Economic Aspects of "Love"

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sat Feb 02, 2013 8:05 pm

http://thesocietypages.org/socimages/20 ... e-heldman/

“THE SEXY LIE,” A TED TALK BY DR. CAROLINE HELDMAN
by Lisa Wade, PhD,

The 13-minute video below is a Ted Talk given by SocImages contributor Caroline Heldman. The aim is to define sexual objectification, refute the myth that it’s empowering, and offerstrategies for navigating objectification culture.

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sat Feb 02, 2013 8:20 pm

http://thegentlemanjigger.tumblr.com/po ... tion-block


THE AUCTION BLOCK


we were once stood upright

for their eyes

measured, plucked and pulled

torn, raped and in all cases bought.

looking on us now.

i sometimes fear we haven’t escaped
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Feb 03, 2013 12:37 pm

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Feb 03, 2013 10:25 pm

“History does not happen to society: history is the self-deployment of society.

--CORNELIUS CASTORIADIS,Turkish-born French theorist of radical political autonomy
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Feb 03, 2013 11:38 pm

One pillar of white supremacy is the logic of slavery. This logic renders black people as inherently enslaveable—as nothing more than property. That is, in this logic of white supremacy, blackness becomes equated with slaveability. The forms of slavery may change, be it explicit slavery, sharecropping, or systems that regard black peoples as permanent property of the state, such as the current prison–industrial complex (whether or not blacks are formally working within prisons).3 But the logic itself has remained consistent. This logic is the anchor of capitalism. That is, the capitalist system ultimately commodifies all workers: one’s own person becomes a commodity that one must sell in the labour market while the profits of one’s work are taken by somebody else. To keep this capitalist system in place—which ultimately commodifies most people—the logic of slavery applies a racial hierarchy to this system. This racial hierarchy tells people that as long as you are not black, you have the opportunity to escape the commodification of capitalism. Anti-blackness enables people who are not black to accept their lot in life because they can feel that at least they are not at the very bottom of the racial hierarchy—at least they are not property, at least they are not slaveable.

A second pillar of white supremacy is the logic of genocide. This logic holds that indigenous peoples must disappear. In fact, they must always be disappearing, in order to enable non-indigenous peoples’ rightful claim to land. Through this logic of genocide, non-Native peoples then become the rightful inheritors of all that was indigenous—land, resources, indigenous spirituality, and culture. Genocide serves as the anchor of colonialism: it is what allows non-Native peoples to feel they can rightfully own indigenous peoples’ land. It is acceptable exclusively to possess land that is the home of indigenous peoples because indigenous peoples have disappeared.

A third pillar of white supremacy is the logic of orientalism. “Orientalism” was Edward Said’s term for the process of the West’s defining itself as a superior civilisation by constructing itself in opposition to an “exotic” but inferior “Orient”.4 (Here, I am using the term “orientalism” more broadly than to signify solely what has been historically named as the “orient” or “Asia”.) The logic of orientalism marks certain peoples or nations as inferior and deems them to be a constant threat to the wellbeing of empire. These peoples are still seen as “civilisations”—they are not property or the “disappeared”. However, they are imagined as permanent foreign threats to empire. This logic is evident in the anti-immigration movements in the United States that target immigrants of colour. It does not matter how long immigrants of colour reside in the United States, they generally become targeted as foreign threats, particularly during war-time. Consequently, orientalism serves as the anchor of war, because it allows the United States to justify being in a constant state of war to protect itself from its enemies. Orientalism allows the United States to defend the logics of slavery and genocide as these practices enable it to stay “strong enough” to fight these constant wars. What becomes clear, then, is what Sora Han declares: the United States is not at war; the United States is war.5 For the system of white supremacy to stay in place, the United States must always be at war.

Under the old but still dominant model, organising by people of colour was based on the notion of organising around shared victimhood. In this model, however, we see that we are not only victims of white supremacy, but complicit in it as well. Our survival strategies and resistance to white supremacy are set by the system of white supremacy itself. What keeps us trapped within our particular pillars of white supremacy is that we are seduced by the prospect of being able to participate in the other pillars. For example, all non-Native peoples are promised the ability to join in the colonial project of settling indigenous lands. All non-black peoples are promised that if they conform, they will not be at the bottom of the racial hierarchy. And black and Native peoples are promised that they will advance economically and politically if they join US wars to spread “democracy”. Thus, organising by people of colour must be premised on making strategic alliances with one another, based on where we are situated within the larger political economy. Coalition work is based on organising not just around oppression, but also around complicity in the oppression of other peoples as well as our own.

It is important to note that these pillars of white supremacy are best understood as logics rather than categories signifying specific groups of people. Thus, the peoples entangled in these logics may shift through time and space. Peoples may also be implicated in more than one logic simultaneously, such as peoples who are black and Indigenous. This model also destabilises some of the conventional categories by which we often understand either ethnic studies or racial-justice organising—categories such as African American/Latino/Asian American/Native American/Arab American. For instance, in the case of Latinos, these logics may affect peoples differently depending on whether they are black, Indigenous, Mestizo, etc. Consequently, we may want to follow the lead of Dylan Rodriguez, who suggests that rather than organise around categories based on presumed cultural similarities or geographical proximities, we might organise around the differential impacts of white-supremacist logics. In particular, he calls for a destabilisation of the category “Asian American” by contending that the Filipino condition may be more specifically understood in conjunction with the logic of genocide from which, he argues, the very category of Filipino itself emerged.6

In addition, these logics themselves may vary depending on the geographic or historical context. As outlined here, these logics reflect a United States–specific context and may differ greatly in other places and times. However, the point I am trying to argue is that analysing white supremacy in any context may benefit from not presuming a single logic but assessing how it might be operating through multiple logics (even as these multiple logics may vary).




