romanticized, edited version of the poor. I find myself looking back and wondering what was real, what true. Within my family, so much was lied about, joked about, denied or told with deliberate indirection, an undercurrent of humiliation, or a brief pursed grimace that belies everything that has been said—everything, the very nature of truth and lies, reality and myth. What was real? The poverty depicted in books and moves was romantic, a kind of backdrop for the story of how it was escaped. […] The poverty I knew was dreary, deadening, shameful. My family was ashamed of being poor, of feeling hopeless. What was there to work for, to save money for, to fight for or struggle against? We had generations before us to teach us that nothing ever changed, and that those who did try to escape failed. My family’s lives were not on television, not in books, not even comic books. There was a myth of the poor in this country, but it did not include us, no matter how hard I tried to squeeze us in. There was an idea of the good poor—hard-working, ragged but clean, and intrinsically noble. I understood that we were the bad poor, the ungrateful: men who drank and couldn’t keep a job, women, invariably pregnant before marriage, who quickly became worn, fat, and old from working too many hours and bearing too many children; and children with runny noses, watery eyes, and bad attitudes. My cousins quit school, stole cars, used drugs, and took dead-end jobs pumping gas or waiting tables. We were not noble, not grateful, not even hopeful. We knew ourselves despised. I knew damn well that no one would want to hear the truth about poverty, the hopelessness and fear, the feeling that nothing you do will make any difference, and the raging resentment that burns beneath the jokes. The horror of class stratification, racism, and prejudice is that some people begin to believe that the security of their families and community depends on the oppression of others, that for some to have good lives others must have lives that are mean and horrible. I grew up poor, hated, the victim of physical, emotional, and sexual violence, and I knew that suffering does not ennoble. It destroys. To resist destruction, self-hatred, or lifelong hopelessness, we have to throw off the conditioning of being despised, the fear of becoming that they that is talked about so dismissively, to refuse lying myths and easy moralities, to see ourselves as human, flawed and extraordinary. All of us—extraordinary.


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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Apr 27, 2012 8:53 am

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Apr 27, 2012 9:01 am

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Apr 27, 2012 3:53 pm

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Apr 27, 2012 4:03 pm

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Apr 27, 2012 4:04 pm

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Apr 27, 2012 4:22 pm

http://chaka85.wordpress.com/2010/11/13 ... d-control/

Women of Color and the Body: A Site of Violent Regulation and Control

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Historically and into the present we as women have never had full autonomy over our bodies. The disgusting statistics that show that reported rape happens every minute in this country, and three women die every day due to domestic violence, further illustrates this point. The primitive accumulation of capital needed patriarchy and the oppression of women and our bodies in order to be successful. Silvia Federici’s book Caliban and The Witch: Women, The Body and Primitive Accumulation is an excellent Marxist account of how the early capitalists took away all control and autonomy women had over their bodies by outlawing traditional medical practices and midwifery, and forced reproduction to make sure a labor force was continually being reproduced. This happened in England to English women, who needed to reproduce the proletariat, and to African women through the process of colonization and enslavement. Rape and violence against women, and forcing women into the home to do unpaid reproductive labor was a necessary prerequisite for the exploitative system of Capital to develop. As a working class, woman of color I come from a legacy of slavery and sterilization that is alive and well today with the sexualized violence we experience at the hands of the state, and men in our communities as well as the continual differential treatment we get from health clinics in our communities. Dorothy Roberts book Killing the Black Body provides a lot of good content and history of the reproductive rights movement looking at the history and experiences of Black women from the time of slavery to the present. She writes, “The brutal domination of slave women’s procreation laid the foundation for centuries of reproductive regulation that continues today”(23). Our bodies have always been a site of regulation and control by this system that has often been neglected, and ignored in our social movements. A recent trip to Planned Parenthood has reminded me of this legacy and the struggles we still need to wage for total freedom from capital, and the racist, sexist ways it continues to control our bodies.

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Planned Parenthood has always brought up many troubled and contradictory feelings inside me. I haven’t had health insurance most of my life, and have been grateful for the free and low cost health services that Planned Parenthood provides. On the flip, as a working-class half-black woman I have been disgusted by the racist politics of Planned Parenthood stemming from the founder, Margaret Sanger’s eugenicist perspective on Black and Brown women, and the different services offered to Black and Brown women in working-class neighborhoods. When I arrived at the Oakland Planned Parenthood last week, which I must say was the most pleasant Planned Parenthood experience I have ever had and I have been to a few, I was struck by this old black and white photo that had been blown up as a huge poster on the wall. It looked like it was from the 1960′s and it depicted Black women (some old, some young) marching with signs demanding birth control from the county hospital. The signs read “don’t hush up birth control at the county hospital we want it”; “county board says no birth control at County Hospital”; “politicians say no birth control at County Hospital”. The photo warmed my heart to see Black women in the streets demanding control over their bodies and calling out the racist/sexist State (politicians and Hospital Board members) who refuse to give it to them. Once again, I was filled with contradictory feelings, because this photo also reminded me of how the violent exploitation of Black women’s bodies has been so integral in the development of capitalism in this country, and how that has been neglected by social movements and revolutionary struggles that seek to smash such structures and corresponding social relations.

