Economic Aspects of "Love"

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sat Mar 02, 2013 5:41 pm

I don’t think there’s a lot of thinking about anti-imperialism [in progressive groups in the West]. You can’t do feminism without thinking about imperialism. You can’t do worker organizing without thinking about imperialism. You can’t do any of those things without actually taking the fact of imperial war and what’s going on in its name. Which affects all of us in various different ways.

— Chandra Talpade Mohanty - Anticapitalist Feminist Struggle, and Transnational Solidarity


http://mehreenkasana.tumblr.com/
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Mar 03, 2013 9:35 am

http://ordoesitexplode.wordpress.com/20 ... l-movings/

liberal movings.


we

are the only things on this planet

capable of thinking just for ourselves

we cut trees,

bleed oil,

and rape diamonds.

our fingers pulling at earth waist

undoing bows

and bedding.

leaving shit and sheets on the floor

uncleaned.

we write “save trees” on dead trunks

and call ourselves saviors
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Mar 03, 2013 11:49 pm

http://thesocietypages.org/socimages/20 ... like-jazz/

SHOULD SEX BE LIKE JAZZ?
by Lisa Wade, PhD,

Image

I absolutely love this six-minute video by Karen B.K. Chan, tweeted to us by Alex Darasang. A professional sex educator, she tries to re-frame how we think about sex, and sexual consent, by offering a different metaphor. While we use metaphors to talk about sex all the time — weirdly, often related to carpentry: bang, nail, screw, etc. — she wants us to introduce an alternative metaphor: jam.

Jamming — shared musical improv — asks us to work together with others to spontaneously create a piece of art that has never quite existed before. It’s a lovely way to think about what sex should and could be. And, importantly, it utterly changes what consent looks like and its role in sexual pleasure.

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Mar 04, 2013 10:40 am

Gang Starr - Conspiracy



You can't tell me life was meant to be like this
a black man in a world dominated by whiteness
Ever since the declaration of independence
we've been easily brainwashed by just one sentence
It goes: all men are created equal
that's why corrupt governments kill innocent people
With chemical warfare they created crack and AIDS
got the public thinking these were things that black folks made
And every time there's violence shown in the media
usually it's a black thing so where are they leading ya
To a world full of ignorance, hatred, and prejudice
TV and the news for years they have fed you this
foolish notion that blacks are all criminals
violent, low lifes, and then even animals
I'm telling the truth so some suckers are fearing me
but I must do my part to combat the conspiracy

The S.A.T. is not geared for the lower class
so why waste time even trying to pass
The educational system presumes you to fail
the next place is the corner then after that jail
You've got to understand that this has all been conspired
to put a strain on our brains so that the strong grow tired
It even exists when you go to your church
cuz up on the wall a white Jesus lurks
They use your subconscious to control your will
they've done it for a while and developed the skill
to make you want to kill your own brother man
black against black you see it's part of their plan
They want to send us to war and they want to ban rap
what they really want to do is get rid of us blacks
Genocide is for real and I hope that you're hearing me
you must be aware to combat the conspiracy

Even in this rap game all that glitters ain't gold
now that rap is big business the snakes got bold
They give you wack contracts and try to make you go pop
cuz they have no regard for real hip-hop
They'll compare you to others and say: "but yo, he sells"
and you know in your heart that he's weak as hell
So you say: "I ain't doing that corny stuff"
but they tell ya that your chart positions will go up
Sometimes they front big time and make you many promises
and when they break 'em then your mama says
"Son you're making records but that guy seems shady"
it could be too late and your career could be played gee
I hope you listen to the things that I'm sharing see
we all have a job to combat the conspiracy
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Mar 04, 2013 1:22 pm

http://firenexttimenetwork.org/2012/09/ ... ry-praxis/

Forging a Path Beyond “Identity Politics” and “Class Reductionism”
Posted on September 22, 2012

Image

Frantz Fanon’s internal critique of nationalism as well as of orthodox Marxism offers some illuminating insights on more modern understandings of class and identity. His understanding of revolutionary praxis blows away the mystification of both categories into “identity politics” and “class reductionism.” The speech he gave at the Congress of Black African Writers in 1959, “Reciprocal Bases of National Culture and the Fight For Freedom,” is especially useful. Much of the following is a paraphrasing and reformulation of this speech and Fanon’s ideas.