From: Indigeneity, Settler Colonialism, White Supremacy, by ANDREA SMITH

http://www.worlddialogue.org/content.php?id=488
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Feb 04, 2013 9:32 am

http://ordoesitexplode.wordpress.com/20 ... d-oakland/

FEBRUARY 3, 2013 · 6:25 PM

thoughts on “violence” and Oakland

It is necessary to constantly remind ourselves that we are not an abomination.” -Marlon Riggs

In this space, i want to speak light to our lives and move beyond what others have projected and said for us. In this space i want to speak hope. I am a teacher in Oakland, I am an artist in Oakland, I am queer in Oakland and I am Black in Oakland. These labels have defined my existence here from the beginning and they are where i speak from when i speak from this place- which is home.

Lots of talk has come from the shooting of Kiante Campbell at First Friday last week. Lots of different voices have sounded- each trying to put a finger on some kind of analysis of the violence. And to be honest, its all pretty enraging that this is what becomes news. “Violence in Oakland” as many have put it is a problem. But what is violence and who defines it? What are the value of lives caught up in this? and what does a solution look like?

on violence.

First Friday and the commotion around this spectacle is violence. As the event, First Friday also known as “Art Murmur”, continues to grow we see masses of folk pour into the city under the banners of “unity”, “togetherness” and a “greater Oakland” but that aint the case. My experiences with First Friday have been traumatic. The truth is Oakland (which is historically a Black and Brown town) is being colonized and the event serves as one of the chief tools of colonization by bringing in revenue and attention which is not placed into the hands of the communities in Oakland which are starving and dying- which find it harder to gain access to this street festival because of profiling and privatization. I was a vender on the streets before permits were enforced and i found myself trying to justify why my art- which is deliberately pro Black and pro revolution in aesthetic- belonged there. Hundreds of unchecked, drunken white folk flooded the streets shouting racial slurs, disrespecting the art of venders and initiating conflicts. The police- which militarize the city were no where to be found. In the past, other events which were hosted by Black and Brown folk, were swarmed by police before any alleged “violence” erupted. For example, the city promptly put an end to my folks cruising (driving around) lake merritt.

The reason this shooting is getting attention is because it happened on what is sacred ground for the new force colonizing Oakland. It happened in a place where the city is trying to gain revenue. Stories are rarely heard about the shooting that occurs daily in The Bottoms or Deep East. That there is naturalized- "niggas killing each other”- and ignored. The white media reports on it only when trying to justify the continued police terrorism against and displacement of folk. “The area needs to be cleaned up, its too violent.”

This instance will be the same in the eyes of the media and the colonizers.

The chief problem with all of this being that the “violence” is never fully put into context. If we are to talk of Black and Brown bodies destroying one another then lets talk about the violence of a system that denies them health care, that spends 90% of its bailout money on a police force, that plans on continually closing down schools in these neighborhoods, that does not give folk access to fresh and healthy food- lets speak on the violence of a system that teaches Black and Brown youth to hate themselves through this sinister programming. If I live in a place that the state has neglected and i am harrassed by the police constantly, and my schools are being gutted then where am i to find peace of mind and a sense of self worth. And it is especially hard to find that kind of solace when my home is being uprooted and torn apart through the violence of gentrification: white and other privileged bodies moving into our homes, disrespecting our culture and moving us out. The material conditions are not all that affect our spirits but they play a large role in socializing us. As a child in Southeast DC, part of the reason that I believed that I wasn’t shit was because I lived and saw shit. It is a direct message from the state: “you are not worth caring about.” and I believe that violent message is felt very deeply.

Moving on.

I think about violence a lot.

as a Black male i expect violence from the state. as a queer male i expect violence from the “straight” world. as a Black queer male, i expect violence from all over. And in turn, I am sometimes angry and ready to be “violent”. And I try to remember what someone said before me

“It is necessary to constantly remind ourselves that we are not an abomination.”

I must remember this because i believe that in these words there is healing. One of my primary goals is to explore love and find new ways to cultivate that with my students because i see that as a key to our liberation as oppressed bodies in this space. I firmly believe that one of the strongest movements we can make towards a greater social change is the act of loving ourselves- deeply. I want to speak love so that my sister and brother feel it and know it and hopefully return it- as naive as that sounds. It is easy for us to destroy one another when we are not aware of our immense worth.

And that is the project I want to commit to. The city and liberals will respond to this with more guns, more police, more degradation of my folk and that is what it is. But in countering that, i think it would do us good to talk about how we as oppressed folks can challenge the “violence” we do to one another daily through community action and collectivism- through the sharing of resources and building of alternative spaces where we can be free. And this ain’t easy. And this is vague. And thats the point of this pondering. The point is to begin again and see what can be.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Feb 04, 2013 10:10 am

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Feb 04, 2013 10:28 am

Guadalupe the Sex Goddess

Sandra Cisneros

In high school I marveled at how white women strutted around the locker room, nude as pearls, as unashamed of their brilliant bodies as the Nike of Samothrace. Maybe they were hiding terrible secrets like bulimia or anorexia, but, to my naïve eye then, I thought of them as women comfortable in their skin.

You could always tell us Latinas. We hid when we undressed, modestly facing a wall, or, in my case, dressing in a bathroom stall. We were the ones who still used bulky sanitary pads instead of tampons, thinking ourselves morally superior to our white classmates. My mama said you can’t use tampons till after you’re married. All Latina mamas said this, yet how come none of us thought to ask our mothers why they didn’t use tampons after getting married?

