Economic Aspects of "Love"

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue May 22, 2012 10:08 pm

Anarchist Federation Statement on the Informal Anarchist Federation and Terrorist Tactics

Tuesday, 22 May 2012

http://www.ainfos.ca/en/ainfos26408.html

A statement from the Anarchist Federation on recent actions by the Informal Anarchist Federation in Italy and why the AF does not support terrorist tactics. ----

On the 11th of May Roberto Adinolfi, CEO of an Italian state controlled nuclear engineering company, was shot and wounded. A cell of the insurrectionist Informal Anarchist Federation have claimed responsibility for the attack in a statement, saying that it was an act of vengeance for deaths and environmental damage caused by the nuclear industry. Previous acts claimed by Informal Anarchist Federation cells include sending a letter bomb to the Italian tax collection office, almost blinding a worker at the office and risking the lives of the postal and clerical workers who unwittingly carried the bomb.

Although it adopts the same initials as our affiliated Anarchist Federation in Italy, the Informal Anarchist Federation has no affiliation whatsoever with them or with us. It is an entirely separate entity, and we consider its adopting of the same initials as a pre-existing anarchist group to be, at best, confusing and ill-judged, and at worst malicious. Whether or not the Informal Anarchist Federation intended that their actions would be associated with the Italian Anarchist Federation and other members of the International of Anarchist Federations, these organizations have now been mentioned in press reports relating to the actions of the Informals, and so we now feel it necessary that we, the UK Anarchist Federation, make our position on their actions clear.

In our aims and principles, the Anarchist Federation states that “It is not possible to abolish Capitalism without a revolution, which will arise out of class conflict. The ruling class must be completely overthrown to achieve anarchist communism. Because the ruling class will not relinquish power without their use of armed force, this revolution will be a time of violence as well as liberation”. We are not a pacifist organization and do not condemn insurrection itself or all insurrectionist tactics; however, as Anarchist Communists we strongly criticize individualist and vanguardist tactics that do not come out of a broad-based class struggle movement. We condemn actions that put workers in danger without their knowledge and consent, and we reject elitist statements, such as that made by the Informals, which consider the working class to be too ignorant and invested in Capitalism to be relevant to struggle.

Capitalism is, fundamentally, a social relationship; it can no more be harmed by small groups who are disconnected from the wider class struggle shooting individual bosses or sending bombs through the post than it can by passively marching from one place to another or consuming “ethical” commodities. Instead, the Anarchist Federation advocates organizing with other working class people to take direct action for ourselves in order to both defend ourselves against attacks by capital and the state in our everyday lives and build a culture of resistance that can seriously challenge capitalism. As well as being tactically more effective than isolated acts of violence, organizing in this way allows us a glimpse of a better world, free of exploitation, alienation and oppression. By acting collectively and making ourselves accountable to others, we prepare ourselves for a world where our whole lives are really under our own control.



The statement by the Informal Anarchist Federation can be found here: http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2012/05/496130.html
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Thu May 24, 2012 11:08 am

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Thu May 24, 2012 6:52 pm

http://boingboing.net/2012/05/24/anders ... uppor.html

Anderson Cooper quizzes supporter of pastor who proposes concentration camps for gay people
By Mark Frauenfelder at 1:35 pm Thursday, May 24




This is as entertaining as it is disconcerting.

Related:
Pastor proposes 100 mile fence to house homosexuals
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri May 25, 2012 4:09 pm

http://shesamarxist.wordpress.com/2010/ ... lonialism/

Smashing the patriarchal white supremacist capitalist state: what must die so that we can live
Posted: November 11, 2010 | Author: Sycorax

One of the gravest obstacles to the achievement of liberation is that oppressive reality absorbs those within it and thereby acts to submerge the people’s consciousness. Functionally, oppression is domesticating. To no longer be prey to its force, one must emerge from it and turn upon it…Paolo Freire


One of the most debilitating aspects of any kind of oppression is its internalized aspect, which is sometimes termed internalized oppression or internalized colonialism.

Internalized colonialism is a term meant to describe the experience of oppressed people who learn to identify with the needs and views of other people–namely, people who enjoy a power relationship over them, or who are dependent on them. I like the concept of colonialism to describe patriarchal white supremacist capitalism because it represents the structural nature of these oppressions. Colonialism reflects the systemic nature of these oppressions, as systems that reward and privilege certain characteristics and behaviors, defining who is on the inside of privilege and who is on the outside. It also reflects the way dominant ideology colonizes us as people living within rigid institutional structures of power.

Anyway, internalized colonialism means the oppressed group often identifies and sympathizes with the oppressor and looks down upon those of hir own caste/class, often from the perspective of the oppressor.

For example: ever hear a womyn say this:

“I’m not like other women. Women are stupid.”

“She is probably lying. You know how women are.”

People within oppressed groups are often the people who police their peers the most. We use the status quo set of values and judgements and subject our peers to them, while ignoring the larger paradigm and how fucked up it is, how much it relies on a fucked up notion that we must live up to. This is how privilege works within a colonized society, you get privilege on the basis of your ability to disassociate yourself from the colonized, which also means that you get privilege on the basis of your ability to police your own community for the same qualities you wish to be disassociated from. What ends up happening is that we end up inhabiting the same judgemental gaze that is oppressive to us. We learn to see with the eyes of those who oppress us, we learn to take this other interest or perspective as our own.

As Paolo Freire writes:

But almost always, during the initial stage of the struggle, the oppressed, instead of striving for liberation, tend themselves to become oppressors, or “sub-oppressors.” The very structure of their thought has been conditioned by the contradictions of the concrete, existential situation by which they were shaped. Their ideal is to be men; but for them, to be men is to be oppressors. This is the model of humanity. This phenomenon derives from the fact that the oppressed, at a certain moment of their existential experience, adopt an attitude of “adhesion” to the oppressor. Under these circumstances they cannot “consider” him sufficiently clearly to objectivize him–to discover him “outside” themselves. This does not mean that the oppressed are unaware that they are downtrodden. But their perception of themselves as oppressed is impaired by their submersion in the reality of oppression.


One of the hardest aspects of being being a womyn of color in a patriarchal, racist, capitalist system, is learning to regain a sense of perspective in a world that tells us patriarchy has been overcome because now womyn “can have sex like men” or because the gendered wage gap has shrunk.* But the truth is that womyn have not been liberated, and patriarchy has not been overcome. In reality, womyn have become the proletarian of choice all over the world– a process dubbed ‘the feminization of labor’.

In developed countries like the U.S. where womyn may end up outnumbering men in the paid workforce, this does not merely signify women having attained a higher wage so much as it signifies that working class men have taken a pay cut in the form of declining real wages. Womyn are also still responsible for about 80-85% of all domestic work. Essentially womyn in the U.S. have replaced men in the [deindustrialized, service-sector dominated] job market as workers who work a double shift, and for less money.

Furthermore, Womyn have not been ‘sexually liberated’ in any true sense, because no real sexual liberation can exist in a society whose social relations are dictated by class relations. The truth is that patriarchy is a system, interwoven into capitalism’s deepest fibers and it cannot be eroded away, it must be overthrown. It cannot be overthrown or eroded in a subjective sense, meaning a chance in attitudes, it must actually materially be overthrown. Womyn of color must cease to be a group located at the very bottom of the global capitalist system. Patriarchy as a system of male privilege, exists in a world where womyn of color are proletarian of choice. To overthrow this order would be to overthrow capitalism itself since it would necessitate those at the very bottom confronting capital, as well as every form of oppression that strengthens and constitutes’s capital’s power (i.e. racism and patriarchy).* More on this in subsequent posts.

Patriarchy in particular is tailored to discipline all those who deviate from a particular kind of masculinity (which is always raced and classed), and a particular form of heterosexuality (conditioned by class norms of appropriate behavior, i.e. property relations or monogamy/marriage). Because patriarchy deals with social relations that condition us in our most personal relations with other human beings, even those we love, it is one of the most deeply ingrained system of oppression, and one of the most poisonous. Womyn grow up in a world where we are told to accept the systematic violence perpetrated against us, where we learn that controlling and being responsible for the emotions and well being of those around us, is part of our job as womyn. We learn to devalue our own intuitive view of the world, and to value the viewpoint of others. Patriarchal white supremacist capitalism socializes us to internalize its own values not merely in our world view, but in our relationships with those closest to us.

Want another example of how our reality is colonized by white supremacist, patriarchal capitalism? Watch the news media coverage of the protests following Oscar Grant’s murder or Mehserle’s Verdict/Sentencing. What is the assumption? The assumption is that the Oscar Grant protesters are causing violence, disturbance, and havok.

Paradigm:

Before the protest, there was calm, peace, stability.

After/During/As a result of protests there is violence, commotion and chaos.

The problem is that the news media interpret the first situation (the before) as peaceful. Why do they? Because the state of institutionalized violence against working class people of color is so normalized. The people of color who are daily victims of police terrorism, they do not count. Their victimization is part of the picture, the normalized picture, because it is the state’s peace. This is what order and peace l0ok like for capital.