Identity is our consciousness of self, of our group’s historical positioning in the world. What is commonly considered to be “identity politics” says that politics are first shaped through a social group’s particular identity, whether it is nationality, race, class, religion, gender, sexuality, age, etc. or intersections of these. Politics are reduced to identity. The identity of an individual or group is assumed to lead to definite political ends.

Class is a stratification of people into a hierarchal ranking of socio-economic groupings. What is commonly considered to be “class reductionism” says that conflicts of race, gender, sexuality, etc. can be boiled down to class inequality, i.e. between those who own and control the means of production, exchange, service, discipline, communication, etc. and those who don’t. White supremacy and patriarchy are seen as separate and auxiliary to the universalizing class struggle.

There are obviously many limitations to both these understandings of class and identity, and a critical analysis of both is necessary.

In Fanon’s view, revolutionary praxis (the intersection of revolutionary activity and consciousness) is not a constant, but an open-ended possibility. In dialectical fashion, Fanon argued that the particular, not the parochial, is the only thing that will give us a universal dimension. The affirmation of oppressed people’s identities should provide the basis for an opening, not a closing, of the door to revolutionary class consciousness. But rather than the limitations of identity and class analysis giving rise to a reciprocal debate between the two, the differences remain stuck in a mutually exclusive shouting match, a dialectical gangrene of the left.

“Identity politics,” like nationalisms, are often considered by “class reductionists” to be a stage of the past—signs of backwardness that ought to be set right. But Fanon, however, considered the backwardness to lie in the wish to skip the step of the particular in the struggle for the universal. But don’t miss the point. Fanon did not think that nationalism in of itself was enough to bring about a revolutionary transformation of society. He also understood that nationalism had to be opposed at a certain point. He would take a similar stance on the emergence of “identity politics.”

Fanon contended that there would never be new departures or changes in colonized identities within the framework of colonial society. Here and there valiant attempts were made, but the objective repercussion of such leaps ahead was nil. A revolutionary movement does not repair the value and shape of oppressed people’s identities; the struggle which aims at a fundamentally different set of human relations cannot leave intact either the form or the content of the oppressed identity. In Fanon’s language: the disappearance of oppression is the disappearance of oppressed/oppressor identities.

It is important to follow and encourage the development of “identity politics” and “class reductionism” into more precise and clarified forms during the fight for liberation. We can accomplish this if we do away with the idea of a pure class struggle unstained of race and gender conflicts, and instead understand the struggle against white supremacy and patriarchy as central to the revolutionary class struggle.

-by ARTURO
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Mar 04, 2013 1:42 pm

Image
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Mar 05, 2013 1:37 am

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Mar 05, 2013 12:35 pm

Continuum: Right-wing propaganda despite claims of moral complexity

March 04, 2013

By Gar Lipow

The 2012 Canadian science fiction series Continuum, now airing on the SyFy channel is a warning sign. It represents, possibly without intent, an escalation in the way media drums up support for increased police power, and repression of civil liberties and dissent.

At first glance, this series is a mix of a standard science fiction trope with a police procedural. Criminals from the future are pursued by a cop from the future – accidentally brought along during their escape. This is an old combination.

What is new in this series is that the year 2077, from which the cop comes is a dystopian one, ruled by a corporate dictatorship. The criminals are terrorists who seek to restore democracy and human rights. That is right. The talented, charismatic and glowingly beautiful Rachel Nichols is a cop from the future trying to save a corporate dictatorship from the horrors of democracy.