Womanhood was full of mysteries. I was as ignorant about my own body as any female ancestor who hid behind a sheet with a hole in the center when husband or doctor called. Religion and our culture, our culture and religion, helped to create that blur, a vagueness about what went on “down there.” So ashamed was I about my own “down there” that until I was an adult I had no idea I had another orifice called the vagina; I thought my period would arrive via the urethra or perhaps through the walls of my skin.

No wonder, then, it was too terrible to think about a doctor—a man!—looking at you down there when you could never bring yourself to look yourself. ¡Ay, nunca! How could I acknowledge my sexuality, let alone enjoy sex, with so much guilt? In the guise of modesty my culture locked me in a double chastity belt of ignorance and vergüenza, shame.

I had never seen my mother nude. I had never taken a good look at myself either. Privacy for self-exploration belonged to the wealthy. In my home a private space was practically impossible; aside from the doors that opened to the street, the only room with a lock was the bathroom, and how could anyone who shared a bathroom with eight other people stay in there for more than a few minutes? Before college, no one in my family had a room of their own except me, a narrow closet just big enough for my twin bed and an oversized blond dresser we’d bought in the bargain basement of el Sears. The dresser was as long as a coffin and blocked the door from shutting completely. I had my own room, but I never had the luxury of shutting the door.

I didn’t even see my own sex until a nurse at the Emma Goldman Clinic showed it to me—Would you like to see your cervix? Your os is dilating. You must be ovulating. Here’s a mirror; take a look. When had anyone ever suggested I take a look or allowed me a speculum to take home and investigate myself at leisure!

I’d only been to one other birth control facility prior to the Emma Goldman Clinic, the university medical center in grad school. I was 21 in a strange town far from home for the first time. I was afraid and I was ashamed to seek out a gynecologist, but I was more afraid of becoming pregnant. Still, I agonized about going for weeks. Perhaps the anonymity and distance from my family allowed me finally to take control of my life. I remember wanting to be fearless like the white women around me, to be able to have sex when I wanted, but I was too afraid to explain to a would-be lover how I’d only had one other man in my life and we’d practiced withdrawal. Would he laugh at me? How could I look anyone in the face and explain why I couldn’t go see a gynecologist?

One night, a classmate I liked too much took me home with him. I meant all along to say something about how I wasn’t on anything, but I never quite found my voice, never the right moment to cry out—Stop, this is dangerous to my brilliant career! Too afraid to sound stupid, afraid to ask him to take responsibility too, I said nothing, and I let him take me like that with nothing protecting me from motherhood but luck. The days that followed were torture, but fortunately on Mother’s Day my period arrived, and I celebrated my nonmaternity by making an appointment with the family planning center.

When I see pregnant teens, I can’t help but think that could’ve been me. In high school I would’ve thrown myself into love the way some warriors throw themselves into fighting. I was ready to sacrifice everything in the name of love, to do anything, even risk my own life, but thankfully there were no takers. I as enrolled at an all-girls’ school. I think if I had met a boy who would have me, I would’ve had sex in a minute, convinced this was love. I have always had enough imagination to fall in love all by myself, then and now.

I tell you this story because I am overwhelmed by the silence regarding Latinas and our bodies. If I, as a graduate student, was shy about talking to anyone about my body and sex, imagine how difficult it must be for a young girl in middle school or high school living in a home with no lock on the bedroom door, perhaps with no door, or maybe with no bedroom, no information other than misinformation from the girlfriends and the boyfriend. So much guilt, so much silence, and such a yearning to be loved; no wonder young women find themselves having sex while they are still children, having sex without sexual protection, too ashamed to confide their feelings and fears to anyone.

What a culture of denial. Don’t get pregnant! But no one tells you how not to. This is why I was angry for so many years every time I saw a la Virgen de Guadalupe, my culture’s role model for brown women like me. She was damn dangerous, an ideal so lofty and unrealistic it was laughable. Did boys have to aspire to be Jesus? I never saw any evidence of it. They were fornicating like rabbits while the Church ignored them and pointed us women toward our destiny—marriage and motherhood. The other alternative was putahood.

In my neighborhood I knew only real women, neither saints nor whores, naïve and vulnerable huerquitas like me who wanted desperately to fall in love, with the heart and soul. And yes, with the panocha too.

As far as I could see, la Lupe was nothing but a Goody Two-shoes meant to doom me to a life of unhappiness. Thanks, but no thanks. Motherhood and / or marriage were anathema to my career. But being a bad girl, that was something I could use as a writer, a Molotov cocktail to toss at my papa and el Papa, who had their own plans for me.

Discovering sex as like discovering writing. It was powerful in a way couldn’t explain. Like writing, you had to go beyond the guilt and shame to get to anything good. Like writing, it could take you to deep and mysterious subterranean levels. With each new depth I found out things about myself I didn’t know I knew. And, like writing, for a slip of a moment it could be spiritual, the cosmos pivoting on a pin, could empty and fill you all at once like a Ganges, a Piazzolla tango, a tulip bending in the wind. I was no one, I was nothing, and I was everything in the universe little and large—twig, cloud, sky. How had this incredible energy been denied me!

When I look at la Virgen de Guadalupe now, she is not the Lupe of my childhood, no longer the one in my grandparents’ house in Tepeyac nor is she the one of the Roman Catholic Church, the one I bolted the door against in my teens and twenties. Like every woman who maters to me, I have had to search for her in the rubble of history. And I have found her. She is Guadalupe the sex goddess, a goddess who makes me feel good about my sexual power, my sexual energy, who reminds me that I must, as Clarissa Pinkola Estés so aptly put it, “[speak] from the vulva … speak the most basic, honest truth,” and write from my panocha.