The news media is good at making you identify and feel angry that what was never peace for you, and what was peace for them, has now been disrupted. Why was it disrupted? It is disrupted because the people who have been the shock absorbers necessary to keeping the status quo ‘peace’ are angry, and are refusing to continue absorbing all the victimization and violence. People refusing to accept their own abuse is perceived as violent to the system, and rightly so, its entire foundation rests on its ability to violently control the lives of other people and exploit them. Those selfish people who refuse to sit back and be exploited are fucking up the systems peace. This is violence to the state. Those who identify with that view of the situation, identify with a peace which is not their own. People who view the protesters outside breaking shit can’t understand that what they are seeing is not a radical rupture to peace, its an externalization of internalized violence that is usually kept nicely hidden away from the public. Its a radical identification with one’s own suffering, and a refusal to accept the idea that one should suffer silently in order to maintain someone else’ peace.

Franz Fanon writes in Wretched of the Earth that the oppressed fighting their colonizers is cathartic. I think its because colonization is a process in which the colonizers constantly tell the colonized that the colonizer’s interest are the same as the colonized person’s interest: even though one is depending on the other.

Freire goes as far as to describe rebellion as an ‘act of love’:

Yet it is — paradoxical though it may seem — precisely in the response of the oppressed to the violence of their oppressors that a gesture of love may be found. Consciously or unconsciously, the act of rebellion by the oppressed (an act which is always, or nearly always, as violent as the initial violence of the oppressors) can initiate love. Whereas the violence of the oppressors prevents the oppressed from being fully human, the response of the latter to this violence is grounded in the desire to pursue the right to be human. As the oppressors dehumanize others and violate their rights, they themselves also become dehumanized. As the oppressed, fighting to be human, take away the oppressors’ power to dominate and suppress, they restore to the oppressors the humanity they had lost in the exercise of oppression.

It is only the oppressed who, by freeing themselves, can free their oppressors. The latter, as an oppressive class, can free neither others nor themselves. It is therefore essential that the oppressed wage the struggle to resolve the contradiction in which they are caught; and the contradiction will he resolved by the appearance of the new man: neither oppressor nor oppressed, but man in the process of liberation. If the goal of the oppressed is to become fully human, they will not achieve their goal by merely reversing the terms of the contradiction, by simply changing poles.



I think what this means is that to refuse the dehumanization of violence, especially the violence of structural power inequality, is to affirm your own humanity, and to refuse the dominant ideology that rationalizes the structural power inequalities in existence. On a human level, it is to assert your own autonomy in the face of someone or something that is collapsing you into them, as part of them, that just exists to serve them. It is a powerful valuation of your own worth, of the validity of your own needs and wants. It is a necessary part of struggle, because a large part of struggle is not external, it is an internal process in which those who struggle must change, must begin to see themselves as worthy, as valuable, etc. *I want to stress again that this is NOT a subjective process you can achieve sitting in your room. It is a struggle against a kind of social relation, which means it must be changed in social struggle and/or cooperation between those who have no interest in perpetuating the present conditions.*


Though I agree that struggle, revolution and rebellion are acts of love, I also think that struggling and fighting for one’s own self can be exhausting and negative as well. Struggle is empowering and liberating but I have found that there is also an underbelly to the fighting, which is that those who fight are also damaged by the fighting as well. Especially since the struggle is long. If we understand that eroding the system does not overthrow it, we must acknowledge that entering into struggle, means fighting people who will continuously have the upper hand in their ability to define and concretely shape reality. We also have to come to terms with the fact that fighting back, though it IS THE ONLY THING that can create a liberating society one day free of capitalist social relations, the fighting itself is also harmful…because its fighting. We always risk being deeply distorted by fighting. And like I said, many of us were born fighting on multiple fronts- we fight as women against those who want to harm and use our bodies, we fight against a homophobic system that demonizes our desires, we fight against a racist system of global imperialism that threatens people we love back home, or that sends us to this country to begin with, etc. etc. Much of this fighting came just as a fact of survival, not as an explicit conscious move to overthrow these conditions in the broad systemic sense. It was fighting the system nonetheless.

Realizing that these harmful aspects of life are parts of a totality, naming them, identifying them, does not make the process of fighting them less difficult. Fighting so many different aspects of the world that is just trying to colonize you with its own perspective, is f#*@ing exhausting. You have people left and right telling you that what they are giving you, taking from you, forcing on you, teaching you, preventing you from saying, feeling, needing, etc., is for your own good.

To radically identify with yourself and your own needs, you have to radically reject that idea and assert your own needs, to some extent violently, because often the person asserting that its for your own good has some kind of stake in believing that it is, and will experience the act of you rejecting that framework, as violent. Liberation must be made by those on the oppressed end not by those on the other end. It won’t come as generosity or by pleading with those who enjoy power over us. It comes by fighting for ourselves, for our lives.

The Combahee River Collective writes, for example:

The major source of difficulty in our political work is that we are not just trying to fight oppression on one front or even two, but instead to address a whole range of oppressions. We do not have racial, sexual, heterosexual, or class privilege to rely upon, nor do we have even the minimal access to resources and power that groups who possess anyone of these types of privilege have.

The psychological toll of being a Black woman and the difficulties this presents in reaching political consciousness and doing political work can never be underestimated. There is a very low value placed upon Black women’s psyches in this society, which is both racist and sexist. As an early group member once said, “We are all damaged people merely by virtue of being Black women.” We are dispossessed psychologically and on every other level, and yet we feel the necessity to struggle to change the condition of all Black women.

In “A Black Feminist’s Search for Sisterhood,” Michele Wallace arrives at this conclusion:

We exists as women who are Black who are feminists, each stranded for the moment, working independently because there is not yet an environment in this society remotely congenial to our struggle—because, being on the bottom, we would have to do what no one else has done: we would have to fight the world.
[2] (bold emphasis mine)


Fight the world. That sounds familiar. Many women of color and strong women in general I know and have met in my life, are people who grew up fighting the world, not to hurt anyone else, but just to defend themselves from people who are ready and eager to take advantage of us, hurt us, etc.

I think the hardest dilemma is being stuck between

A) on the one hand, needing to radically identify with your own needs, i.e. call out the bullshit around you as bullshit, refuse to be a shock absorber, and stand up for yourself. In some ways, you need to fight in order to live as a person with dignity. You need to refuse to be negated, and that is a confrontation of sorts.

B) On the other hand, living your life with your fists cocked and ready to fight is a sad and difficult way to live your life. It distorts you in some ways. Living in survival mode puts you in a combatitive state, and I think people who grow up that way learn to throw up their fists a little too quickly, as a defense mechanism. Sure, its a good defense reflex to have but it can also cause incredible pain when it becomes an obstacle to actual intimacy with people who really do care about you, or are good intentioned, etc.

This is the problem, and there is no easy solution. This is one of the most profound aspects of oppression, because there is no good solution to fighting it, or surviving it. All options are hard, require sacrifice and can be draining.

I wrote a little poem about this topic, here goes:


*note its not much of a poem, more a lil rant

where is the you buried beneathe?

someone elses’ necessity?

when you touch the stove

do you feel the burn?

do you know what your own ‘NO’ even sounds like?

when hes doing something

that hurts your body

do you know when you

are hungry?

cold?

when youve been standing

not talking

giving not asking?

sleeping not dreaming?

do you know the sound of your own ‘NO’?

if your dreams were in a lineup

mixed up with other peoples

important peoples

all in a line,

would you recognize them?

would they recognize you?

to get free there must be a break.

you must learn the limits of yourself and

that they exist as differences from those

who you sustain.

to get free you are

going to have to take a knife

to the person whose been dressing

up his own needs and wants

in the borrowed clothes of your own

its a heavy price to pay for freedom.

and theres always the question:

who will be looking back at you

in the mirror

once the fighting is done?