The writers argue that this conflict is a way of adding moral complexity to the series. As they say on the series website, on the page that describes the criminal group “Liber8”: “For many, it will be hard not to agree with their philosophy -- but for most, it will be impossible to agree with their methods.” ButContinuum is no exception to the rule that television fiction is normally an emotional experience before it is an intellectual one; all the emotional weight is tilted towards the dictatorship and against those opposing it.

In the opening episode, Kiera (the cop star of the show played by Nichols) is shown as a loving wife and mother. She is a tough but fair cop who arrests some petty criminals and warns them to change their ways before sending them off to the cop shop. One character complains about the lack of human rights and free speech in their society, and she comments wryly “you seem to be able to speak pretty freely”. The leaders of Liber8 are captured after killing 20,000 people to bring down 20 corporate leaders. The shot of the explosion they create includes bringing down twin towers. Later in the series you see that one of the things they were doing before they killed 20,000 people was randomly blowing up power stations and causing extended power blackouts. “If there's a message there, I'm not seeing it” says 2077 Kiera.

We may occasionally see an argument for the Liber8 point of view, but the emotional deck is always stacked partially against them, and shifts overwhelmingly against them by episode's end. For example, we see what turned the leader of Liber8, Kagame, violent. His non-violent meeting is brutally attacked by corporate police. The cops endanger a baby in a carriage. Was this intended as an Eisenstein homage? But at the beginning of that scene we are shown glassy eyed participants getting lost in a chant led by Kagame. Without justifying the police brutality that takes a bit of the sting out of it for viewers. In the same episode, we see Kagame in our time get away from Kiera because his followers grab a random baby and use that baby as a hostage to keep Kiera from following them, parallel brutality to that of the police. We constantly see Liber8 as casual killers, indifferent to how many innocents they need to kill to achieve their goals.

It is also interesting how the series manages to tie violent terrorist Liber8 to the Occupy movement in 2012. One episode opens with Kiera staring in disbelief at an Occupy encampment. She wonders why they have not been cleared away. Her 2012 partner, Carlos, explains to her that they are on public land and it would require getting the mayor involved.. Besides these protestors are harmless; they will probably go home eventually and “hold hands and sing Kumbaya”. Showing force before you have to will only inflame the crowd and escalate. “Things always escalate” says Kiera, darkly. Apparently the Canadian makers of the series never noticed violent police actions throughout the United States against peaceful Occupy protests.

Kiera's prediction is soon proven correct. It turns out that Liber8 has decided to take advantage of Occupy because “they share our belief, our anger”. Yup, that is what Occupy was about all right – a single rage driven ideology. However it does turn out that the peaceful protestors have to be stirred into action. No problem: Liber8 hires anarchists to stir up the crowd. After all anarchists are all violent criminal thugs who will do anything for money, and the Occupy crowd is so weak-willed that it only takes a few troublemakers to stir up a riot among them. The riot is used as a cover for Liber8 to kidnap a corporate executive. (They kill security guards during the kidnapping, just to highlight their casual brutality.)

Liber8 demands 20 million dollars in ransom for the kidnapped executive – which the corporation shells out. That money is ultimately to be given to the Occupy protestors in front of corporate headquarters (who the police, softies that they are, apparently leave in place even after the previous day's riot which served as cover for a kidnapping). And when the protestors hear that the money is to be given to them they are on the verge of riot again, demanding that money until it is tossed to them – which they grab for like animals being fed in a zoo. And then they chant “Liber8, Liber8” because apparently kidnappers are always popular among peaceful protestors as long as the protestors get the ransom.

Whatever the intent behind the show, whatever is in the hearts of the show-runner and writers, the emotional resonance is clear. The policewoman who represents the totalitarian corporate dictatorship is strong, loving, caring, calm and compassionate. She offers security, stability, safety and protection against the danger and brutal, bloody, chaotic insanity of those who aspire to democracy, equality and freedom. That right-wing authoritarian message is what the program conveys.

The producers and show-runners have claimed in interviews that Continuum deals in shades of gray. But in the end, buried beneath a thin layer of right-wing propaganda, the show's core consists of more right-wing propaganda. And that right-wing propaganda is probably some of the most extreme on television.