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Most historians and radicals understand that the US system of slavery was not a racist system, but a racist capitalist system, which was designed to exploit African slave labor for profit. Although slavery and the truths of this system aren’t talked about enough in our capitalist education there are still accounts of the violent horrors of slavery that do get discussed from time to time. What is less talked about and harder to find is the particular experience of the slave woman, who was vulnerable to rape by the slave master and bred like a mule. Harriet Jacob’s rare biography Incidents in the Life Of A Slave Girl offers a glimpse into the violent oppression of slave women. She claims “Slavery is terrible for men, but it is far more terrible for women.” She was harassed and raped by her slave master, although she does not go into too much detail of the experience. The regulation of slave women’s reproductive capacities were incredibly vital to the entire system of slavery, and the profit it extracted from the slaves. Roberts writes,

“Black procreation helped to sustain slavery, giving slave masters an economic incentive to govern Black women’s reproductive lives. Slave women’s childbearing replenished the enslaved labor force: Black women bore children who belonged to the slave owner from the movement of their conception. This feature of slavery made control of reproduction a central aspect of whites’ subjugation of African people in America. It marked Black women from the beginning as objects whose decisions about reproduction should be subject to social regulation rather than to their own will.” (23)

This control and regulation over our bodies did not go away with the abolition of slavery. The rise of racism and the eugenics movement in the beginning of the 20th century opened up new ways for the system to control and exploit our bodies. Now instead of forcing us to reproduce they implemented sterilization to limit our reproduction. Planned Parenthood and Margaret Sanger were advocates of such racist policies, which is why there is such differential treatment in Planned Parenthood’s today. In working-class neighborhoods, where there are a lot of women of color, more evasive and sterilizing birth control is offered in comparison to Planned Parenthood’s in more affluent or white neighborhoods. This reflects the racist legacy of Planned Parenthood, which viewed women of color as too ‘unfit’ for motherhood, and sought to limit their reproductive freedom instead of give them more options and control over their bodies in a patriarchal world that sought to limit that freedom. The struggle for Birth control was such a huge part of the mainstream middle-class contemporary feminist movement, and the largely white middle-class women, who were a part of the movement. This led to the development of the contemporary Black feminist movement. Roberts also touches upon these contemporary issues in her book. She writes,

“For privileged white women in America, birth control has been an emblem of reproductive liberty. Organizations, such as Planned Parenthood have long championed birth control as key to women’s liberation from compulsory motherhood and gender stereotypes. But the movement to expand women’s reproductive options was marked by racism from its very inception in the early part of this century. The spread of contraceptives to American women hinged partly on its appeal to eugenicists bent on curtailing the birthrates of the ‘unfit,’ including Negroes. For several decades, peaking in the 1970’s, government-sponsored family-planning programs not only encouraged Black women to use birth control, but also coerced them into being sterilized. While slave masters forced Black women to bear children for profit, more recent policies have sought to reduce Black women’s childbearing.”

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Not that it was solely the racism within the feminist movement that gave birth to black feminism and womanism; black feminists have existed since slavery when slave women were leading rebellions and Sojourner Truth was traveling the country speaking for the abolition of slavery and describing the particular experiences of slave women. However, by the 1960′s women of color grew tired of their experiences being neglected from revolutionary struggles whether it be caused from the patriarchy within the racial struggles at the time, such as the Black power or Chicano movements, or the racism and lack of a class perspective within the women’s movement. Women of color were, and have always had to wage a two or three front war against the system, and within the movements they were a part of. Women of color begin to organize their own groups and collectives that engaged in theoretical and cultural production about their experiences as Black or third world women. The Combahee River Collective is often sited as an example of this work, and who are personally important to me because they were queer, Black, socialist women. A group that is less talked about is the Third World Women’s Alliance (1968-1980), which put out a groundbreaking pamphlet called the Black Women’s Manifesto, which also reflected an anti-capitalist, racist, sexist analysis that was missing from the Black power movement and the women’s movement. It consists of an introduction and 4 writings. What I love about these early women of color feminist groups is that they saw the importance of art and cultural production in the development of their ideas and theories. A lot of women were writers and saw writing as being very important to the empowerment of women of color, and the usage of creative writing, such as poetry and plays was integrated in their political work. In the first piece in Black Women’s Manifesto Eleanor Holmes Norton uses a poem by Black woman poet Gwendolyn Brooks in her analysis. You can find the entire pamphlet online here: http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/wlm/blkmanif/ I would encourage everyone to check it out!

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What I think is so powerful about the Third World Women’s Alliance is that they begin with Black women theorizing about their experiences, but they sought to bring together all third world and oppressed women of color, as a way to show real solidarity with the sisters here and also the sisters abroad, who were fighting against imperialism. The Third World Women’s Alliance reflected Black women, Chicana women, Puerto Rican women, Indigenous women, and Asian American Women, who were all involved in different struggles, but came together to form the Third World Women’s Alliance out of a shared commitment to fight against sexism and the oppression of women, which was being neglected in their struggles.

What is unfortunate is that none of these vibrant third world women feminist organizations exist today as revolutionary groups; it is also unfortunate that the brilliance of these women’s collectives never joined forces with the other revolutionary movements that were happening, due to the sexism within them. I believe that if those forces joined together they would have been much stronger in their struggles against the system. Today the left isn’t nearly as strong or active as it was in that time period, but it’s growing as the objective conditions of this economic crisis worsen. Not much has changed since then. People of color, particularly Black people, are still getting murdered by the police; anti-immigrant laws and sentiment are being pushed in our communities while Obama continues to deport more and more immigrants than any other US president; the budget cuts and their attack on education, healthcare and social programs show that they are more than just budget cuts but an attack on working-class people; and women of color’s bodies are still vulnerable to state violence and control. I hope that as we move forward in our struggles that we can learn from the mistakes of history and build a more holistic, revolutionary movement that is dedicated to the liberation of us all.

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Apr 27, 2012 7:13 pm

http://bitchmagazine.org/post/kicking-a ... ura-satana

Kicking Ass and Taking Names: An Actress Spotlight on Tura Satana

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“You can still be feminine and have balls.” – Tura Satana


Like Jean Seberg, who was profiled here last week,Tura Satana is an actress with a larger than life biography.