.
Last edited by American Dream on Sat May 26, 2012 5:36 am, edited 5 times in total.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri May 25, 2012 10:27 pm

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Adelitas, the warrior women of the Mexican Revolution of 1910.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri May 25, 2012 10:31 pm

Whether Asian, Arab or African, the discussion over Muslim women’s agency (particularly of women of color) has been a one-dimensional, narrowed act of discourse where the agency of Muslim women is rarely discussed by her own terms. She, therefore, becomes the inferior Other. Less than a human being, she is rendered invisible yet visible. She is there but she is not in the sense that her voice does not matter as long as her image is presented before the ‘liberated, progressive’ Western feminists as they choose to interpret it. Her concerns are relegated to the issues of the veil, clitoridectomy, beatings from male members of the family and/or society. As Azizah Al-Hibri says, “The white middle-class women’s movement has bestowed upon itself the right to tell us […] what are the most serious issues for us—over our own objections.” As an Asian Muslim female participant in this oft-occurring discourse, it becomes very obvious to me to see that these issues are over-simplified and ignored by Western feminists with their ‘preference’ for issues that have been used as symbols to demonize the culture and religion in these regions. Most importantly, issues rooted in political and historical contexts are nearly never discussed because, in simple words, the finger is then pointed at the West. e.g. U.S. backed dictatorships in the Middle East and Asia, economic disparity, former Empire’s (Britain) exploitation of religion in the Asian diaspora, U.S. invasions in Iraq and Afghanistan, and more. The equality debate strictly revolves around the veil (be that the Hijab, Niqab, Burka, Chador) and are consequently decontextualized and overtly politicized in hegemonic discourse(s) to demonize Islam and Muslims. As a result, Muslim women are viewed with the Orientalist Gaze. It is the lens with which the veil is seen as an exotic and erotic object to fuel fantasy and Islamophobic assertions that “it must be removed” in order to “liberate Muslim women.” The realistic occurrence and posibility that the veil is donned by many as a choice, and that it enables them mobility and agency is rarely considered. It is simply seen as an emblem of Islamic oppression, violence and “rejection of modernization.” The West (colonizer) therefore defines the parameters for which emancipation is achieved for the Muslim women of those regions (the colonized). Western culture is shown as the “right culture” while the East is treated with xenophobic bigotry. It is, basically, a war shown in a dichotomy of Us VS Them. In this war of ideological differences, Muslim women become the battleground over which oppressors from the West and oppressors in the East fight each other to maintain claim over. Naturally she becomes Invisible.

An excerpt from Azaadi Zindabad's essay: "The Other-izing of Muslim Women in Western Feminism and Hegemonic Discourse(s)".

http://khushhh.tumblr.com/
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri May 25, 2012 11:17 pm

http://thesocietypages.org/socimages/20 ... f-freedom/

DEFINING WOMEN’S OPPRESSION: THE BURKA VS. THE BIKINI
by Lisa Wade, Feb 22, 2012, at 12:41 pm

The cartoon added below inspired me to revive this post from 2008.

Many believe that the U.S. is at the pinnacle of social and political evolution. One of the consequences of this belief is the tendency to define whatever holds in the U.S. as ideal and, insofar as other countries deviate from that, define them as problematic. For example, many believe that women in the U.S. are the most liberated in the world. Insofar as women in other societies live differently, they are assumed to be oppressed. Of course, women are oppressed elsewhere, but it is a mistake to assume that “they” are oppressed and “we” are liberated. This false binary makes invisible ways in which women elsewhere are not 100% subordinated and women here also suffer from gendered oppression.

(If you’re interested, I have a paper showing how Americans make these arguments called Defining Gendered Oppression in U.S. Newspapers: The Strategic Value of “Female Genital Mutilation.”)

I offer these thoughts are a preface to a postcard from PostSecret. The person who sent in the postcard suggests that she’s not sure which is worse: the rigid and extreme standard of beauty in the U.S. and the way that women’s bodies are exposed to scrutiny or the idea of living underneath a burka that disallows certain freedoms, but frees you from evaluative eyes and the consequences of their negative appraisals.

Image


Cartoonist Malcolm Evans drew a similarly compelling illustration of this point, sent along by David B.:

Image



—————————

Lisa Wade is a professor of sociology at Occidental College. You can follow her on Twitter and Facebook.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri May 25, 2012 11:25 pm

http://shesamarxist.wordpress.com/2010/ ... from-moms/

She get it from her Mama! What We Need to Learn about Revolutionary Leadership from Moms
Posted: November 18, 2010 | Author: Sycorax

Warning: this blog may be controversial. Assuming anyone out there is reading, which may not be the case. Who knows. Are you there God? It’s me, Marxist Feminist!

The topic of this blog is leadership.

Yes leadership. Specifically, in this blog I will argue that we can discern leadership styles based on gender and that leadership from womyn is necessary and critical to revolutionary organization and struggle in general.

I call it Mom leadership. I’ll explain.

Mom leadership: not a feature of biology, but a skill set produced by a gendered division of labor in society.

I am not an essentialist. This means that I do not believe that biology is destiny, i.e. that the genitalia you were born with determine your gender presentation. In fact, I would go a step further to even argue that biological sex as we understand it is largely socially constructed as well, to fit the gender binary system.

That said, how can I make sweeping generalizations about ‘Moms’ or ‘female leadership’ styles? Well easy. For one thing, I don’t purport that my generalizations are laws that hold firm for every case, they are just observations of trends or similarities that can tell us something about the way the system works. These trends are not functions of nature, they are socially conditioned.

This fits in with my understanding of gender roles as being heavily, or perhaps entirely determined by your place within the social division of labor. Selma James first wrote about this concept in Sex, Race and Class. She writes:

Our identity, our social roles, the way we are seen, appears to be disconnected from our capitalist functions. To be liberated from them (or through them) appears to be independent from our liberation from capitalist wage slavery. In my view, identity-caste-is the very substance of class.

Here is the “strange place” where we found the key to the relation of class to caste written down most succinctly. Here is where the international division of labour is posed as power relationships within the working class. It is Volume I of Marx’s Capital.

Manufacture . . . develops a hierarchy of labour powers, to which there corresponds a scale of wages. If, on the one hand, the individual labourers are appropriated and annexed for life by a limited function; on the other hand, the various operations of the hierarchy are parceled out among the labourers according to both their natural and their acquired capabilities. (Moscow 1958, p. 349)

In two sentences is laid out the deep material connection between racism, sexism, national chauvinism and the chauvinism of the generations who are working for wages against children and old age pensioners who are wageless, who are dependents.

A hierarchy of labour powers and scale of wages to correspond. Racism and sexism training us to develop and acquire certain capabilities at the expense of all others. Then these acquired capabilities are taken to be our nature and fix our functions for life, and fix also the quality of our mutual relations. So planting cane or tea is not a job for white people and changing nappies is not a job for men and beating children is not violence.



So in other words, we are womyn to the extent that we were socialized to do certain kinds of work in society, to inhabit certain roles. Womyn within capitalism have been historically pushed into the ‘personal’ or ‘non-productive’ or ‘unwaged’ or ‘domestic’ realm. This does not mean womyn have not worked outside the home, indeed most womyn especially working class womyn of color around the world have worked outside the home, even within the U.S.

This does not change the fact that when capitalism created its ‘free-waged’ worker, it created work as a place separate from the home, and in doing so, there was a cemented division between waged work and unwaged work, domestic and public work, etc. Womyn within capitalism are socialized to do care work, to be nurturers, caretakers, i.e., mothers to some extent. We are expected to do the work of taking care of children, of elderly, of the sick, etc.

The gendered division of labor makes it so that men are punished for showing feelings, expressing fear, worry or empathy with those who are weak. Womyn are punished if they are not emotionally and sexually available, etc. Womyn are often held responsible for the emotions and the actions of the people around them. Men often view womyn as their only source of emotional support or intimacy because, in a homophobic society, heterosexual relationships are the only place men can have their emotional needs met.

Many of us womyn grew up playing with dolls and believing that we were born to be Mothers. That was our destiny. Though we were told that we would have a natural mothering instinct, we didn’t. Though we were told that being a mother comes naturally, and that is therefore unskilled labor, its not. An incredible amount of training is given to young girls from the day they are wrapped with a pink towel in the hospital. In chapter 14 of capital volume 1, Marx talks about how because workers tend to live together there tends to be a kind of training that happens within social circles that to the outside eye does not appear to be skills training.

Nonetheless, the job of being a mother requires a great amount of skill—it takes empathy, patience, a heightened sensitivity to feelings and the well being of others. Mothers and womyn in general are usually forced by necessity to cooperate with people in their lives, both because of the sheer amount of work, as well as because cooperation lessens the potential for censure from those who womyn may depend on for safety. Womyn learn the language of emotions, and are carefully trained to express ourselves, our desires, our wants, etc. Ever watch little girls on the playground? They argue over relationships. Who is best friends with whom? Boys compete on the basis of pure strength. Womyn deal in relationships. Not because of a vagina, or chromosome or anything else ‘biological’ but because as soon as you are identified as a girl you are being trained to do this kind of work.

In political organizations there is always leadership. Unfortunately most often it is male leadership. I liken this to what I call ‘Dad’ leadership, because men are often not socialized to talk about emotions, identify emotions like fear, sadness, pain, etc., I have observed a great number of men who are quite incapable of articulating or expressing these emotions. Many men in political circles especially, are quite uncomfortable discussing emotions, and are much more comfortable competing in the realm of political theory—something womyn are not socialized to do. The fact that ‘dad’ leadership remains hegemonic ensures that political organizations, formal and informal, usually mirror capitalist social relations in that they feature a double standard, a split between interpersonal values and political values.