In my research of Guadalupe’s pre-Colombian antecedents, the she before the Church desexed her, I found Tonantzin, and inside Tonantzin a pantheon of other mother goddesses. I discovered Tlazolteotl, the goddess of fertility and sex, also referred to as Totzin. Our Beginnings, or Tzinteotl, goddess of the rump. Putas, nymphos, and other loose women were known as “women of the sex goddess.” Tlazolteotl was the patron of sexual passion, and though she had the power to stir you to sin, she could also forgive you and cleanse you of your sexual transgressions via her priests who heard confession. In this aspect of confessor Tlazolteotl was known as Tlaelcuani, the filth eater. Maybe you’ve seen her; she’s the one whose image is sold in the tourist markets even now a statue of a woman squatting in childbirth, her face grimacing in pain. Tlazolteotl, then, is a duality of maternity andsexuality. In other words, she is a sexy mama.

To me, la Virgen de Guadalupe is also Coatlicue, the creative/destructive goddess. When I think of the Coatlicue statue in the National Museum of Anthropology in Mexico City, so terrible it was unearthed and then reburied because it was too frightening to look at, I think of a woman enraged, a woman as a tempest, a woman bien berrinchuda, and I like that. La Lupe as cabrona. Not silent and passive, but silently gathering force.

Most days, I too feel like the creative/destructive goddess Coatlicue, especially the days I’m writing, capable of fabricating pretty tales with pretty words, as well as doing demolition work with a volley of palabrotas if I want to. I am the Coatlicue-Lupe whose square column of a body I see in so many Indian women, in my mother, and in myself each time I check out my thick-waisted, flat-assed torso in the mirror.

Coatlicue, Tlazolteotl, Tonantzin, la Virgen de Guadalupe. They are each telescoped one into the other, into who I am. And this is where la Lupe intrigues me—not the Lupe of 1531 who appeared to Juan Diego, but the one of the 1990s who has shaped who we are as Chicana/mexicanas today, the one inside each Chicana and mexicana. Perhaps it’s the Tlazolteotl-Lupe in me whose malcriada spirit inspires me to leap into the swimming pool naked or dance on a table with a skirt on my head. Maybe it’s my Coatlicue-Lupe attitude that makes it possible for my mother to tell me, “No wonder men can’t stand you.” Who knows? What I do know is this: I am obsessed with becoming a woman comfortable in her skin.

I can’t attribute my religious conversion to a flash of lightning on the road to Laredo or anything like that. Instead, there have been several lessons learned subtly over a period of time. A grave depression and near suicide in my thirty-third year and its subsequent introspection. Vietnamese Buddhist monk Thich Nhat Hanh’s writing that has brought out the Buddha-Lupe in me. My weekly peace vigil for my friend Jasna in Sarajevo. The writings of Gloria Anzaldúa. A crucial trip back to Tepeyac in 1985 with Cherríe Moraga and Norma Alarcón. Drives across Texas, talking with other Chicanas. And research for stories that would force me back inside the Church from where I’d fled.

My Virgen de Guadalupe is not the mother of God. She is God. She is a face for a god without a face, an indigena for a god without ethnicity, a female deity for a god who is genderless, but I also understand that for her to approach me, for me to finally open the door and accept her, she had to be a woman like me.

Once watching a porn film, I saw a sight that terrified me. It was the film star’s panocha—a tidy, elliptical opening, pink and shiny like a rabbit’s ear. To make matters worse, it was shaved and looked especially childlike and unisexual. I think what startled me most was the realization that my own sex has no resemblance to this woman’s. My sex, dark as an orchid, rubbery and blue-purple as pulpo, an octopus, does not look nice and tidy, but otherworldly. I do not have little rosette nipples. My nipples are big and brown like the coins of my childhood.

When I see la Virgen de Guadalupe I want to lift her dress as I did my dolls, and look to see if she comes with chones and does her panocha look like mine, and does she have dark nipples too? Yes, I am certain she does. She is not neuter like Barbie. She gave birth. She has a womb. Blessed art thou and blessed is the fruit of thy womb…. Blessed art thou, Lupe, and, therefore, blessed am I.



http://scarlet-blu.livejournal.com/7632.html



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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Feb 04, 2013 1:20 pm

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Feb 04, 2013 1:48 pm

The oppressor is in solidary with the oppressed only when he stops regarding the oppressed as an abstract category and sees them as persons who have been unjustly dealt with, deprived of their voice, cheated in the sale of their labor — when he stops making pious, sentimental, and individualistic gestures and risks an act of love. True solidarity is found only in the plenitude of this act of love, in its existentiality, in its praxis. To affirm that men and women are persons and as persons should be free, and yet to do nothing tangible to make this affirmation a reality, is a farce.

—Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Feb 04, 2013 4:52 pm

To live in the borderlands means you

are neither hispana india negra espanola

ni gabacha, eres mestiza, mulata, half-breed

caught in the crossfire between camps

while carrying all five races on your back

not knowing which side to turn to, run from;

To live in the Borderlands means knowing that the india in you, betrayed for 500 years,

is no longer speaking to you,

the mexicanas call you rajetas, that denying the Anglo inside you

is as bad as having denied the Indian or Black;

Cuando vives en la frontera

people walk through you, the wind steals your voice,

you’re a burra, buey, scapegoat,

forerunner of a new race,

half and half-both woman and man, neither-a new gender;

To live in the Borderlands means to

put chile in the borscht,

eat whole wheat tortillas,

speak Tex-Mex with a Brooklyn accent;

be stopped by la migra at the border checkpoints;

Living in the Borderlands means you fight hard to

resist the gold elixir beckoning from the bottle,

the pull of the gun barrel,

the rope crushing the hollow of your throat;

In the Borderlands

you are the battleground

where enemies are kin to each other;

you are at home, a stranger,

the border disputes have been settled

the volley of shots have scattered the truce

you are wounded, lost in action

dead, fighting back;

To live in the Borderlands means

the mill with the razor white teeth wants to shred off

your olive-red skin, crush out the kernel, your heart

pound you pinch you roll you out

smelling like white bread but dead;

To survive the Borderlands

you must live sin fronteras

be a crossroads.