She was born in Hokkaidō, Japan in 1935 to a silent movie actor and a contortionist who performed with the circus. She’s of Japanese, Filipino, Scotch-Irish, and American Indian heritage. Her family spent time at the Manzanar Relocation Camp in Southern California before they were relocated to Chicago during World War II. Satana grew up on the Westside, in what she calls “The Mafia Section of town.”

Hers was the only Asian family in the neighborhood. As a result, she suffered daily harassment from other schoolchildren that forced her to continually have to fight her way to and from school. She also blossomed early – by age nine she was wearing a size 34C bra – a matter that made grade school life even worse.

At the age of nine, Satana was assaulted and raped by five men. They were caught and arrested, but never prosecuted. It was rumored that the judge had been paid off with a $1,000 bribe. She was sent off to reform school for “enticing” them – the victim had been blamed.

Her father taught her self-defense and she went on to earn a green belt in aikido and a black belt in karate. In Jimmy McDonough’s Big Bosoms and Square Jaws: The Biography of Russ Meyer, King of the Sex Film, Satana says, “If I could help every woman this has happened to, I would. It is in your spirit to conquer this degradation.”

Satana made a vow to herself that she would get even with each and every one of her attackers. Over the course of several years, she tracked each one down, and she kicked their asses.

After her assault, she was in a girl gang that was for the protection of females in the neighborhood (initiation rites included piercing your ears with a knife). A few years later, at the age of 13, she was briefly married to a 17-year-old in an arranged partnership. After their divorce she moved to Los Angeles, got a fake ID and worked as a blues singer and nude model. At age 15 she began her career as a burlesque dancer in Calumet City, Illinois.

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Satana dated Elvis in the 1950s – a relationship that was kept quiet for obvious reasons. He copied some of her dance moves, and even asked her to marry him, but she told him “No.”

Her first film role was in 1963’s Irma la Douce. She then appeared in episodes of Burke’s Law and The Man From U.N.C.L.E. The part she’s most recognized for came in 1965’s Faster, Pussycat! Kill! Kill! in which she plays Varla – the thrill-seeking, vicious, and deadly leader of a girl gang of go-go dancers.

Satana has said: “There are a great many similarities between Varla and myself. Varla was an outlet for some of the anger I felt growing up. She was also a statement to women all over the world that you can be a take-charge person and still be sexy. She also showed the women world-wide that women don’t have to be weak, simpering females. They just go after what they want and usually get it.”

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Continues at: http://bitchmagazine.org/post/kicking-a ... ura-satana
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Apr 29, 2012 9:10 am

But precisely whose interests do such revolutionary intellectuals represent?…[A] second answer…says simply that whomever intellectuals represent and however diverse the latter may be, intellectuals also, and always, represent their own interests. More than that: intellectuals always represent the interests of other classes as they see, define and interpret them; and their interpretations are selectively mediated by their own social character and special ambitions as an historically distinct social stratum[…] One consideration needs adding: it is not only that intellectuals can take the standpoint of the social ‘whole,’ by reason of their structural position or special culture; intellectuals often occupy social roles and have had educations that induce them to define themselves as ‘representatives’ of the larger society or nation, or of the historical or native tradition of the group. Teachers and clerks are often educated to define themselves as having a responsibility to their group as a whole. However ‘false’ such a consciousness may be, it is often real in its consequences, inducing some intellectuals to accept responsibility for and obligation to cultural symbols and social structures that unite the group as a whole. It is also in their character as traditional elites, as the ‘wronged’ elites of invaded traditional societies, that they have been trained to take the standpoint of ‘their’ people and to see the society as a whole. Historically effective elites are commonly trained, as well as positioned, to take the standpoint of the totality, even if seeing it only from the top down.



Alvin W. Gouldner, “Prologue to a Theory of Revolutionary Intellectuals.” Telos 26 (Winter 1975-76), pp. 3-36. My emphases.

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Apr 29, 2012 10:52 am

Sexualization of Girls in the Media

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Apr 29, 2012 6:53 pm

http://www.paulkivel.com/index.php?opti ... e&Itemid=9

I'M NOT WHITE I'M JEWISH: STANDING AS JEWS IN THE FIGHT FOR RACIAL JUSTICE


I MUST ADMIT THAT I HAD SOME HESITATION over accepting the invitation to participate in a conference on whiteness because, as an activist, I am skeptical about the usefulness of academic gatherings unless they are explicitly addressing grassroots community issues. I need to state at the beginning that I am writing this article1 because I hope this process contributes to ending racism and anti-Semitism. For me, the only reason to talk about these issues is to guide our action. I come from a long Jewish tradition of using words and our intellectual tools and tradition as a guide for survival, struggle and liberation.

My fear about academic discussion being divorced from real world affairs was proven by the conference itself. The conference occurred during a respite from the threat of a further bombing of Iraq, although the war continues through the economic sanctions. Every day hundreds of people, mostly children, die from lack of food and medical supplies. The local context for the conference was the daily attacks and raids on immigrant communities occurring just outside of the Riverside campus. Both of these situations are a direct result of institutional racism but were rarely even mentioned during the course of the conference.

The title of my article comes from a story I relate in my book, Uprooting Racism.

A colleague and I were doing a workshop on racism and we wanted to divide the group into a caucus of people of color and a caucus of white people, so that each group could have more in-depth discussion. Immediately some of the white people said, "But I'm not white."

I was somewhat taken aback because although these people looked white they were clearly distressed about being labeled white. A white, Christian woman stood up and said, "I'm not really white because I'm not part of the white male power structure that perpetuates racism." Next a white gay man stood up and said, "You have to be straight to have the privileges of being white." A white, straight, working class man from a poor family then said, I've got it just as hard as any person of color." Finally a straight, white middle class man said, "I'm not white, I'm Italian."