Therefore, I think men tend to exert a type of ‘father leadership’, in the negative sense of a traditional father – emotionally removed, not a listener, etc. Fathers are authority figures. They don’t start off asking you what you want to be, who you really are deep inside, what makes you happy, etc. They start off telling you what you are going to have to do if you are to avoid punishment. This is the kind of leadership or management that we see in the public realm of work. The boss or manager who considers you as a worker and not as a person, who is interested in your skills and ability and who doesn’t really care about the person behind them. The authority figure is a top down leader. He does not place you in context, or really care about what you are dealing with. He expects you to be strong, to perform, to do away with weakness. Father leaders rarely take great pains to listen to those around them, to consider their ideas. The values that go along with this leadership consider personal issues to be non-political and views conflicts stemming from personal issues as deeply threatening.

Dad leadership is not skilled at noticing the subtleties of relationships between people in the room. Womyn on the other hand, often report being extremely conscious of the energy and emotion of every person in the room. Womyn have been trained as caretakers and as people who are responsible for the needs and well being of others. This necessitates a finely tuned ear/eye to the needs and feelings of others. It also requires a great deal of anticipation, the ability to anticipate the feelings and mood of people around us. Mothers push us. They expect a lot from us, just as Fathers do, but they combine expectations with support and unconditional love. We know that they will love us even if we fail, but that they believe in our ability and are going to be there along the way.

In my experience, the womyn leadership types I have met are powerful because they have mastered the ability to both be sensitive, cooperative and also strong in guidance. They lead from a place of love, of knowledge, of having listened and put oneself in the other’s place. They empathize easily. They debate to get somewhere, versus to assert oneself or power. These are qualities of a caretaking Mom. Mothers are finely attuned to the feelings of their children, often noticing the slightest most subtle shifts in happiness, in interest, etc. They listen carefully. Dads on the other hand, rarely know you or develop a relationship with you. They lead from a place of blindness, from a place of ignorance about what you are dealing with. They often exert a ‘pull yourself up by your bootstraps’ kind of ethic.

Apparently studies have supported this with evidence. I read a book in the library recently, whose name I can’t remember but I will try to get a hold of it again. It said that there are definitely discernible gendered styles of leadership. It supported my suspicion that womyn’ styled leadership tended to be more cooperative, communal and inclusive. However, it also noted another interesting finding: that even when womyn are in positions of leadership, if the leadership outside of them is overwhelmingly male, then the differences disappear and womyn are forced to hew within the hegemonic masculine leadership style that exists as a precedent. Interesting idea, which probably has some truth to it.

Before I get flack for upholding Moms as phenomenal wonderbeings, I want to emphasize that I am describing one trait among many. As we know, nobody is really any one gender. Gender is not coherent in any of us. We all encompass a spectrum of gendered behaviors and ways of being. All of us are feminine and masculine, and everything in between, sometimes at once, sometimes differently depending who is around us, etc.

There are definite limitations to the way womyn are socialized as well. There are definite limitations to the way Mothers are socialized. The division of labor is just that, it’s one piece of the larger pie of human society, and thus when we discuss any part of the gendered division of labor, we are discussing one piece of what might be a fully human person if we were to put it all together. For example, there are many aspects to the mother or female socialization that are lacking, for example, as I mentioned womyn are rarely encouraged to be scholars or academics especially in political circles. There are so few womyn marxists or political theorists that are famous. More often men are encouraged to be intellectual, and they are viewed that way, as legitimate political agents with important things to say. The fact that men tend to politic and compete with other men just furthers this division and ensures the tendency for womyn to do the care work within an organization versus the intellectual strategizing done by a few bookish radicals at the top (usually men!). Many womyn have been taught not to express their ideas or compete healthily. Womyn often learn that open competition or power grabs are unseemly and womyn are very often really cruelly criticized or censured when they are loud authoritative voices on theoretical issues. People often react to a woman asserting her opinion authoritatively in a strong way. Womyn are expected to compete in passive ways, such as in for approval from men or from one another based on looks – a kind of competition that involves someone’s appraisal of passive qualities, versus political debating which requires you to assert yourself. In fact, the more a woman can appear naturally beautiful, the more valuable she is. Her power in the realm of physical beauty is supposed to be a fact of nature, not a strenuous endeavor.

We all have things to learn from one another, based on the ways we’ve been socialized. This is the political project. We need to find ways to humanize ourselves by rejecting the alienating division of labor that places us in one area of work and tells us we were born to do that kind of work. The gender binary socializes us all to have really one-dimensional characters and to violently suppress anything that does not fit into the narrow frame of the gender system. It is our job to undo that damage. Men especially need to learn from womyn leaders, and be lead from them. But this cannot come from womyn pleading with men to listen, womyn must train one another to be leaders and create an alternate culture that can contend with the existing one. To build the kind of support and community network we need to have in political and radical spaces, we will need the ‘mother’ ethic to become hegemonic.

I think this is critical because there are definitely traits in womyn’s socialization owing to their position within the division of labor which make them especially good communists. I am completely comfortable making that generalization. I think being afraid to affirm the feminine or to admit there is a ‘feminine’ style, is silly. I think we have a lot to learn from Moms and from womyn, based on how society socializes us to be caretakers. If we want to live in a society where people take care of each other, not just as workers, or students, but as holistic people with personal lives that are political and public and historical, then we had better learn how to stop dealing with people in ways that recreate capitalist social relations and the public private split. We better become better friends and better listeners. We need womyn at the forefront. We need Moms.

Too often in activist or revolutionary organizing, there is a lack of support for people in the personal or interpersonal sense. People are expected to deal with their own family issues, emotional scars, financial challenges, etc. We want people to join us and we talk about community, but our own activist communities minefields underlain with deep personal strife, fucked up social relations, rape, abuse between activists and radicals, unresolved family and mental health issues, you name it. However these problems remain unpoliticized, and often there is no support for people who have them. It is survival of the fittest in the activist world, even today. It is a measure of the masculine culture within organizing spaces that there are so few activist mothers in the struggle, or womyn elders. Womyn burn out being responsible for children, their significant others (even those who claim to be feminists) and a myriad of other relationships and people in their lives.

I think that in order to build a strong and vibrant communist left we need a culture of interpersonal support, love and acceptance. We need to each take a page from the Mother figures in our lives, the positive womyn who we may even take for granted. Every organization has womyn who play loving nurturing roles behind the scenes, and who hold the act together beneath the ‘serious’ politics. Its time to acknowledge that we are people first, revolutionaries and activists second. This means that we can be as political as ever but if we are dealing with real shit and have no support network we are not going to continue to be effective political activists.

I think the only way we will really incorporate the positive aspects of mom-age within our radical spaces will be through the conscious cultivation of such a culture. We will need to become conscious of the positive mom-age skills we have as womyn, and we will need to stand behind them as critical skills, values and ethics that are not secondary to our political organizing, but must be the medium through which our political message resonates. We will also need to organize as queer and womyn-identified individuals, to reinforce the value of our skills, to cultivate them, to help develop other womyn as leaders, and to create a hegemonic pole that can pose a direct challenge to ‘dad’ styles of impersonal leadership.

I’ve come to realize over the past few months the truth of the idea that revolutionaries are like Christians in that people judge us by our lives and the way we live them. People judge our politics by the way we live our lives, the way we treat and value people. People need community and they often get involved not just because they are attracted to a political line, but because they see something healing, calm, positive and accepting in a political community. People need to know that if they make decisions that go against the dictates of capitalist life – careerism, individualism, popular culture, etc., that there will be a community of people around them, who love them, who are a source of genuine friendship, emotional strength, and who are steeped in a tradition of mutual aid and cooperation. A community of people who take care of one another, not just as long as we agree on the same political ideals, but because we believe that we need to model the social relations we wish to have in the new society, ourselves.

A Note on leadership:

Many friends and comrades of mine treat leadership like an evil taboo. Personally, I identify as an anti-authoritarian anti-hierarchy Marxist feminist, so I appreciate the sentiment. However, in my opinion leadership is not a four letter word, it’s a reality.

Inequality in our society exists, and that includes within our social milieus, our political organizations, our communities, etc. Leaders exist in any setting. My definition of a leader is someone who has a lot of social influence or power, someone whom people look to for guidance.

Feminists were some of the first people to tackle this issue from an anti-hierarchical orientation. A paper entitled ‘the tyranny of structurelessness’ does a good job of addressing the tendency amongst horizontalists to ignore existing inequalities within groups, which ends up perpetuating invisible structures of power that dictate who ends up doing what in the overall division of labor.

For example, even in anarchist milieus there are usually a few people whose influence weighs heaviest. These people may have no formal recognition as leaders but they are de facto leaders, and their opinions exert hegemonic influence capable of marginalizing dissenters. Acknowledging leadership inequalities and working consciously to train one another is the only way to equalize the existing terrain.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun May 27, 2012 10:04 pm

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New Jim Crow, Capital, and the Fool’s Game of “Public Consensus”

Posted on May 27, 2012 by zisel


Michelle Alexander’s recent sensation New Jim Crow reveals a pattern of racial oppression repeatedly reconstituting itself. Just as Jim Crow replaced slavery, the criminal justice system quickly evolved to replace Jim Crow as the dominant mechanism of racial oppression. The question Alexander poses is how we are to overcome this New Jim Crow once and for all, along with all its second lives and zombies. Alexander’s story is complex, but her diagnosis boils down to something as vague as it is simple: “a flawed public consensus” (222).