To Live in the Borderlands by Gloria Anzaldua



http://ethiopienne.tumblr.com/post/4203 ... re-neither
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Feb 05, 2013 11:32 am

Israel and Palestine, an animated introduction.


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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Feb 05, 2013 11:52 am

http://recomposition.info/2013/02/05/cr ... -fighting/

Credit, Wages and Occupy: What System Are We Fighting?
February 5, 2013 | Filed under For discussion

Image

By John O’Reilly

“Those who make revolution halfway only dig their own graves”

– Jacobin leader in the French Revolution, eventually put to death by Robespierre



After the political darkness of the Bush years and the unmet promises of the first Obama administration, Occupy Wall Street and its local spinoffs felt, for those of us who were a part of it, like a breath of fresh air. Here were people, everywhere, talking about a better world beyond Hope and Change rhetoric, beyond bumper sticker platitudes. And beyond talking, they acted! Marches around the business districts of all major U.S. cities, fights over access to public space, intense discussions over democracy, practice, politics, and vision. The cobwebs were dusted out and a thousand flowers did indeed bloom. Hardened, experienced activists and organizers found themselves facing an army of fresh idealistic faces, intent on remaking the country and the world and fundamentally shaking up the political Left in most places where Occupy took root. It was, in short, a beautiful and powerful moment.

What Comes Next?

One year after Occupy Wall Street emerged, we see countless pronunciations of both its death and its continuing grip on life. Occupy changed the game, Occupy made mistakes, Occupy was never a thing, Occupy is the beginning of the next thing, Occupy was too much of a thing, Occupy was the model for the future. Regardless of which of these many formulations of analysis one subscribes to, there are many more perspectives out there about what happens next. As the plaza occupations cooled down around the country, as the state found useful ways to inoculate itself against the specific tactic of occupying a public park or central square, two main lines emerged on how to move forward from within Occupy. Both lines found allies within those who had shown up and battled it out through the fall and winter of 2011 as well as within established Left forces who initially viewed Occupy with some skepticism. The first line coalesced around the idea of taking the tactic of occupying things and made it a strategy, best expressed in the refrain “Occupy everything.” The second line oriented away from the tactic of occupying things and towards establishing a clear economic target within the nebulous category of “the 1%” to pursue. Neither line represents a neat ideology, with broad crossover in each category from liberals to anarchists to socialists in many different organizational formations. Each is by nature an abstraction but their resonance does continue within the “post-Occupy” moment we are entering.

While the Occupy Everything line continues to hold both concern and promise for revolutionaries, it is unlikely to become a major force. Any time organizers take a tactic and turn it into a commitment, they cut themselves off from flexibility and enter a world where every problem can only be solved with the same tools. If you have only a hammer, every problem looks like a nail. For the radical ecology movement and the direct action wing of the anti-war movement in the latter half of the 00’s this turned any situation into the question “what can we lock down to?” While this line is still around, already we are seeing the limitations to its resurgence in the wake of Occupy in places where this line has more sway.

The second line has more far-reaching consequences for the Left and must be properly understood. The populist rage that fueled Occupy was often critiqued for its lack of a focus. Who and what specifically within the metaphor of the 1% was to be the target of our opposition? A wide range of factors helped determine Occupy’s answer to this question. Popular themes within Occupy’s early explosion included anger at financial institutions like the Federal Reserve and banks. As revolutionaries were relegated to technical work like feeding people or fighting cops, social democratic forces with more experience organizing were able to seize political control in many Occupy groups, successfully gambling that most radicals would rather wear an outsider status with pride than fight for the direction of a movement. Finally, as many have suggested, the primary, though by no means only, demographic forces involved gave a nudge towards issues that disproportionately effect downwardly mobile “middle class” youth. These factors and probably many more resulted in the second line’s clarification of its targets.

After several months of scrambling, this second line found, or was told, what its target was to be: debt and institutions that hold it over working people. This can be seen in a wide variety of political positioning within the post-Occupy milieu and the broader Left. The move to fighting home foreclosures in the form of various Occupy Homes groups, the movements to engage with personal debt through its collective buying and forgiveness, and the emerging national organizing around a student debt action or strike are the clearest examples of this decision. The target is banking institutions, not in the quixotic libertarianism of the anti-Federal Reservists, but in a broad, social democratic campaign for more regulation of banking and against the bailouts that they have been unwilling to allow to trickle down to working people. This position states that the banks are responsible for the 2008 crisis and that they must pay their fair share for the damage that they have done to the economy and specifically to working people who have been harmed by their behavior. We could call this emerging second line’s perspective the Strategic Anti-Debt line.

There is real power in the demands and the organizing that has emerged here from this milieu. Homeowners who were on the precipice of eviction have had their mortgages renegotiated so that they can keep their homes and families together. Young people are imagining a world where a college education does not translate to a lifetime of paying it off in an economy with no real jobs. There is powerful moral language about the need for financial institutions to provide for the common good instead of their shareholders’ bottom line. Real, clear good has happened for working people who have been the beneficiaries of this organizing effort.