My African-American co-worker turned to me and asked, "Where are all the white people who were here just a minute ago?" Of course I replied, "Don't ask me, I'm not white, I'm Jewish!"

With a little analysis we can see how each of these "I'm not white" people in reality benefits a great deal from white skin privilege including better schools, better jobs, better housing and better police protection than people of color.

What is disturbing about this story is not the ignorance, denial and confusion that those of us who are white feel about being white—but how paralyzing this confusion becomes when we're needed by people of color to be allies of theirs. How can we be effective allies when we are stuck trying to sort out whether and in what ways we are white? I guess this question could, in fact, characterize the dilemma of the conference and of all of us who were participants. How can we be effective allies to people of color in the fight to end racism when we are focused on the meaning of whiteness?

If our examination of the meaning of whiteness leads to deeper understanding of racism and more effective strategies for combating it then we will have taken a step forward. But it will be neither simple nor easy to do so.

We come to this confusion because of the history of anti-Semitism and racism and the ways to which white Christian ruling classes have used these to divide, confuse and exploit us.

To some extent my gut-level response as a Jew is similar to the "I'm not white" response of other white people. When the subject is racism nobody wants to be white, because being white has been labeled "bad" and brings up feelings of guilt, shame, complicity and hopelessness.

At this point I have to stop and clarify the fact that I am a European descended Jew, what we call Ashkenazi. Ashkenazi Jews are the dominant cultural group in the Jewish communities of the United States and Israel, holding the political and economic power within those communities. Jews of color make up the majority of Jews in the world, as well as in Israel, but are largely invisible and exploited both here and in Israel. As a "white" Jew, I have the privilege of grappling with this question in ways that Jews of Arab, Spanish, Black, South Asian or other heritages cannot because they are never accepted as white either in Jewish or in mainstream society.

But it is even more confusing than that. Anti-Semitism is similar to, different from, and intertwined with racism. Ruling elites holding political power in Europe have exploited, controlled and violated other groups of people based on religion, race, culture and nationality, as well as gender, class and sexual orientation, for hundreds of years. There is tremendous overlap in the kinds of violence that have been directed at these groups and the kinds of justifications used to legitimize them. Racism and anti-Semitism are two primary, closely related tools that ruling elites have used to maintain their advantage.

What is important to understand is that the history of justification of racism predates race as a category. In early Western European history the Christian church had tremendous power, including the power to determine the terms used to justify what occurred in the world. Ruling elites used religious language to justify their policies. People who were colonized or otherwise exploited were labeled heathens, infidels, pagans, witches or simply as Godless. I have heard someone say recently that whiteness is a fairly recent phenomenon and that Swedes, Germans, English and French did not sit around in Europe and try to decide whether or not they were white. This only became of concern when they arrived in the United States. I would agree but contend that they did sit around and try to decide who was Christian or not—and they killed those who weren't. The Spanish Inquisition even had a one-drop rule. No one could be a pure-blooded Christian if they had even one drop of Jewish blood within the previous three generations.

With the rise of science as an important cultural force, including its status to explain the world, religious explanations became less influential and scientific ones more so. It was only at this time that race as a pseudo-scientific category was created and infinitely adjusted to explain domination and exploitation. Obviously religious explanations did not disappear, but this period marked the advent of scientific racism, categorization of peoples based on skin color, genetics and other "natural" qualities.

In the twentieth century as scientific explanations of racial difference became discredited we have seen the use of historical, sociological and psychological theories to justify and explain systems of oppression. The very fact of so many different kinds of explanations undermines the legitimacy of all of them. Different groups rely on different justifications, but the Christian basis for racism still carries tremendous force. Therefore we all need to pay a lot more attention to the Christian roots and current underpinnings of white racism. I believe that Jews have an important role to play in helping us focus on these issues.

This historical development contributes to the reasons for my "I'm not white" response which have to do with the particularities of being Jewish. To understand them is to understand some of the complexities of being Jewish and of the ways racism and anti-Semitism operate as systems of power and domination.

When I say "I'm not white," most white people, i.e. most white Christians, would agree with me. When white Christians say "white" they don't mean me, they mean white Christians. All Jews are non-white by this definition and we have the scars to prove it. White Christians have considered us outsiders, outcasts, contaminating factors (along with the Roma, the mentally challenged, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people and all people of color), and this has been as true of lay people as of those in power. We have been considered a threat to Christians because we rejected Jesus as the son of God, because we were falsely accused of killing him, and we are still considered to be an obstacle to Jesus' second coming. Part of my "I'm not white" response is recognition that I can even say I am white and I still won't be accepted by or any safer from oppression from mainstream white Christian culture.

On the other hand, when I say I'm not white most people of color, including Jews of color, would disagree with me. They would say that I look white, I'm mostly treated as white, and I enjoy many of the benefits of being white including better education, better housing, and better jobs than people of color. And they are right. As a European descended Jew, I do enjoy these benefits.

I am white in the sense that my particular Jewish ancestors lived in Europe for nearly a thousand years before coming to the United States. During that time we assimilated a tremendous amount of European culture in order to survive. We have learned how to adapt, camouflage, assimilate, sabotage, resist, and undermine some of that culture. During that entire time we have never been safe from spontaneous and systematic violence and exploitation. Sometimes we have even had to exploit other people in order to stay alive, or to be allowed to stay in a place we had lived for hundreds of years. And sometimes we have come to believe the lies of racism, the justifications for economic and cultural exploitation that European culture is built on.