The system has a tendency to reconstitute itself, and our criminal justice system is just a reincarnation of last century’s Jim Crow. Each gain against racial oppression has been followed by a countervailing movement, redrawing the lines of political alliance to protect those in power. Those lines have tended to reproduce racial caste, relying on narratives explicitly or implicitly constructed around blackness to divide the oppressed, bribe some among them, and keep the others down and exploited. Thus, approximately, go the first few chapters of Alexander’s book. Chapter 6, the book’s concluding chapter, brings us to the hard questions. We’ve looked at the history, deconstructed some myths, revealed some shocking statistics and deeply disturbing patterns. Now what? Alexander brings her argument to a point: “to the extent that major changes are archived without a complete shift, the system will rebound. The caste system will reemerge in a new form, just as convict leasing replaced slavery, or it will be reborn, just as mass incarceration replaced Jim Crow” (222). We need a deeper change that does not just consist of legal reforms and “disconnected advocacy strategies” (221). It is clear we a paradigm shift.

So far, so good.

This is when Alexander hits us with it: the pinnacle of her argument, the last lingering high note in a composition full of moments that ring clear. But it comes out muffled. And a little flat. We are not sure about that sound. They key thing, says Alexander, is “public consensus.”

“The central question for racial justice advocates is this: are we serious about ending this system of control of not?” (221). All those reforms, all those piecemeal cases, will get us nowhere, unless we build a movement through and around them: “reform work is the work of movement-building, provided that it is done consciously as movement-building work. If all the reforms mentioned above were actually adopted, a radical transformation in our society would have taken place” (223). So the question is how serious are we? We collectively. Are we building a movement? Are we changing the public view? Do we, as a society, have the right attitude to see these reforms through? “A flawed public consensus lies at the core of the prevailing caste system,” Alexander tells us (222). So what do we need? A “truly egalitarian racial consensus.” Try chanting that one.

The problem with Alexander’s book is not that she does not provide us with a wealth of stunning details. It is not that she does not deliver an intriguing and intricate history. It is rather that she produces this history, this wealth of historical information, and then misses a critical pattern that her data itself suggests.

A continuing theme of Alexander’s book is the pattern of those in power finding ways to reconstitute their power. She herself mentions many a time the role of elite interests and class in maintaining racial caste systems. For example, the early deployment of racial stratification to break the bond of black and white laborers who joined Bacon for their own liberation (sadly, and reminding us of the need for complexity, liberation with Bacon meant taking Native American land). Or in the formation of Jim Crow, how “segregation laws were proposed as part of a deliberate effort to drive a wedge between poor whites and African Americans,” who had been campaigning together against their shared exploitation (34); “As long as the poor whites directed their hatred and frustration against the black competitor, the planters were relieved of class hostility directed against them” (qtd 34). And further, that in the formative stages of today’s mass incarceration system, the law and order campaigns and Drug War were driven by a Republican elite working to gain power by once again channeling the economic frustrations of lower-class whites, “forced to compete on equal terms with blacks for jobs and status” while elite whites exploited them both. All these threads point to the role of economic power, of economic interests and exploitation, in the persistent reconstitution of the racial caste system. Alexander’s data provides the dots, but she fails to draw in the line of capitalism’s role in the New Jim Crow narrative.

This underlying narrative is one in which racialized castes consistently serve as the basis of cheap labor for capital. And one in which periods of discontent lead to political intrigue as new bribe structures and political alliances are set up. Attitudes are certainly a factor, but these grow up on the trellises of capital’s wheeling-and-dealing. Beginning with the slave system, which we all understand to be a system of providing cheap vulnerable labor for capitalist exploitation, we see capital’s role in setting up our “flawed public consensus.” Not only black and white castes, but the very notions of racial identity, were first solidified around a racial bribe. Solidarity arose spontaneously in a system of unsegregated workers laboring side-by-side, under the same exploitative conditions; racial stereotypes, though surely present, were permeable and not fixed to the categories we know today because they were not set up by larger forces in relationships of antagonism. As Theodore Allen in The Invention of the White Race explores in detail, these laborers did not identify as black or white. It was only with the quelling of Bacon’s rebellion, which mobilized both the black and white poor with the promise of land and freedom from bond-labor, that the governing classes, seeking to keep their workforce docile, drew a line of whiteness around some of their workers and singled them out for favorable treatment on the condition that they disassociate from their former fellows. The driving role of economic logic is apparent. Under Jim Crow, the division of the working class along racial lines kept economic frustrations and animosity directed inward. Blacks and whites competed for jobs and blacks functioned as a reserve labor force, to be cast off during periods of economic recession and tapped into when needed.

Brown vs. Board of Education, recounted by Alexander as narrative of “public consensus” not having adequately changed, is in fact a good example of the importance of recognizing the economic logics of oppression. As Alexander tells it, “’for ten years, 1954-1964, virtually nothing happened.’ … Brown did not end Jim Crow; a mass movement had to emerge first—one that aimed to create a new public consensus opposed to the evils of Jim Crow.“ But it is grossly obfuscating to say that the failure of Brown vs. Board to effect change was about public consensus; this makes it sound as though change just required convincing the broad public of the need to have integrated schools, the need to “ really care across color lines” (222). To do so would be to ignore the structure that underlies the status quo. As Alexander herself recognizes, when we do not make active change, legal change make no difference. And “public consensus” alone is little more substantive, as in her own tale of those who bore no hostility to integration continuing to play into the system. What then is the barrier we must actively fight against? Is it just the inertia of public opinion? What Alexander mentions but fails to draw out is the theme of economic exploitation. It takes active bussing campaigns to overcome the geographic segregation encouraged by the political logics of a capitalist order. Why is it (or is it twisted to appear) in the interests of many whites to keep a predominantly black population segregated or under lock and key? Because the system is set up such that a powerful class—including prison operators, their political supporters, and the corporations that purchase the cheap products of prison labor—benefits from prisoner exploitation and saves a little of the scraps for other segments of the proletariat that they also exploit.

To understand our current structures of racial caste, we must consider how the capitalist logic running through the criminal justice system feeds its pathologies and sucks efforts at reform back into its course. Most readers of Alexander’s work will be amply familiar with the concept of the Prison-Industrial Complex and the cluster of private prison contractors, construction companies, manufacturers and service providers who make a profit off the prison system. Unfortunately, Alexander spends a measly amount of time on explaining the economics of this system. The private prison system, symptomatic of the pathologies of mass incarceration, emerged in the early 1980s, concurrent with the boom in incarceration. The Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) and GEO group, the two largest private prison contractors, formed in 1983 and 1984, respectively, following closely on the heels of the War on Drugs declaration (1982) and coming right before the flooding of working class black neighborhoods with crack (~1985). Some analyses of the boom in incarceration see it as a means of locking away and controlling surplus population not able to be employed (e.g. Wright 1997). While this is surely part of the picture—the logic of capital tends to produce surplus population and lumpen economies which then become an excuse for marginalization and oppression—such an explanation misses several other strategic functions of the prison system under capitalism. As illustrated by the financial success of the private prison sector, making $3 billion in revenue a year (ALCU 5), the War on Drugs opened up a whole new sector for ever-hungry capital’s investment; the prison system, beyond acting as a cost to capital and a means of social control, became a new source of profit. This revenue comes in two forms: taxpayer money and contract labor. Taxpayer money essentially functions as a form of primitive accumulation, opening a new source of profit for capital by levying taxes through state power and funneling it into an industry that makes over a billion in profits annually.[1] Meanwhile, the labor of prisoners, which costs the capitalist 40 to 50 cents per hour (~5% of federal minimum wage) and no benefits (Smith and Hattery 282), takes a population previously too expensive to employ, and by subsidizing their living costs with taxpayer money, makes them once again profitable to employ. This is common practice not only in the private prison industry, which holds 130,000 of the US’s 2.3 million prisoners (ACLU 11-12), but also in public prisons. The Department of Corrections is known to skim as much as 50% off a prisoner’s paycheck to cut its own costs (Smith and Hattery 282). Other beneficiaries of prison labor include everyone from construction companies and textile manufacturers to IBM, Motorola, Texas Industries, Microsoft, Boeing, Starbucks, Victoria’s Secret, and Revlon, who exploit it for the same grunt labor capitalists usually contract to China for, at even cheaper rates (the average Chinese laborer received $1.68/hr in 2008).[2] Prisons represent a cheap 2.3 million-strong workforce to be drawn into work at will. Locked up, they can be employed at our disposal and disciplined too—the ideal flexible labor force. In short, our system of mass incarceration functions as a major subsidy for capital. By leveraging taxpayer money to pay for prisons, it opens up a new realm of investment for private capital. Conveniently for capital, prisons function both as a new realm of investment and a mechanism for dividing the proletariat by taking the most marginalized and locking them away, while the rest pay for their oppression and accept it. Making use of the color line was one of the easiest mechanisms for capital to do this. Criminality oriented around an implicit color bias not only makes it easier to other so-called criminals but also has devalues the communities they come from as a whole, turning those communities into further pools of cheap labor.[3]

We cannot understand the New Jim Crow or how to fight it without understanding the economic forces that drive it. The marginalization of a large, predominantly black population, their control and devaluation, is not at root a matter of a “flawed public consensus”; it is about an upper class maintaining its power and control, however masked and indirectly. And we will get nowhere with the fight to roll back our ravenous mass incarceration system if we treat it as a problem of public opinion. At best, if we are very lucky, we will have some changed view on prisons, a few reforms, a new status quo with a teeny bit more padding, and another displacement of capitalism’s wringing hand. At worst, we will get nothing much at all: economic divisions will break down our solidarity; some of us will grow more agitated; and capital will continue to pay for people in office who put those of us most militant about resistance into the prisons too. If we are going to fight the New Jim Crow, we must pay attention to the story between the lines in Alexander’s book: that this is a problem of class power and capital that must be fought as such.