Yet this post-Occupy milieu, vibrant with energy and action and increasingly taking up a large space of the practice of the Left, has found itself tied to a vision of the economy that is based on a fundamental misunderstanding of what system-altering struggle is and where it comes from. To look more clearly at why this is, we must pause briefly and consider how we have come to the present moment. While we should not expect that everyone on the Left should be an economist, we need to attempt to understand how the system works in order to understand what should be the primary target of our organizing work. To look at this further, let us examine the ways in which working people have historically fought for better lives in order to shed light onto our movement’s possibilities.

Credit and Wages

The working class is in fixed state of struggle against the capitalist class. We only exist as a class because of our relationship to the capitalist class and it is this relationship which is marked by struggle. At the simplest level, we produce everything in the economy and they take the product of our work because they own the means of production upon which the work was done. We then are given back some piece of the products we created in the form of wages and the rest the capitalist class keeps. They sell the products for a higher amount then they spent to buy the materials and our work time for them and make a profit, which they reinvest in more production. This is the most basic form of capitalism and still reflects more or less accurately the way that most of the economy functions.

With the reconstruction after World War II, a new ingredient would be introduced on a wide-scale that would fundamentally change the relationship between the working and employing classes, especially among parts of the working class with more social privilege. A series of important changes in the political and economy conditions took place that made for an outside to the immediate relationship between the worker and their boss. The development of powerful new labor-saving technologies, the development of the welfare system, the flourishing of new markets backed by a powerful U.S. imperial military; these and many other factors allowed for the first time in U.S. history the flourishing of easy to obtain, reliable credit. Through using on credit and other financial mechanisms like stock investments and using its own money as credit to other workers and capitalists, like through savings interest, the working class saw for the first time a way outside of the wage relationship.

By using credit, the field had opened up to a whole range of opportunities for a better life beyond struggling with the boss over what portion of one’s labor should be returned in the form of wages. For elements of the working class in developed countries, it was a time like no other. Owning things like homes and automobiles, or paying for things like education, became widely available over the course of the second half of the century. Compared to working longer hours or fighting for higher pay, obtaining credit and over time paying it back was an obvious better choice for many workers. The ability of parts of the working class to entire into a relationship with the capitalist class and with other workers beyond the traditional relationship of struggle over the wage produced a powerful incentive to participate in new ways, but also strengthened traditional divides within the working class.

Access to credit was and is unevenly divided throughout the class. Over time reformers and forward-thinking capitalists have made it a priority to find ways to improve access to credit for marginal parts of the working class, but the implementation of these schemes have alternated between better conditions for marginalized workers and the continuation and solidification of white supremacy and patriarchy through policy. On one hand, struggles to end red-lining and similar segregation policies allowed racial minorities and women access to credit and the ability to be home-owners for the first time. This represented a real change for these parts of the class and the ability to participate along with whites and men in the game of credit. On the other hand, marginalized parts of the class were and are given access to inferior types of credit products and services, and mostly not until the 1970s, significantly after privileged elements of the class had begun using access to credit to bring up standards of living.

Access to credit did not end struggle over wages, though by opening up an attractive alternative to it, it divided the working class’s attention into both spheres. As internal ineptitude and conservative leadership and structure evolved within the labor movement and labor law found increasingly repressive ways to stifle workers’ actions, unions became less effective. While only representative of different parts of the class at different times, unions represent the main measurable way to observe the working class’s success in the struggle over the wage. As unions atrophied, credit became for many people a far more viable way to improve their lives. Union density collapsed over the course of the last century in the U.S., dropping from about 35% in the mid-1950s in to less than 12% in 2011. As our collective instrument to negotiate over wages has declined, it should not surprise that our wages as a whole have not increased. Indeed, adjusting for inflation and other factors, real wages in the U.S. have declined since 1974. Over the long term, the struggle over the wage has attracted less and less of the working class’s attention, especially for the portions with the access to the most effective financial mechanisms for improving their material condition.

None of the foregoing is to cast blame or accuse working people of doing anything wrong. Working people in the developed world have actually better lives than we did in any period since the emergence of capitalism as an economic model. We live longer, are more educated, more literate, can see things that our ancestors could never have even imagined, and can cross continents with relative ease and luxury. And it is no person’s fault that we have moved away from collective confrontation with the capitalist class to individualized negotiation over credit and its use. History is a complicated thing, with twists and turns, and the history of the Left in the U.S. since about the same time finance arose as a possible alternative to the wage is a history of its progressive isolation from the organized elements of the working class. That story is too long to be told here, but suffice for our purposes to remember that for anyone born since the early 1970s, the political Left has never been a major player in working class politics in our lives. Without clear voices coming from within the class and showing leadership in the struggle against the wage system, it is hardly for us to blame working people for making a choice away from class struggle.

We also must be careful to guard against economism in this analysis. The Left did not die off as a viable force because of the financialization of capital and none of this was inevitable. Various social forces made choices throughout this period that responded to their political as well as economic realities. For example the May 1st, 2006 immigrants’ strike was not a natural response from a group of workers that overwhelmingly lacks access to the same kind of financial tools as documented workers, but was the result of organizing on the ground by motivated people attempting to better the situation of their section of the class. Like all history, it was determined by the social and economic forces involved, but not only by them. Credit and the credit system similarly did not necessitate the die-off of the Left as a major force in American life, but we can see how it played its part along with many other forces, internal and external.