It is true that those of us who come from European backgrounds and could reasonably pass for white were granted conditional acceptance in this society just as many other European groups were. There were two conditions for being accepted as white. First, we had to assimilate and act white, giving up our languages, cultures, foods, rituals, beliefs, and other parts of our heritage. Second, we had to buy into and reinforce racism. In exchange for education, housing and jobs we had to agree to use our new found status to reinforce and perpetuate racism against people of color.

European Jews have done this at the expense not only of people of color and our own culture, but with a devastating impact on Jews of color. There are deep and devastating divisions, often not even acknowledged, within the Jewish community because of the impact of racism on Jews of color. This has given Ashkenazi Jews the power to define Jewish culture in the United States and in Israel, which renders invisible Jews of color and subjects them to exploitation even within the Jewish community. It has also created the impression that racism is a problem for non-Jews, a problem outside the Jewish community. Racism is not an issue out there for Jews, but one which is within our own Jewish communities.

In whose interest is this exploitation and confusion?

I'd like you to imagine a pyramid and that pyramid will represent 100% of the population of the United States. At the very top of this pyramid imagine a tiny area, 1% of the pyramid representing 1% or 1/100th of the population. These people control 47% of the net financial wealth of the richest country in the world. The net worth of each household in this group is over $2,000,000, and the annual income is over $373,000 per year.

Now imagine a portion of the pyramid below this very top-most section that represents 19% of the population. This next 19% controls another 44% of the wealth of the country. The average net worth of each household is $344,000, and the average household income is over $94,000. What this amounts to is that the top 20% controls 91% of the wealth of the country.

Now if you imagine the rest of the pyramid—80%—we get to divide up the leftovers, the remaining 9% of this country's wealth. This leaves us with a net worth on average of $44,000 and an average income of $23,000. In fact there is a sizable segment of the population that would actually be below the pyramid entirely, with a negative net worth. This is one of the greatest concentrations of wealth that we know of among a ruling class at any time in the history of the world. Although anti-Semitic stereotypes would have us believe there are many Jews at the top of the pyramid, a careful look at the distribution of wealth and at political and corporate leaders in this country would reveal few Jews. Those at the top are primarily white and primarily Christian.

There are a couple of things we should note about this system. One is that people of color are mostly at the bottom of the pyramid. But there are also lots of white people at the bottom. To keep poor and working class white people near the bottom from establishing relationships of resistance with people of color, white people are constantly given the impression that they are in danger, in danger from people of color below them who will take away their jobs and anything else they have, and in danger from Jews above them who will exploit and control them. This makes many poor and working class whites feel squeezed between Jews and people of color. Stereotypes of Jewish bankers and welfare mothers feed these fears and are part of a common economic strategy that intertwines racism and anti-Semitism.

The second thing to notice is that racism works by keeping people of color the center of attention and white Christians the center of power. Whenever there is national discussion of any issue we are encouraged to focus on people of color rather than on the economic and political leaders who are making the decisions that most affect our lives. If we happen to look up towards the centers of power we are encouraged to see Jews more visibly than white Christians so that our attention never quite focuses on the white Christian leadership of our government and corporations.

In this situation no one is safe because protection is conditional. The ruling class offers safe haven, economic success, voting rights, tolerance and even status as honorary whites such as it has to Jews, Asian Americans or other groups when support is needed. And then quickly withdraws those benefits and protection, setting up the wrath of the rest of the populace, when scapegoats and a diversion are needed.


So what do we do to respond to this complicated set of circumstances? If we as Jews work against racism, but poor and working class whites and people of color continue to attack Jews as the common source of their problems, we have increased the risk to ourselves and done nothing to attack the economic roots of injustice in this country. Therefore we can only work effectively against racism if anti-Semitism is on the agenda as well.

As Jews we must:

a. Identify and attack racism within the Jewish community, both against people of color in general, and against Jews of color in particular.

b. Work in solidarity with people of color, but not at the expense of our own safety.

c. Use whatever contingent status and resources we have as whites to combat racism.

d. Be visible as Jews and combat anti-Semitism which helps reveal racism and its Christian underpinning.

e. Work in broad coalition to disperse political, economic and social power to all people, and create a democratic, anti-racist and secular multicultural state.


Non-Jews need to know that as a Jew, I participate in the struggle against racism as part of my identity and in fighting for justice, equality, the end of exploitation, and for my personal and group safety. My greatest effectiveness as an ally to people of color comes from my history and experience as a Jew.

I want to give some brief examples of where the kind of coalition politics I am referring to is being attempted by Jews:

Jews for Racial and Economic Justice in New York, which is working on labor organizing and immigrant issues in the Asian community;

The Jewish Council on Urban Affairs in Chicago, which is doing education and organizing around housing and economic justice issues;

The Progressive Jewish Alliance in Los Angeles and in the San Francisco Bay Area, which is connecting individuals Jews and Jewish congregations to grassroots struggles for worker and immigrant rights;

and Jews of color throughout the country are working to reclaim their cultures and to establish recognition, autonomy and participation within the Jewish community.


These are examples of not letting the confusion around the question of identity and whether some Jews are white or not divert us from the goal of ending racism and anti-Semitism. These are examples of using identity as a platform for social action.


Another example is a group I am part of in Northern California called Angry White Guys for Affirmative Action. Here again we used our identity, in this case as white males, as a tool for political action to address the white community. We used our title to challenge the ways that groups of people are pitted against each other by stating clearly that we refused to buy into the traditional roles that white men have been assigned to play in our racial, gender, and economic hierarchy.