In Seattle, and other cities, a movement is growing to fight the prison-industrial complex, and it is excited about Michelle Alexander’s book. The most radical segments of this movement are staunchly abolitionist. We are about getting rid of prisons. But even as this radical segment is convinced of the fundamentally flawed nature of our mass incarceration system, it does not necessarily recognize and is not explicit about the fight being a larger one of class and exploitation. We must bear in mind as we fight the fight for prison abolition that we are working in a capitalist system that has a tendency to pit the oppressed against the oppressed. Unless prison abolition is understood as a larger fight—against those who profit off prisons and by all workers in the prison-industrial complex, from prisoners themselves to those exploited to construct their facilities, look after their health, and provide their services—we will end up with another fight directed inwards, towards ourselves. Prison abolition alone could mean a flood of people back into urban ghettos, competition for already scarce jobs, loss of jobs for working class whites in prison-related industries, and renewed racial resentment. Job training and rehabilitation programs are not the solution for this. It requires something much more—a fundamental challenge to capitalist exploitation. Alexander’s “radically egalitarian public consensus” cannot be formed without radically egalitarian material relations and the reclaiming of resources by all those exploited. No public consensus except one that recognizes the nature of this exploitation and fights it can help us escape from another reconstitution of racialized class oppression.

The movement in Seattle today is shy in recognizing this. A new constellation forming in resistance to the city’s money-pumping into the juvenile detention system has started on an explicitly abolitionist basis, with a significant but not yet loud class conscious element in its core. There is a sense of the need to be prisoner led, an important factor if the movement is to be engaged in the full complexity of problems and oppressions that face prisoners and their communities. At last Thursday’s community forum, the majority of speakers spoke directly from their experience as inmates or relatives and friends of inmates in the prison system. But as a teacher and audience member at last Thursday’s community forum commented, there were few who would identify as black males sitting in the room. There were few from her community in Seattle’s South End, one of those most affected by this complex. To paraphrase her call, if this movement means business, when things get active in the South End, we need to show up and be there. Thursday discussion also failed to tackle class and capital as central frames of analysis. As Seattle’s movement grows we need to develop a clear understanding of the workings of the capitalist system that structures what we fight. We can only act effectively with that understanding in mind.

[1] Just one of these corporations, the CCA, made $1.2 billion in earnings in 2005.

[2] Bureau of Labor Statistics. “Manufacturing in China.” http://www.bls.gov/fls/china.htm

[3] For more info on the prison industry, visit http://www.prisonpolicy.org/research/. See also http://criticalresistance.org.

Sources Cited
American Civil Liberties Union. 2011. Banking on bondage: private prisons and mass incarceration. New York, NY: ACLU. http://www.aclu.org/files/assets/bankin ... 111102.pdf.
Smith, Earl, and Angela Hattery. 2007. “If We Build It They Will Come: Human Rights Violations and the Prison Industrial Complex”. Societies Without Borders. 2 (2): 273-288.


See Also

Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis and Opposition in Globalizing California / Ruth Wilson Gilmore

Podcast: “The Punitive Turn”
http://www.againstthegrain.org/tag-directory/prisons

Private Prisons: The Public’s Problem
American Friends Service Committee, February, 2012
http://afsc.org/sites/afsc.civicactions ... Report.pdf

Too Good to be True: Private Prisons in America
Sentencing Project, January, 2012
http://sentencingproject.org/doc/public ... e_True.pdf

Gaming the System: How the Political Strategies of Private Prison Companies
Justice Policy Institute, June, 2011
http://www.justicepolicy.org/research/2614
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun May 27, 2012 11:07 pm

http://threewayfight.blogspot.com/2007/ ... ewish.html

Thursday, November 01, 2007

Is left anti-Zionism anti-Jewish?

As I've written previously on this blog, there's a myth that leftists have to choose between fighting antisemitism and fighting Zionism. One version of this myth trivializes antisemitism and sometimes embraces it: witness James Petras's claim that "the Jewish lobby" controls U.S. policy on the Mideast. The other version of the myth shies away from a systematic critique of Zionism out of the belief that such critique is inherently anti-Jewish.

This is a false choice. Zionism -- by which I mean the movement and ideology that says Israel is and should be the state of the Jewish people -- is not only inherently oppressive to Palestinians but also deeply harmful to Jews. I've written about this in "Why I Oppose Zionism", and I won't repeat all of my arguments here.

I do want to respond to some criticisms of left anti-Zionism that appeared on Three Way Fight this summer. In a string responding to Allen Ruff's critical review of Petras's book, The Power of Israel in the United States, two lengthy comments argued that all existing anti-Zionism is antisemitic. Both comments are unsigned but they appear to be written by the same person. I'll call them Anonymous 7/23 and Anonymous 8/18, for the dates when they were posted. The two comments, I believe, reflect a perspective that is widespread in sections of the left.

For the sake of organizing my response more clearly, I will summarize the main arguments in Anonymous 7/23 and Anonymous 8/18 as follows:

Claim 1: Left anti-Zionists wrongly conflate Zionism in its totality with imperialism. This is an economistic perspective that ignores the role of cultural oppression in Israel's founding.

Claim 2: Left anti-Zionists deny that Jews constitute a nation with the right of self-determination in a specific body of land. This denial reflects the antisemitic view that Jews are not real flesh and blood humans, but rather air beings defined by abstraction, internationalism, and money.

Claim 3: Left anti-Zionists don't recognize European Jews' right to flee their oppression, especially the Nazi genocide, and that Israel exists to fight antisemitism and be a place of refuge for Jews.

Claim 4: Left anti-Zionists don't take antisemitism seriously as an object of analysis. Three Way Fight authors, specifically, have never tried to understand antisemitism as a system with its own logic of oppression. Doing so would force them to confront the anti-Jewish assumptions that underlie their own anti-Zionism.



In tackling these claims, I will draw particularly on two books: Matzpen's The Other Israel and Isaac Deutscher's The Non-Jewish Jew. In an earlier response to Anonymous 7/23, I suggested these works as examples of anti-Zionism that takes cultural oppression seriously. Anonymous 8/18 rejected that suggestion.

The 1972 book The Other Israel: The Radical Case Against Zionism (nominally edited by Arie Bober) consists of essays by members of the Israeli Socialist Organization, better known by the title of its newspaper, Matzpen (Compass). Matzpen was founded in 1962 as an anti-Stalinist offshoot of the Israeli Communist Party united around anti-Zionism and revolutionary socialism. The essays gathered in The Other Israel helped to bring Matzpen's analysis to an international audience. The book has its limitations (its take on nationhood is arguably dated, it says little about Ashkenazi oppression of Mizrahi Jews, and nothing about the oppression of women), but it remains valuable, among other reasons, precisely because it critiques Zionism while taking Jews' cultural identities and anti-Jewish opppression seriously. (The full text of The Other Israel is available online at http://www.matzpen.org/index.asp?p=other.)

The Non-Jewish Jew is a 1968 compilation of essays by the Polish Marxist Isaac Deutscher, published shortly after his death in 1967. Over his adult life, Deutscher moved from Stalinism to Trotskyism to an independent position that hoped (naively) for peaceful reform of the Soviet bureaucracy, but his writings are infused with a thoughtful, undogmatic spirit and were my introduction to Marxism as serious scholarship. As Anonymous 8/18 rightly pointed out, I was mistaken to describe The Non-Jewish Jew as anti-Zionist -- following the Nazi genocide Deutscher refused to condemn Zionism, but refused to embrace it either. Exploring this position critically can shed some useful light on the debate.

Now let's look at Anonymous's various claims, one by one.

Claim 1: Left anti-Zionists wrongly conflate Zionism in its totality with imperialism. This is an economistic perspective that ignores the role of cultural oppression in Israel's founding.