The idea that torture and casual violence by authorities is necessary to protect us has long been part of popular culture. Well before 911, it was embedded in the meme of the rule-breaking maverick cop, and the peaceful patient guy who turns brutal vigilante after being pressed too far. Every cop show or cop film that includes scenes where it is just too much to expect for cops to stick to the rule book ends up selling the idea that it is OK to beat confessions out of people sometimes. In that context, the defense of torture in films like Zero Dark Thirty can be seen as Dirty Harry or 24 written on a bigger, slicker canvas.

But Continuum combines that meme with the love certain parts of the political spectrum have for hard choices and the contempt those parts of the political spectrum have for choices that don’t involve suffering for ordinary people. That combination takes this meme to the next level, and draws out its full logical implication. The choices the future offers in this show are corporate dictatorship or being tormented by daily violent criminality. Democracy is a failed dream terrorists use as shield from which to kill. The imperfect security of corrupt totalitarian corporate rule is the lesser evil, the only chance of a mote of security and safety against the violence and chaos that lurks behind all talk of freedom, equality, solidarity and democracy.


From: Z Net - The Spirit Of Resistance Lives
URL: http://www.zcommunications.org/continuu ... ar-w-lipow
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Mar 06, 2013 3:19 pm

http://endofcapitalism.com/2013/03/06/a ... s-on-love/

A Few Observations on Love

Image


1) Confidence is the most attractive quality. If you love yourself, people can tell and are more likely to be interested in you. If you don’t, you could fake it, but you’ll probably only fool people who also have low self-esteem.

2) Attraction is viral. If one person is into you, others will catch on and also become interested. The opposite is also true.

3) “We want the ones we can’t have.” Being distant or unavailable usually makes someone appear more desirable, whereas if they are obviously into you and available, they may appear less desirable.

4) When relationships develop, one partner is usually more distant, while the other pursues. The greater the distance, the greater the pursuit. The pursuer may feel neglected, and the distancer may feel smothered. Often this dynamic hardens into a power imbalance, where the distancer can dictate terms. The only way back to equilibrium may be for the pursuer to stop pursuing.

5) Every relationship (not just romantic) contains a power struggle. Both elements of power-over and power-with are always present to some degree. In healthy relationships, power-with is the predominant element, whereby people work together towards common goals and develop trust. When power-over becomes the predominant element, the relationship is probably unhealthy and both people are likely to get hurt.

6) Because we live in a social system based on power-over (white supremacist capitalist patriarchy), we have each been hurt routinely and therefore carry trauma into all of our relationships. Some people carry more trauma than others due to race, class, gender, and other differences. This may cause them to have difficulty feeling safe or trusting others. In romantic relationships, if someone is experiencing trauma from past abuse, they are more likely to either:

a) seek out scenarios where they may get abused again,
or b) seek out scenarios where they can feel powerful by abusing somebody else.


7) Men, despite being privileged by patriarchy, typically are isolated, lonely, and unable to deal with their emotions. Being emotionally nurturing is perceived as feminine, therefore it is very difficult for hetero male friends to support one another without homophobia shutting them down. This can make hetero men feel desperate to find a woman who will take care of them. If they find one, they may dump all their emotional baggage, which they don’t know how to unpack, onto her. She then becomes the only person who understands him, even better than himself, making him very dependent on her.

8 ) Love is really, really difficult while living under white supremacist capitalist patriarchy. But we can’t wait until the revolution to love others or be loved. Love is the quality that most makes us human. So we need to constantly struggle for love at both the personal and political levels, which are inextricably linked.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Mar 06, 2013 11:45 pm

Image

Born Anew At Each A.M., Piri Thomas
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby Hammer of Los » Thu Mar 07, 2013 10:04 am

...

Parker sends his thanks.

Clearly you are an emissary of a higher intelligence.