The conclusions I draw from these examples is that we must not let intellectual fascination with these issues distract us from being active. We must understand the complexities of how racism and anti-Semitism work without becoming paralyzed by our understanding. We can acknowledge the depths of feelings we have about these issues without becoming paralyzed by our feelings. We can join the vast numbers of white people, including untold numbers of Jews, who have always fought for racial justice.

In conclusion, I want to leave you with a quote from Rabbi Tarfon, a fifth century Jewish leader, so that you have something to hold on to when the discussion about "What is White?" dies down, and the question, "So what are you going to do about it?" remains. Rather than being overwhelmed by the task ahead we should remember Rabbi Tarfon's words:


It is not upon you to finish the task.
Neither are you free to desist from it.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Apr 30, 2012 3:20 am

Just Do It environmental outlaw activist documentary screening, free online for May Day



Emily sez,

Just Do It - a tale of modern-day outlaws is an exciting new documentary which takes you behind the scenes of the secret world of environmental direct action in the UK. Granted unprecedented access to film, director Emily James embedded herself inside a group of nonviolent UK activists as they shut down airports, stormed the fences of coal power stations, and super-glued themselves to bank trading floors, all despite the very real threat of arrest.
The film opened in the US just last week on Earth Day, however, in solidarity and support with May Day actions planned around the world - starting at 5:30pm EST on Monday 30th, the full film will be available to watch online for FREE for 24 hours on occupy.com, with a live Q&A with director Emily James at 7pm EST. To reserve your seat for the 5:30pm screening, simply head over to http://www.occupy.com/watch/ or to watch the film at any time during the 24-hour invitation, click "watch now" in the player.


You'll remember Emily and her awesome movie from such blogposts as this one.

Just do it| Occupy.com
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Apr 30, 2012 3:29 pm

From the heartland of social alienation, the "War on Drugs" targets the minds of children:


Psychedelic anti-Marijuana TV spot from the 1980s

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Apr 30, 2012 5:50 pm

http://theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/Pho ... oblem.html

Phoenix Insurgent

Is that a singularity in your pocket or are you just happy to see me enslaved?: Transhumanism's class problem


The Financial Times reports today [1] that well-known technophiliac and Google co-founder Larry Page has gotten together with X-Prize top dog Peter Diamandis to form what they are dubbing the “Singularity University”. [2] The SU, to be headed up by longtime technology writer (and originator of the Singularity concept) Ray Kurzweil, aims to prepare society for the day, not far off they claim, when the pace of technological and scientific change will increase to such a point that machines themselves will take over their own development, ushering in a very religious-sounding era of allegedly benevolent social change in which poverty, war and other problems will finally be solved by technology — rather than exacerbated (the prevailing sad state of affairs).

I'm often quite amused by the religious nature of the technophiliac view, not leastwise because its advocates masquerade so often as the emissaries of pure, logical thought. And yet, despite the obvious fact that human social systems impact both the development, distribution and application of technological “advances”, the vast majority of transhumanists develop their theories of technological change as if class, empire and governments (among other things) simply don't exist. As if when this “new” era comes, it won't reflect the class interests of the people who developed it, as it does now. Somehow we're to believe that the product of a hierarchical class society will somehow, and quite magically it seems, produce a technological utopia that liberates the whole of humanity from tyranny and want — even though it's being developed by the very people who benefit from a system of tyranny and want.

Thus, their faith (and it's hard to use another word for it) in the benevolence of technological change is an interesting position to take because it is quite clear that we live in an era in which all the global apocalypses that hang over our heads are not waiting to be conquered by technology, but are in fact the direct result of technology. Nuclear war, industrial war, famine, ecological collapse and so much else have resulted precisely because of the interactions between the state, capitalism and technology, not despite them. And continuing scientific and technological advancements have not solved our social problems. In fact, most problems in the world await relatively simple solutions, not technological in the least, which the boosters of technological change, namely corporations and governments, oppose. For instance, the expropriation of the wealth and power of the elite requires no new technology.

Indeed, there is a larger gap between rich and poor in the world now than there was a hundred years ago. Likewise in the US. Hell, there's greater disparity in the US now than there was 35 years ago, the dawn of the computer age. In order to support the transhumanist position, one has to ignore the evidence that surrounds us every day.

GMO has not fed the world. People starve (or in India kill themselves with pesticide) because GMO dispaces them from their lands and livelihoods. People are more alienated than ever before, even though they are Twittering and MySpacing away at record pace. Highly technological warfare has killed a million in Iraq alone in the last six years while the Iraqis demand not a high tech society, but one free from imperial domination. Their problem would be solved by US withdrawal, not by smart bombs and retina scans. The easiest way to defeat malaria in southeast Asia is with mosquito netting, but instead anti-malaria drugs have created super strains. The emergence of the internet has allowed for the large scale tracking of humans as never before, truly a benefit to tyranical regimes everywhere, such as the one in China with whom Google has so avidly cooperated with, complying with the so-called Great Firewall of China. The development of cheap cameras and wireless internet has brought us a surveillance society constantly under the watchful eye of authority. And yet the cameras somehow do not record when an unarmed Black man is executed by the police in plain view. And on and on.

The truth is, the failings of technology are myriad and everywhere to see, and yet its boosters, technological fundamentalists, continue to point to the future and say that someday it will finally deliver, even though they indicate no mechanism that will guarantee such an outcome. But the distribution of technology reflects class lines, just like the distribution of money. If the social relationships between classes don't change, why would the application of power (technology) change? Diamandis, perhaps, hopes that we'll all just forget to notice the relationship between the spaceships in his X Prize competition and nuclear missiles. But the fact is, if the class system remains, the result will benefit the class. His project doesn't exist in a vacuum, an neither does technology as a whole. If he researches rocket systems, he is benefiting from and contributing to nuclear warfare. Not surprisingly, both these two characters in particular sit atop the financial pyramid.