Contrary to what Anonymous 8/18 asserts, The Other Israel states clearly that the Zionist movement originated as a reaction to anti-Jewish persecution and discrimination in late 19th century Europe, and that the Nazi genocide transformed Zionism from a minority current to a dominant political force among Jews worldwide. But, the Matzpen writers argue, the "solution" that Zionism offered was inherently oppressive -- to transform Jews from a persecuted people into settler-colonial oppressors of another people:

"Israeli society and the Zionist state are the products of Zionist colonization of Palestine. This colonization process consisted of the organized immigration of Jews; the influx of capital under Zionist control; the formation of exclusively Jewish political, educational and cultural institutions; the construction of Jewish armed forces; the development of an exclusively Jewish economy through land purchases from absentee Palestine landlords, followed by the violent dispossession of the Palestinian peasantry; denying Arabs employment in industries working with capital under Zionist control; and a tightly enforced Jewish boycott of Arab-produced goods. In 1948, this process reached a climax in the establishment of the state of Israel – and in the physical expulsion of almost a million Palestinian Arabs from the territory occupied by the new state. The process is by no means at an end."

The nature of this program "required the economic, military and diplomatic support of one or more imperialist powers. From the very beginning, a primary goal of Zionist leaders has been to cement the alliance with imperialism.... Without this support the settler community could not have been secured, and the state could neither have been established nor could it continue to exist in the face of the implacable hostility of the violently dispossessed Palestinians and the intensifying opposition of the other Arab peoples. And because of this, the alliance is by no means one of equals; on the contrary, the imperialist partner is overwhelmingly dominant, and the Zionist state is utterly dependent on imperialism."

"Israel is the only country in the Middle East that not only is not economically exploited by imperialism but is actually subsidized by it. The Zionist state, in short, is a client state of imperialism, and Israeli-Jewish society as a whole has the aspect of a counter-revolutionary, military outpost of imperialism." (All three of the above quotes are from the Conclusion to The Other Israel.)

Elsewhere, The Other Israel notes that Israel isn't just an imperialist puppet. It's an autonomous player ready to act on its own or take advantage of divisions between imperialist powers -- as in 1956, when it joined with Britain and France in invading Egypt against U.S. opposition.

As a left anti-Zionist, I agree with all of the above points. Is this analysis "economistic"? Decide for yourself.

(Two secondary points: First, Anonymous 8/18 claims that the Soviet Union's support for Israeli independence in 1947-48 weakens the argument that Israel is intrinsically tied to western imperialism. That's like claiming that Chiang Kai-shek wasn't pro-capitalist because the Soviets supported him in the mid 1920s. The USSR's abandonment of revolutionary politics led it to support "progressive" capitalist regimes repeatedly for geostrategic reasons. Second, Anonymous 8/18 misreads The Other Israel in claiming that its authors "don't just accept, but they explain away the open anti-semitism of the Grand Mufti Haj Muhammed Amin al-Husseini, whose illustrious career included organizing Muslim SS units." On the contrary, The Other Israel emphasizes al-Husseini's "religious fanaticism and right-wing nationalism," as well as his hypocrisy in denouncing Zionists publicly while collaborating with them privately.)

Claim 2: Left anti-Zionists deny that Jews constitute a nation with the right of self-determination in a discrete body of land. This denial reflects the antisemitic view that Jews are not real flesh and blood humans, but rather air beings defined by abstraction, internationalism, and money.

Zionism claims that all Jews everywhere form one nation and that Israel is our state. This is an abstract, ahistorical, essentialist conception of Jewishness that obscures the many national differences and divisions among Jews, including the emergence of an Israeli Jewish national community. Matzpen pioneered in addressing this point. The group rejected the Zionist claim of Jewish nationhood while arguing that Israeli Jews constitute a nation with a distinctive national culture, language, and class structure. "Despite the fact that it was created by Zionism, a Hebrew nation in the full sense of the term now exists in Palestine. And as such it has the right to self-determination, not certainly in the Zionist sense, but within the context of a socialist federation of the Middle East" (Chapter 12).

What did this concept of an Israeli-Jewish nation mean? On the one hand, it meant rejection of the anti-democratic principle, central to Zionism, that Israel is the state of all Jews worldwide, rather than a state of its own citizens. Thus The Other Israel called for "the abolition of Jewish exclusiveness (which is inherent, e.g., in the Law of Return) whereby a Jew living in Brooklyn gets more civil and political rights in Israel than a Palestinian Arab who was born there (whether he is now a refugees or an Israeli citizen). In our view, the fact that the Brooklyn Jew feels an emotional tie to the Holy Land does not entitle him to have any political rights in the country, whereas the Palestinian Arab is entitled to full civil and political rights" (Chapter 13).

On the other hand, asserting that Israeli Jews constituted a nation meant that they could not be "driven into the sea," but had a right to share the land on the basis of civil and political equality with Palestinian Arabs. Further, Matzpen's conception challenged the formula of "a democratic secular state in which Muslims, Christians, and Jews can live together" (put forward by the PLO in the 1970s) because this formula treated Jews as only a religious community. As internationalists, Matzpen advocated a socialist union of the Middle East, but argued that this union must recognize the national rights of all peoples in the region, including both Arab peoples and non-Arabs such as Kurds, Israeli Jews, and South Sudanese.

As a number of leftists have argued, the traditional Marxist discussion of nationhood and national liberation needs to be reexamined critically in the light of changing realities, notably that most national liberation movements have either collapsed, been coopted by global capitalism, or been eclipsed by the anti-imperialist right. With that caveat, Matzpen's approach remains a far better starting point than either the Zionist concept of Jewish nationhood or versions of anti-Zionism that dismiss Israeli Jewish collective identity.

Claim 3: Left anti-Zionists don't recognize European Jews' right to flee their oppression, especially the Nazi genocide, and that Israel exists to fight antisemitism and be a place of refuge for Jews.

The Other Israel
criticizes Zionism not only for its oppression of Palestinians, but also for of its oppressive impact on Jews. As the books argues, Zionism's response to antisemitism has been defeatist, in one of two ways: some Zionists have argued that persecution of Jews is inherent in human nature, while others have argued that such persecution is actually helpful because it forces Jews to band together. "The first approach considers anti-Semitism an evil and integration an inevitable failure; the second considers anti-Semitism a blessing and integration an evil to be avoided" (Chapter 11).

As a result, many Zionists have treated antisemites "not as an enemy against whom an implacable struggle must be waged, but as a potential bargaining partner with whom arrangements can be negotiated to achieve a common goal; e.g., the removal of Jews from non-Jewish society and their concentration in a society of their own" (Chapter 11). Such negotiating partners have included the Tsarist government of Russia and even the Nazis. David Ben-Gurion, de facto head of the Zionist settlement and future prime minister of Israel, argued in 1938 that efforts to save Jews from Nazism were a threat to Zionism unless the Jews were brought to Palestine. (In a related statement quoted in Lenni Brenner's Zionism in the Age of the Dictators, Ben-Gurion wrote, "If I knew it would be possible to save all the [Jewish] children in Germany by bringing them over to England, and only half by transporting them to Eretz Yisrael, then I would opt for the second alternative. For we must weigh not only the life of these children, but also the history of the People of Israel.")

To the Zionist and Israeli leadership, building the Jewish state has consistently been more important than fighting antisemitism. Many instances show this besides the ones cited in The Other Israel. We could discuss the many Zionists who have echoed anti-Jewish stereotypes and attacked the living Jewish cultures of the diaspora; the Israeli government's urging of Argentinian Jews in the 1970s to keep quiet about the antisemitic terrorism of the Argentinian military junta (an Israeli trade partner); or the Israeli government's efforts in the 1980s to force Soviet Jewish emigres to settle in Israel and nowhere else, e.g. with the help of Dutch police who in 1991 used attack dogs to capture a group of Jewish asylum seekers and forcibly put them on a plane to Israel.

We could also discuss the semi-theocratic nature of the Israeli state, which gives Orthodox rabbis legal authority over Jews regarding marriage, divorce, abortion, rape, and domestic violence. This system penalizes non-Orthodox Jews and, above all, subordinates Jewish women to a culturally reactionary, all-male hierarchy.

What about Jews' right to flee oppression, especially the Nazi genocide? Here let's turn to Isaac Deutscher. Anonymous 8/18 quotes a famous passage from The Non-Jewish Jew in which Deutscher offers a metaphor to explain the founding of Israel:

"A man once jumped from the top floor of a burning house in which many members of his family had already perished. He managed to save his life; but as he was falling he hit a person standing down below and broke that person's legs and arms. The jumping man had no choice; yet to the man with the broken limbs he was the cause of his misfortune. If both behaved rationally, they would not become enemies. The man who escaped from the blazing house, having recovered, would have tried to help and console the other sufferer; and the latter might have realized that he was the victim of circumstances over which neither of them had control. But look what happens when these people behave irrationally. The injured man blames the other for his misery and swears to make him pay for it. The other, afraid of the crippled man's revenge, insults him, kicks him, and beats him up whenever they meet. The kicked man again swears revenge and is again punched and punished. The bitter enmity, so fortuitous at first, hardens and comes to overshadow the whole existence of both men and to poison their minds" (pp. 136-7).