At the end of the day though, the extension of credit only worked for a period of time. The American Dream started to crack at the foundations.[1] While economists can debate about what exactly caused the crisis of 2008 to hit, what’s clear is that it signaled the beginning of the end of financialization as a way out of class struggle. The mortgage crisis hit hard, especially in communities already more economically marginal and oppressed within the class. The racially and sexually stratified access to credit has emerged as a fundamental feature of the foreclosure crisis, with women and people of color facing much higher rates of foreclosure than the rest of the class, exposing the ways in which credit has temporarily raised parts of the class up while simultaneously keeping others contained. Evictions and vacant properties are a fixture in working class communities, as homelessness continues to tear families apart and the capitalist political parties tear away the limited social welfare system. Workers who invested heavily in the stock market found their money gambled away without a care for their well-being. Credit card debt, often crushing, has become a fundamental feature of most working peoples’ lives. Today we are just beginning to see the start of the student debt crisis which will probably take years for its dynamics to fully play out but will surely drown a generation of students in decades of loan repayment, often with no way out. It is as though we bought a chair, fancy-looking but shoddily constructed, and are now shocked that such a thing has broken beneath us. What began as the fulfillment of the American Dream has turned into a trap that we are only now seeing spring back upon us. How we can escape remains an open question.

Against the System

We stand at a moment of a realignment of the economy. The accompanying possibility is a realignment of politics. As the possibilities for working people to escape the grasp of exploitation and poverty grow narrower with the progressive complications emerging from the financial system, we need to find a way to push the struggle forward. The 2012 national elections have left us with a landscape that is basically unchanged, despite many millions of dollars spent by both sides. Expecting a dramatic shift from the Obama administration in its last four years is clearly an error, as his first term showed us that he is a fundamental piece in the capitalists’ game, one who momentarily emerges to perform populist rhetoric between long periods of practicing openly reactionary politics. Obviously revolutionaries know by know that the theater of ruling class politics is both a distraction from and a twisted mirror held up to the real issues of the working class and so we must seek the real alternatives to the bourgeois order in our own organizing and in the communities around us.

Here we must return to our discussion raised earlier about the directions forward for the milieu which has found itself formed around the Occupy movement. Without a doubt, Occupy’s emergence and eclipse represented a real change in the ability of the Left to articulate a vision. What it lacked was a program. As Occupy as a formal movement has fallen away, the urge to provide political coherency and strategic goal-setting has, as most would agree, been an important part of the next step for those who were active within it. We sit prepared for the next wave of struggle, and are attempting to provide some political framing for its hopeful rise.

But the crusade against the banks that the Strategic Anti-Debt grouping of Occupiers has created threatens to become a rearguard action for capitalism. We should not fight to save a broken piece of capitalism from itself. By that we mean that by casting the banks as the primary opponent against whom the social movements align themselves, we risk attempting to prop up an ailing element of 20th century capitalism by forcing the state and capital to reintegrate the working class into the scheme of finance that we are being evicted from. Renegotiated mortgages save homes, and that’s real. But renegotiating mortgages also represents a fight to keep the working class invested in the capitalist system. We created all the wealth that the boss class used to set up its banks which loan us money. By fighting to stay involved in the financial system, we are fighting not our exploitation but to be able to borrow the products of our exploitation from our exploiters. We seek to prolong the working class’s ability to play ball in a fantasy economy instead of engaging with the real economy that our grandparents battled in the streets of Toledo, San Francisco and Minneapolis.

Here we should address the concerns of ultraleftism. No one would argue that the results of the financial meltdown are being felt most harshly by those most marginal in the working class and everyone should believe that we need to do something to fight for what we have gained through the financial system. The capitalist system is realigning itself and crushing the gains that we have made through financialization, but revolutionaries cannot simply through their hands up in despair. There is no need to abandon the struggle to work with those parts of the class being most affected by the financial collapse just because we abandon the attempt to save that part of the economy. But as we work in campaigns around debt, we need to clarify what we, as revolutionaries, are doing the work for. We are not against the banks, we are against the capitalist system. Winning the battle of ideas is an important part of the revolutionary movement, and when we engage in defensive work to save what things we have, we should use the opportunity to argue for a vision that is clear, compelling and calls for a better world.

Class Against Class

Some will contend that in the current moment, there is no real difference between wages and credit because we are so far removed from where we need to be to produce a moment of rupture in capitalist relations. “Perhaps when the radical forces are greater,” one could say, “it will be more important to focus on work around the wage. Right now, such work will only get mired in the reformism that is the byproduct of a weak movement.” Such a critique is compelling, especially in the light of the transformation of the labor movement in the United States to what is essentially the handmaiden of capitalist production, ensuring that workers’ militancy is stifled wherever it emerges. But while we need to be honest that the level of struggle is still very low compared to a genuinely revolutionary situation, we do need to think through what kinds of processes could lead us most effectively to that situation. Surely a radical approach to the wage question needs to be more than the worn-out method of capturing formal business union leadership, a method that has produced little to nothing in the last century. Occupy arguably changed what struggle meant on the political level, why shouldn’t Occupiers and those inspired by them take the same tactical and strategy innovation to the shop floor? The labor movement desperately needs the kind of energy that Occupy created, not simply activists cynically channeled by union bureaucrats as a rent-a-mob, but as workers, acting for their class and against the exploiters and their enablers. By working to be in the labor movement, radicals can set the stage now for more explosive conflict later, by invigorating the wage struggle in a way that pushes radical ideas to the forefront and builds the movement. Radicals are uniquely able to both build the labor movement outwards, something the business unions have mostly abandoned, and deepen its politics by highlighting the role that the wage plays within the broader struggle between classes.