So, do Page and Diamandis imagine a world, not far off, when the power of technology will shake the capitalist system to its core, overturning class relations and freeing all of humanity? Do they hope for a world in which they can be free of their billions? Again, it doesn't require any technological advancement to accomplish a better redistribution of wealth, but if Diamandis hopes for an age without his abundant largess, it wasn't evident at a talk he gave at a forum hosted by the The Center for Technology Commercialization at the USC Business Masters Program, entitled “Space Billionaires: Educating the Next Generation of Entrepreneurs.”

And it doesn't take too much of an imagination to understand the implications for human freedom that would come from Page's pet project, artificial intelligence. Page described AI as “the ultimate search engine — it would understand everything on the web. It would understand exactly what you wanted [my emphasis].” While he smiles as he delivers the line, perhaps imagining his own post singularity God-being in whatever second life he hopes to create, he obviously forgets what such a system would mean for those of us living our real lives in the real world dominated by powerful states and greedy capitalists made more powerful by their all-knowing computers (assuming the computers wouldn't just kill us all to begin with).

It's worth asking, would social change be possible at all in a world dominated by omniscient AI, or would an all-knowing elite be able to track everything, preventing any opposition and therefore transferring all power in the system to themselves? In such a situation, would everyone who wasn't in the Singular Elite become total slaves? Not having a countervailing force to compel them to relinquish even a little bit of their power, what possible reason would the elite have for providing the rest of us any rights at all under their technological “utopia”?

In an interview with Fortune Magazine, Page lamented,

If you ask an economist what's driven economic growth, it's been major advances in things that mattered — the mechanization of farming, mass manufacturing, things like that. The problem is, our society is not organized around doing that. People are not working on things that could have that kind of influence. [3]

Not surprisingly, he has a one-sided view of the events he describes even as he expresses every capitalists dream: to reorder society according to his needs. Firstly, he uses the passive voice to describe what in reality was a very violent attack by the capitalists on the lives of what would become workers. Secondly, the decomposition of the emerging working class that capitalists imposed through the rise of mass manufacture can only be ignored if, like Page, you don't recognize the hand of Capital at all in relation to the application of technology. This despite the many ways in which Google itself both creates and bends to the will of Capital, whether in its ad placement or in its censorship and regulation of YouTube, one of its many properties. Content on the internet must reflect the constraints of Capital like any other resource.

For instance, taking one of Page's examples, beyond just workers, mass manufacture changed all our lives, including those sometimes left out of the system of waged work like women and children, who found their lives, too, reorganized around the capitalist ethic of consumerism and later manufacture and commodity capitalism. Like the Singularity, consumerism and mass production promised the workers of the world great things, too. And so, the suburbs grew and the cars rolled off the assembly lines. And families were fragmented and lives became empty. But this new form of organization served the needs of Capital just fine.

Page also doesn't seem to remember that people resisted, often violently, those interventions into their lives. He doesn't realize that capitalists use technology as a means for the maintenance of their power through the reorganization of the working class to better suit the needs of Capital and that those actions have far-ranging affects that are very often not positive for the bulk of people affected by them. Affects that, like the Singularity, do not have in-built mechanisms for the democratic participation of the great mass of people. Lacking them, how can we expect democratic tendencies to manifest? Since Capital is a dictatorship, isn't it much more likely that a high tech society like the one transhumanists desire would much more likely resemble tyranny than freedom?

What democratic mechanisms exist in modern technological development lie primarily in the realm of one dollar one vote, a playing field that obviously privileges the opinions of people like Page and Diamandis over those of regular people and probably explains their comfort with that as a standard. Further, those without access to massive amounts of capital find themselves entirely out of the game when it comes to technological development.

Whatever other democratic mechanisms may exist in the future — assuming any would emerge — would have to be imposed by the rest of society, much the way that workers fought to impose some sort of democratic structure on industrial capitalism through their self-organization and resistance. And, given the class position of these two capitalists in particular, we can be safe in betting that they would oppose such means were they to arise.

In fact, there is little reason to believe that Page and Diamandis really believe in liberation for the masses via technology. Consider comments made, and later retracted under pressure, by Diamandis at a talk on examples from history with regard to his alleged goal of opening up space to more people. One unfortunate example he chose: the German V2 program under the Nazis.

DIAMANDIS: If you look back at what von Braun did in Nazi Germany It was incredible what you can do with literally a dictatorship. Look at the numbers. 6,000 V-2s built. 6,000 missiles were built in Nazi Germany. The recurring cost was $13,000 a launch for those vehicles. You can bring the cost down with mass production. We'll come back to what will drive ...

[Multiple audience comments — including me — “SLAVE LABOR”]

DIAMANDIS: Yea, and slave labor, Sorry.

[NERVOUS LAUGHTER]

DIAMANDIS: But you know — again to you the rest of us would happily be slave labor for that mission. Can you erase that from the video tape?

[NERVOUS LAUGHTER]

DIAMANDIS: But the fact of the matter is that mass production of rockets is possible if you have a real marketplace. And war is not a good one. Moving forward though ...
[4]

Yeah, that's right, he said it. Slave labor. But it's not a bad example, really, is it? It certainly is a revelatory one. And it goes not just for Nazi Germany. Although Diamandis nervously claims at the end of that excerpt that war is not a good market, he knows he's lying. After all, if slavery was good for the development of the Nazi missile program, surely the Nazi state was as well. High technology depends on the nanny state for guaranteed markets for its goods and services. And the state, always looking for a way to expand its power and to defend its class constituency, happily provides. After all, once WWII was over the US fought hard to gather as many Nazi scientists as possible for it's own Cold War nuclear missile program, sometimes referred to in popular discourse by its doublethink titles of the Space Program or the Energy Department. You see, tyranny and holocaust (both racial and global) are never far removed from these kinds of programs. For more on this, I recommend reading Kirkpatrick Sale's excellent book “Fire of His Genius : Robert Fulton and the American Dream” which describes the link between the steamboat and the genocidal war against Native peoples in the North America.