...
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Thu Mar 07, 2013 6:11 pm

Well, I'm glad to hear it but if I did anything at all, it was purely by that mysterious force we call intuition...
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Mar 08, 2013 11:52 am

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Mar 08, 2013 2:48 pm

Trigger Warning

Thousands of Native Children Died in Canada’s Residential Schools

By Vic Neufeld; 8 March 2013 - WSWS
http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2013/03 ... a-m08.html

Recent media reports have noted research showing that at least 3,000 children are now known to have died while attending Canada’s aboriginal residential schools. The findings were released last month by Alex Maas, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission researcher managing the Commission’s Missing Children Project. Maas claims that the results are part of the first systematic search of government, school and other records, and provide primary documentation identifying deaths, when they occurred, and the circumstances.

For over a century, a system of residential schools operated in Canada under financial and administrative arrangements between the Government of Canada and the Roman Catholic, Anglican, Methodist, Presbyterian and United churches. In all, over 150,000 First Nations, Inuit and Métis children passed through more than 130 residential schools in virtually every part of Canada. An estimated 70,000 to 80,000 former students of residential schools are alive today.

The Canadian government established this system in the 19th century, with the first schools opening in the late 1870s. Funded by the Department of Indian Affairs, and run by the churches, these schools were integral in the government’s strategy for opening up Canada’s vast northwestern territories to European settlement. Under this strategy, Canada’s native peoples were herded onto “reserve land”, while their children were taken away and placed in residential schools under the so-called “civilizing” influence of the churches and other state agents. The last of these schools closed in 1996.

The schools were based on models taken from youth reformatories and jails. Children were collected from their parents, sometimes at gunpoint by police, and cut off from their families. Once delivered to the schools, they were subjected to a controlled and disciplined environment that combined religious instruction with basic skills training. Living conditions were harsh, with many children physically beaten and sexually abused. Thousands contracted tuberculosis and died while in school custody.

The nature of what happened in these schools has become a bitter contest between native activists and residential school survivors on the one side, and church and state officials on the other. Activists allege murder and genocide, and have made angry demands for investigation, prosecution and compensation. The state for its part has spent tens of millions on a “truth and reconciliation” process in an attempt to avoid liability and bolster its political allies.

Battle lines between these camps first hardened in the 1990s, when activists organized an independent Tribunal into Canadian Indian residential schools, convened under the auspices of the UN-affiliated International Human Rights Association of American Minorities. The tribunal’s June 1998 Vancouver hearings documented that every act defined as genocide by the UN Convention of 1948 occurred in Canadian residential schools. The tribunal concluded that Indian residential schools were conceived and operated for more than a century as an enormous system of terror aimed at children, as part of a larger program of ethnic annihilation and land theft.

The testimony supporting these claims was at times shocking. Elder Irene Favel told a 1998 town hall forum: “I went to residential school in Muscowequan from 1944 to 1949, and I had a rough life. I was mistreated in every way. There was a young girl, and she was pregnant from a priest there. And what they did, she had her baby, and they took the baby, and wrapped it up in a nice pink outfit, and they took it downstairs where I was cooking dinner with the nun. And they took the baby into the furnace room, and they threw that little baby in there and burned it alive. All you could hear was this little cry, like ‘Uuh!’ and that was it. You could smell that flesh cooking.”

The year 1998 was also when Colin Tatz’s published his discussion paper Genocide in Australia. The paper examined the genocidal practices perpetrated against Australian Aborigines, and would be followed by court cases related to the “stolen generations.” (See “Genocide in Australia - Report details crimes against Aborigines”) These events occurred within the context of Australia’s “history wars” over the government’s treatment of its Aboriginal peoples. (See “What is at stake in Australia’s “History Wars”?”)

By the year 2000, Canadian churches faced more than 10,000 lawsuits from survivors. Claiming that these suits would bankrupt their institutions, the churches successfully lobbied the government to enact legislation limiting the scope of lawsuits and assuming primary liability for residential school damages. Courts in Alberta and the Maritimes subsequently denied survivors the right to sue the churches for violation of their civil rights and for genocide. Later on, judicial decisions across Canada restricted the claims of survivors and prevented them from suing the churches for any issues beyond tort offenses of “physical and sexual abuse”.