Revolutionaries need to be clear about where the potential for real change emerges from and debt cannot, by its nature, produce that rupture. Rupture, meaning the abolition of the capitalist system of production and distribution and its replacement with a system based on human needs, must be prepared and organized towards. Even if campaigns against debt radicalize and politicize workers, they are not fundamentally campaigns against capitalism, because capitalism, despite its use of credit, is not a system fundamentally based on credit, but a system based on the exploitation of a vast working class in order to make profits for the owning class. The best construction workers in the world cannot build a house if the tools they are given are hoes, rakes and shovels, instead of hammers, nails and wood. They could learn to plant flowers, but if what is needed is a house, they will prove unable to do so. Likewise despite all the politicization that can emerge from defensive actions against the problems of debt, radical workers organizing campaigns against a byproduct of capitalism instead of its basis will not fundamentally change things.

As any movement or milieu changes, some contradictions within it become clear while others become hidden. Reformists and radicals compete for leadership on one hand, yet work side-by-side on struggles that ultimately strengthen the capitalist state on the other. It should give radicals pause that the leading elements of the would-be left-wing of U.S. capitalism are those who call most loudly for a fight over credit. This should come as no real surprise, because without capitalism, there is no place for union bureaucrats and the nonprofit-industrial complex. Nonetheless, as the shake-out from Occupy continues and as forces continue to align and realign, we must distinguish who are our allies and who would use our energy for their own gain and for the system’s ultimate maintenance.

Just because a system has been historically used as a way of dividing the working class against itself does not mean that fighting for its renewal will implicitly become a revolutionary project. The credit system and the wage system have both been used to marginalize parts of the working class through discrimination and oppression. Real short-term benefits will come from attacking the discriminatory parts of both systems. But where debt struggles may challenge unfair lending patterns, they cannot attack the capitalist system which forces us to borrow what we are unable to buy with our wages. Wage struggle, whether it be against discrimination in the workplace or for general improvements, directly attacks capitalism’s scheme of producing profit from our labor and the accompanying dictatorship of work that the capitalist class wields. Reformism and reaction are always possible no matter which kind of struggle we engage in. But the conditions for it to be superseded only exist where our scissors can cut the tie that lies at the heart of the whole economy, the wage system. Without a united working class, without prioritizing struggles of marginalized workers, we will be unable to flip the social relations that are embodied in the wage system.

Beyond simply committing to the foolish task of trying to save a part of capitalism from itself, if we commit to pursuing the financial system as our opponent, we walk away from that historic mission of the working class: to abolish the wage system itself. It is this struggle over exploitation in which we find the ingredients to end the capitalist system and usher in a new epoch for the world and its inhabitants. The possibilities for rupture are uniquely set out in struggle over the wage and its attendant humiliations at work because it is through our working and the boss’s robbery that the capitalist system finds itself being reproduced. Our class, the working class, needs to abolish class by abolishing the system, not find a way to pretend that our class is not the exploited class by borrowing money back from our oppressors. It is towards work in this struggle, and providing ideas and our skills towards other workers, that revolutionaries should orient ourselves to.

Revolutionaries must take up the cry of class struggle if we truly believe that we can win and abolish the wage system once and for all. While undoubtedly in the short term it will feel like the excitement and media attention created by media-savvy debt struggles is a more seductive path than the slow, time-intensive work of organizing our coworkers, we need to be intentional about initiating political work that has the potential to fundamentally change the capitalist system itself. It is the struggle of a class against a class that underlies our whole economy and if we fail to put our work towards aiding our class against its opponent then we will be forced to sit by as history takes us down its winding path without our ability to act decisively upon it.



[1] The phrase ‘American Dream’ was first popularized by James Truslow Adams in 1931, which he defined as “that dream of a land in which life should be better and richer and fuller for every man, with opportunity for each according to his ability or achievement… It is not a dream of motor cars and high wages merely, but a dream of social order in which each man and each woman shall be able to attain to the fullest stature of which they are innately capable, and be recognized by others for what they are, regardless of the fortuitous circumstances of birth or position.” It is telling that he references both “motor cars,” which stand in for credit access as well as wages in this formulation of an ideal capitalism.




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Last edited by American Dream on Wed Feb 06, 2013 10:38 am, edited 1 time in total.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Feb 05, 2013 2:20 pm

Power does not only operate on our bodies, and the use it makes of our bodies is—even in extreme cases, such as torture—often but a means for imposing on our interior worlds. For power seeks to shape, mobilize, and exploit, not just our bodies, but our desires, fears, insecurities, loyalties, values, creativity—our whole selves. These elements—which characterize both our individuality and our shared humanity—may also be seen as sites of struggle, and may provide a basis for resistance.

— ::: Kristian Williams, Hurt: Notes on Torture in a Modern Democracy
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Feb 05, 2013 2:54 pm

“This enemy of ours is not just Wall Street, it’s the whole culture. It’s a way of looking at us and valuing ourselves in each other. And how you are going to move beyond challenging Wall Street … how you’re going to move to become part of the solution…
You begin with a demonstration. You begin with a protest. But you have to move on from there, and that’s what I see happening now with [the Metamovement]. The people are rightfully, righteously protesting the corporations and the domination of the culture by the corporations and the suffering that that is inducing. But out of the protests they have to move to another stage.

You have to begin doing something that doesn’t depend on exposing the “enemy”. You have to begin becoming the solution yourself instead of just protesting and challenging the enemy. We need people to be reinventing the institutions in our society: Reinventing work, so that we don’t think that having a job and being able to pay the bills is what being a human being is all about. And reinventing education, so that our young people are able to see themselves as part of the rebuilding of our society.

So many of the institutions of our society need reinventing, need re-thinking, and you [the Metamovement] need to do that. You cannot be satisfied with rebelling. You have to be aware that we are at one of the turning points in history where we need revolution, and revolution means reinventing culture.”


— Grace Lee Boggs
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