On an individual level, the metaphor of a person jumping from the burning house vividly portrays the tragic irony facing Jewish refugees from Nazism who became Israelis. No question, people facing genocide or the threat of genocide have the right to flee to safety wherever they can. But as a metaphor for the Zionist movement, the passage is deeply misleading. Because the Zionist movement did not urge European Jews to jump to safety wherever they could, but told them instead, "you have to jump to this one spot, on top of this other person's head. It's wrong for you to jump anywhere else, and we will block any attempts you make to do so."

Deutscher himself recognized elsewhere in the same essay that Israel -- not the Palestinians -- bore primary responsibility for the failure to establish a "rational relationship": "Israel never even recognized the Arab grievance. From the outset Zionism worked towards the creation of a purely Jewish state and was glad to rid the country of its Arab inhabitants. No Israeli government has ever seriously looked for an opportunity to remove or assuage the grievance." Further, Deutscher warned against treating the Arab-Israeli conflict as "only a clash of two rival nationalisms, each moving within the vicious circle of its self-righteous and inflated ambitions.... The nationalism of the people in semi-colonial or colonial countries, fighting for their independence, must not be put on the same moral-political level as the nationalism of conquerors and oppressors. The former has its historic justification and progressive aspect which the latter has not. Clearly, Arab nationalism, unlike the Israeli, still belongs to the former category." At the same time, Deutscher warned that Arab nationalism, too, carried its own "streak of irrationality, an inclination to exclusiveness, national egoism and racism" (p. 138).

Claim 4: Left anti-Zionists don't take antisemitism seriously as an object of analysis. Three Way Fight authors, specifically, have never tried to understand antisemitism as a system with its own logic of oppression. Doing so would force them to confront the anti-Jewish assumptions that underlie their own anti-Zionism.

I find this charge particularly galling, since analysis of antisemitism has in fact been central to my work over the past eighteen years on fascism and right-wing movements more broadly. For recent examples, see my "Critiquing Neocons and Scapegoating Jews" (posted on Three Way Fight in May 2006) or my review of April Rosenblum's pamphlet on antisemitism in the current issue of Upping the Anti.

My analysis of antisemitism draws on Marxists such as Abram Leon, Maxime Rodinson, and Moishe Postone; feminists such as Ella Shohat, Elly Bulkin, and Andrea Dworkin; and liberals such as John Higham, George Mosse, and Sander Gilman. For me, understanding the distinctive "logic" of anti-Jewish oppression and scapegoating is pivotal for understanding how some rightists can present themselves as a revolutionary alternative -- an understanding that's central to three-way fight politics. At the same time, the three-way fight also means critiquing movements that oppose revolutionary rightists (such as neonazis) by bolstering the established oppressive order. Zionism -- including left Zionism -- is a prime example.
"If you don't stand for something, you will fall for anything."
-Malcolm X
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun May 27, 2012 11:57 pm

http://thesocietypages.org/socimages/20 ... e-saviors/

MUSLIM WOMEN AND THEIR WHITE SAVIORS
by Guest Blogger John McMahon, May 6, 2011

Recently at Feministing, Maya Dusenbery wrote about an ad from Germany’s International Human Rights campaign that, as she put it, is “a lesson in how not to advocate for women’s rights.”

Image

The translation of the text is “Oppressed women are easily overlooked. Please support us in the fight for their rights.”

As Dusenbery writes,

It seems the folks who created this ad not only have a hard time seeing agency but actually went out of their way to erase it as thoroughly as possible and then stomp on it some more. And then equated women who wear the burqa with bags of trash. Literally.

I completely agree, and would like to add some broader context. This is not at all surprising, given the recent of attempts in the West to obscure the agency of Muslim women in juxtaposition to their white, Western saviors. One of the more blatant examples of this was the discourse of the United States government that it was going to war in Afghanistan in part to save Afghan women from the Taliban. Laura Shepherd argued in an excellent 2006 article in The International Feminist Journal of Politics (which I’ve cited before) that the US discursively constructed Afghan women as the “Helpless Victim” that was submissive and lacking agency, under the oppressive control of the “Irrational Barbarian.” This discourse, was used, of course, to posit the United States (specifically, its military) as the saviors who could rectify the situation for these women. Much as the agency of the women in the German PSA was erased, this narrative denied the agency of Afghan women, who, as Shepherd writes, are afforded “only pity and a certain voyeuristic attraction” (p. 20).

Of course, this specific discourse hasn’t ended. As this TIME Magazine cover from last year shows, it continues to serve as a means of justifying the US occupation of Afghanistan.

Image
(Cover to the August 9, 2010 edition of TIME)

This discourse assumes, obviously, that the US presence in Afghanistan is a clear benefit for women in the country, a position at least some women’s organizations in Afghanistan contest. Samhita Mukhopadhyay at Feministing had an excellent poston this issue last summer.

I should also mention France’s recently-instituted ban on the full-faced veil, which Dusenbery argues – citing Jos Truitt – is a similar erasure of agency. I agree with her, and again would add that this fits in with this general (Orientalist) discourse about Muslim women, their uncivilized oppressors, and their White saviors.

—————————

John McMahon is a Ph.D. student in Political Science at the City University of New York Graduate Center, where he also participates in the Women’s Studies Certificate Program. He is interested in post-structuralism, issues relating to men and feminism, gendered practices in international relations, gender and political theory, and questions of American state identity. John blogs at Facile Gestures, where this post originally appeared.

See also our post in which we criticize a set of public service ads that compared women with genital cutting to blow up sex dolls.
"If you don't stand for something, you will fall for anything."
-Malcolm X
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon May 28, 2012 12:24 pm

http://thesocietypages.org/socimages/20 ... ng-judged/

WOMEN, NEVER FORGET YOUR BODY IS BEING JUDGED

Melissa Fletcher Pirkey, a grad student at Notre Dame, sent in an image she saw in a catalog for Spanx, a company that sells shapewear. This page from the catalog reminds women that our bodies are always on display and subject to scrutiny, requiring the help of a range of garments to help us keep them under control lest we fail inspection:

Image
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon May 28, 2012 11:53 pm

انا قلبي مساكن شعبية: And When You Leave, Take Your Pictures With You.

theuncolonizedmind:

By Jo Carrillo


Our white sisters
radical friends
love to own pictures of us
sitting at a factory machine
wielding a machete
in our bright bandanas
holding brown yellow black red children
reading books from literacy campaigns
holding machine guns bayonets bombs knives
Our white sisters
radical friends
should think
again.

Our white sisters
radical friends
love to own pictures of us
walking to the fields in the hot sun
with straw hat on head if brown
bandana if black
in bright embroidered shirts
holding brown yellow black red children
reading books from literacy campaigns
smiling.
Our white sisters
should think again.
No one smiles
at the beginning of a day spent
digging for souvenir chunks of uranium
of cleaning up after
our white sisters
radical friends.

And when our white sisters
radical friends see us
in the flesh
not as a picture they own,
they are not quite sure
if
they like us as much.
We’re not as happy as we look
on
their
wall.



“And When You Leave, Take Your Pictures With You,” published in This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color, 2nd ed., 1983
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue May 29, 2012 12:14 am

Image

criminallyinnocent:

Here is a Georgia State Trooper in riot gear at a KKK protest in a north Georgia city back in the 80s. The Trooper is black. Standing in front of him and touching his shield is a curious little boy dressed in a Klan hood and robe. I have stared at this picture and wondered what must have been going through that Trooper’s mind. Before the Trooper is an innocent child who is being taught to hate him because of the color of his skin. The child doesn’t understand what he is being taught, and at this point he doesn’t seem to care. Like any other child his curiosity takes hold and he wants to explore this new thing that this man is holding probably because he can see his reflection in it and that’s a neat thing and he wants to check it out. In this picture I see innocence mixed with hate, the irony of a black man protecting the right of white people to assemble in protest against him, temperance in the face of ignorance, and hope that racism can be broken because this young boy may remember that a black man smiled at him once and he didn’t seem so bad after all.

smh

Racism isn’t born, folks, it’s taught. I have a two-year-old son. You know what he hates? Naps! End of list.
~Dennis Leary
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue May 29, 2012 12:45 am

Image

awomansplaceisinthestruggle:

Nicaraguan guerrinna sister breast feeding her baby during the Contra War. Orlando Valenzuela’s photography captures the femininity of revolutionary Sandinista women so beautifully.

“I have learned that a woman can be a fighter, a freedom fighter, a political activist, and that she can fall in love and be loved. She can be married, have children, be a mother. Revolution must mean life also; every aspect of life.”
Leila Khaled
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