It was in this context that the largest class action lawsuit in Canada to date, brought on behalf of tens of thousands of survivors across Canada, culminated in 2007 with the Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement. The Agreement established the Truth and Reconciliation Commission “to contribute to truth, healing and reconciliation.” The commission, whose mandate expires in 2014, was granted $60 million in funding.

On June 11, 2008, Prime Minister Stephen Harper delivered to Parliament a statement of apology on behalf of the Government of Canada to survivors of residential schools. In the apology, the prime minister stated that the entire “policy of assimilation” implemented by the system of residential schools “was wrong, has caused great harm, and has no place in our country.” While the prime minister spoke of this policy as one of “killing the Indian in the child”, the allegations of actual child murder and genocide were neither acknowledged nor addressed.

Both the opposition Liberals and the NDP toed the official line. Opposition Leader Stephane Dion acknowledged the government’s shared responsibility and complicity in the abuse of thousands of aboriginal children, but said not a word on the more serious allegations. The Bloc Quebecois’ Gilles Duceppe and the NDP’s Jack Layton both offered similarly limited apologies.

In short, the Parliamentary apology capped earlier legislative and judicial proceedings and signaled that allegations of murder or genocide were not to form any part of the official history.

Since then, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the media have promoted this official line. The commission, chaired by aboriginal judge Murray Sinclair, produced a report entitled “They Came for the Children.” Both the commission and its report have taken fire for refusing to deal with the more serious allegations. However the commission, in a struggle to maintain its credibility, has in turn blamed the federal government for withholding documents vital to its core mandate. In December 2012, the commission filed an application with Ontario Superior Court asking the court to clarify the government’s obligations in this regard.

The commission also agreed to support the “Missing Children Research Project.” The project originated with the Commission’s Working Group on Missing Children and Unmarked Burials, which noted: “Questions into incidents of death and disappearance in the residential schools were raised publicly in early 2007, although survivors and their supporters have been concerned with these issues for many years.”

Project manager Alex Maas’ preliminary findings on the deaths of 3,000 children were reported in February. They were quickly disputed by native organizations, however. For instance, Maas’ report claimed 222 children died in the entire Northwest Territories. However, at just one territorial residential school location at Fort Providence, there are 300 children buried in a single common grave.

Maas’ research attributed many of the residential school deaths to tuberculosis. Media reports have claimed that the deaths were often due to institutional ignorance of the disease’s prevention and treatment. A February 18 CBC report, for example, noted: “For decades starting in about 1910, tuberculosis was a consistent killer — in part because of widespread ignorance over how diseases were spread.” The statement, however, is incorrect: people at that time knew quite well how tuberculosis was spread.

For instance, according to the Lung Association, the “Sanatorium Age” in Canada began in 1896. The sanatorium was designed to treat the disease by the “demonstrated value of rest, fresh air, good nutrition and isolation to prevent the spread of infection.” This was the exact opposite of how residential schools operated, in which sick children were routinely mixed with the healthy in atrocious living conditions. The fatal results were both foreseeable and preventable.

These practices were so obviously contrary to TB treatment as to attract contemporary concern. In 1907 Dr. Peter Bryce, chief medical officer for the federal Department of Indian Affairs, wrote to Deputy Superintendent for Indian Affairs Duncan Campbell: “I believe the conditions are being deliberately created in our Indian boarding schools to spread infectious diseases. The death rate often exceeds 50 percent. This is a national crime.”

Bryce went on to write a book published in 1922 titled The Story of A National Crime: Being a Record of the Health Conditions of the Indians of Canada from 1904 to 1921. In this book Bryce cited evidence that in every school he inspected staff regularly and deliberately housed healthy children with those sick and dying of tuberculosis, then denied treatment and care to all of them. Bryce also claimed that school staff and their church employers regularly concealed or distorted the enormous death rate and the cause of death of so many children.