But these comments also reveal a colossal disconnect in the heads of transhumanists like Diamandis and Page. They indeed mistake their own position, tremendously privileged both in terms of wealth and power, for the class position of everyone else. Note his statement about being happy to be slave labor for a space mission. Really? Does he think that goes for the rest of us, too? These are the people who will deliver us technological liberation.

Just consider the term “transhumanist.” It's hard to imagine a term more fitting for a group of wealthy nerds uncomfortable in their own skin, isn't it? Like any good fundamentalist, they are ready to let slip this mortal coil for their reward in the great beyond. Still trying to escape from their dork high school personas, these new Masters of the Universe have mistaken their rewards under the capitalist system for a glimpse of our common liberation rather than what it really is — a snapshot of our current misery. They hope to impose their uncomfortableness and their own desire for liberation from their sad human lives onto us. But their liberation comes at our expense, in this world and in the Singularity.

Their Singularity isn't big enough for the rest of us. Perhaps that's the real reason behind the name.


Footnotes

[1]^ http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/8b162dfc-f168 ... ck_check=1

[2]^ http://singularity-university.org/

[3]^ http://money.cnn.com/2008/04/29/magazin ... d.fortune/

[4]^ http://www.nasawatch.com/archives/2006/ ... andis.html


Source: Retrieved on 9 April 2010 from http://firesneverextinguished.blogspot. ... et-or.html
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Apr 30, 2012 8:55 pm

http://theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/Jul ... hites.html

February 3, 1968

Julius Lester

The Oppression of Whites


The potential for revolution in this country will remain unrealized until whites understand that they are an oppressed people. Oppression is generally though of as a condition endured only by blacks, Puerto Ricans, Mexican-Americans, and the poor whites of the South. Oppression is associated with the poverty of Appalachia and the tenements of Harlem, but a rundown mountain shack and a rat-infested tenement are only an aspect of oppression — material deprivation.

Oppression is a condition common to all of us who are without the power to make the decisions that govern the political, economic, and social life of this country. We are oppressed because our lives are predetermined by an economic machine functioning, and eventually to die, having lived our lives “earning a living.” We are oppressed because to “earn a living” (work), we are told, is good; to refuse to “earn a living,” voluntarily or involuntarily, is bad. Two weeks of every fifty-two are allotted to us to live. The other fifty are spend being “good,” i.e., keeping the economic machine functioning. Our reward for being “good” is a salary, a pacifier with which we feed, clothe, and house ourselves and our families and dull the pain by going into debt to buy the luxury items which give us the illusion of life.

It is necessary for the white radical to analyze the nature of his oppression and realize that any person who earns wages is a member of the working class. The taxi driver and the college professor are equal members of the working class. The professor’s salary and social status give him certain attitudes whereby he can believe himself to be different. He is middle-class, bourgeois, but he is still a part of the working class. The middleclass and the working class are not opposed to each other. The middle class must be defined anew.

Whites are oppressed, but their realization of this is as yet, for the most part, unconscious. The hippie phenomenon, the widespread use of drugs, the teen-age runaways and the anti-war movement are all reactions to oppression. But the nature and substance of that oppression is only faintly articulated. Until a people understand what is being done to them, they will react only to what is hostile to their well-being. They will not fight back against it.

Perhaps the basic inability of black radicals and whites to communicate lies in the fact that the former know acutely the nature of oppression, while whites still think they’re free. They still find it difficult not to believe the fairy tales about this country taught in school. Blacks know what has been done to them and they are angry. Whites do not and thus can only romantically identify with the anger of blacks.

Yet we are all victims of the ideology of inhumanity on which this country thrives. It is an ideology which says that if the amount of money in a man’s pocket does not correspond to some numbers on a tag, that man can starve, be kicked out of his home, and go naked. It is an ideology of death, whose most blatant manifestation is napalm. But napalm is the logical extension of an ideology which requires money in exchange for the basic necessities of life.

There is much talk and confusion as to how to organize whites. Few feel adequate to the task and rationalize by saying that it is easier to organize in the black community. Yet, all around us there are white who are trying to get out of the system the best way they can. For most it is no more than sitting in front of the television set with a can of beer night after night and being anesthetized. Whites use a myriad of drugs to dull the pain. They do not want their perception of reality heightened. It is heightened too much already, and if they can’t dull the pain, they eventually go quietly berserk one day. How many times a week do we read of some quiet model citizen eliminating his wife, kids, and himself and leaving no explanation behind for the neighbors? The neighbors don’t need it explained, however. They know.

The inhumanity of America is etched into the lines of every white face. Yet the white radical tends to look upon whites with contempt. But talk to a cab drive, a waitress, one of those chic young secretaries, an airline stewardess, and the pain and misery they live is immediately apparent. Just as the absence of physical comfort reflects the oppression of the Kentucky miner, the absence of any semblance of a whole man reflects the oppression of those who have physical comfort.

The phrase that is being used to characterize the anti-war movement now it “from protest to resistance.” That’s true on one level, but the real battle has not yet been joined. That is the struggle against oppression. All that is evident now are the reactions to oppression. It is the responsibility of the white radical to move from reaction to oppression to action against it.


Notes: From Revolutionary Notes

Source: Retrieved on September 19, 2009 from http://www.jesus21.com/poppydixon/race/ ... oppression
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