The commission and the mainstream media continue to evade issues of knowledge and intent, which inevitably lead to questions of state and church policy, and finally to genocide. Tellingly, and perhaps chillingly, the article brushes up against all of these questions with Maas’ quote that “student deaths were so much part of the system, architectural plans for many schools included cemeteries that were laid out in advance of the building.”

Tuberculosis continues to infect and kill Canada’s native peoples at an alarming rate. According to Health Canada, the country’s aboriginal populations are disproportionately affected by TB, a disease fueled by social factors like overcrowding and poverty — conditions rife on many native reserves.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Mar 08, 2013 3:35 pm

http://endofcapitalism.com/2013/03/07/c ... inst-care/

Capitalism Against Care
March 7, 2013

“Invisible and unspeakable, without a meaningful lexicon, is the world of care. No human could survive or thrive without touch, affection, nurturing, attention, compassion, validation, or empathy–yet the need for these acts of care (which are often gendered as feminine, no matter who provides them) has been subsumed into necessary invisibility by a system that depends on depriving us of the means to tend to our own lives.”

“Alienation and Intimacy”

by Corina Dross
Image
Apparently a single by the band “Monster Truck.”
Thought it was humorously appropriate.

Originally posted on Revolt, She Said.

Intimacy is often considered outside the realm of political discourse; politics is what we do out there, not what happens in our homes, our friendships, and our romances. We know this is false, but that knowledge itself doesn’t transform our lives.

We still carry shame and fear about our private needs and desires–and we look to our communities for clues about the appropriate ways to get these needs met. So when we mirror for each other the same policing and oppression we’ve learned from the larger culture, we’re failing to demand a better world for ourselves and the people we love.

The enterprise of radical relationships is to create a language that we haven’t yet learned, that can subvert the language we’ve been given, as we struggle to analyze how the alienation that permeates our world specifically functions in the details of our intimate lives. It’s important that this enterprise be public and collective, to avoid the trap of buying into the self-help book mentality–which advises us to analyze our own deepest fears and worst habits alone or with a therapist, or with a partner or best friend–but as an individual project, without agitating for the world to better meet our collective needs.

And our own worst habits are not merely ours; most likely, they arise in response to larger systems of oppression, which we all face, and which we internalize. There are multiple intersections of oppression in our lives, but let’s focus here on capitalist processes of alienation. If we look at some specific ways capitalism creates suffering–and makes this suffering appear normal and invisible–we may see parallels in our intimate lives and begin to formulate forms of resistance.

There are many cultural side-effects of the capitalist project, worth discussing in future conversations, but for now let’s start with the idea of artificial scarcity.

If we agree that capitalism shapes our world through processes that consolidate wealth, power, and resources amongst very few–creating scarcity and need for the rest of us, robbing us of time to pursue our own deepest desires and interests, time with friends and loved ones, access to healthy food and housing, access to medical care, and a thousand other necessary things, we can imagine how much pressure there is on our intimate relationships, which are supposedly outside of the public sphere, to be sites of abundance. It’s somewhat fantastical that we could expect one person (or several, depending on how we arrange our love lives) to make up for all that lack. But popular narratives reinforce this: that love will fix all our problems; that a long-lasting romantic partnership should fill all that is empty in us; that we must give to our lovers all that the world can’t.


I’m sure most of us have come face-to-face with our own inability to give our lovers what they need, despite our best efforts–or have felt how inadequate our partners have been in caring for us and meeting our needs. To some degree, our material scarcity prevents us from having the time to devote to our loved ones. But deeper than that, internalized oppression from capitalism (and other systems of violence) renders us not only damaged but damaging; in this way true expressions of care and intimacy can feel scarce. Because intimacy under capitalism not only promises a private space for transcendent, abundant freedom in which we can access our best selves (in opposition to the drudgery and anonymity of the marketplace), it also serves as a necessary release valve for our worst selves (where the consequences of our terrible behavior won’t be as public).

I’d also argue that we can’t fully divorce our sense of identity from the economic conditions of capitalism; even the language we use for relationships is conditioned by the marketplace. We speak of “investing” in a relationship, we try to measure love as though it can be numbered, or exchanged like money, with a tally of debts owed and paid. With this fear of scarcity, we become competitive and insecure. We see love as limited, conditional, and rare–something to be earned, and like any other commodity, something that can be lost or stolen.

So how do we begin to resist the effects of the marketplace on our intimate lives, especially as we recognize that even in the privacy of our homes and beds and minds, we aren’t free of capitalist conditioning?

There isn’t one simple solution. But there are ways to begin. In “Twelve Theses on Changing the World without Taking Power,” John Holloway writes, “If separation, alienation (etc) is understood as a process, then this implies that its course is not pre-determined, that the transformation of power…is always open, always at issue.” Which is to say that transformation exists as a germ in our unvoiced experiences, in the moments we stray from the script.

I began by saying that radical intimacy needs to create a language that we haven’t yet learned, to subvert the language we’ve been given. This process has already begun, to an extent, in feminist and queer communities. We owe a huge debt to the language of identity politics even as we need to push past its reductive habits. Oppression functions by making itself seem normal and invisible–we partake in it everyday, until the day we stop and begin taking it apart. This requires vigilance toward normalizing forces even within our radical communities.

Because even in these communities that strive to offer prefigurative or alternate sites of intimacy, outside the model of the couple as a site mythical abundance, we rarely succeed in uprooting these myths. Rather, we pride ourselves on being self-sufficient, on practicing self-care, keeping our needs in check, and being productive activists who can keep fighting the good fight and require little from the world. We submit to the public discourse that legitimizes economic, rational models and disparages emotional experiences.

Very few of us expect our friends, our casual sex partners, our political comrades, or our coworkers to actively care for us—that is, to provide us with sufficient emotional or material support—unless we’re facing some unusual crisis (if we can even swallow our pride and ask for help in those circumstances). If we have a romantic partner, we may or may not expect such care from that person. But care itself generally feels precarious, scarce, vaguely understood, and somewhat shameful to need. Think how much harder it is to describe what’s missing from your emotional life than from your material world.

Invisible and unspeakable, without a meaningful lexicon, is the world of care. No human could survive or thrive without touch, affection, nurturing, attention, compassion, validation, or empathy–yet the need for these acts of care (which are often gendered as feminine, no matter who provides them) has been subsumed into necessary invisibility by a system that depends on depriving us of the means to tend to our own lives.

I highly recommend a text on this topic by a militant feminist research group from Spain, called Precarias a la Deriva (the text is translated as “A Caring Strike”). They describe how capitalism has found ways to isolate and commodify certain acts of care; customer service workers, sex workers, teachers and childcare providers, even cooks and waiters, all provide fragmented aspects of the care we all need to survive. Yet even in the marketplace, we rarely recognize that what we’re purchasing is care.

When I worked as a phone sex operator, few of my callers recognized that they called to receive reassurance, compassion, and attention as well as (or sometimes more than) sexual release. By providing these forms of care under the table, as it were, hidden within the product they were buying, I met these men’s emotional needs while allowing those needs to remain invisible to them. Precarias a la Deriva ask us to consider what “a caring strike” might look like–acts that could make public and visible such invisible and unspoken acts of care; ways to foreground a continuum of care as the basis of human life, outside of any market value, and outside of any transaction in which we “earn” care by being worthy of it, beyond our merely being human.

So let’s begin by finding words for what’s still unspoken between us. Because acts of care, when they can’t be commodified, often entirely disappear from consciousness and language. Gender often dictates who does the emotional support work in an intimate relationship–or any relationship. Yet because the act of caring is itself gendered, no matter who performs it, it is almost always rendered invisible or unimportant.

What stories do we tell ourselves and each other that overwrite the care we are trying to give and receive? How does gender determine these narratives? What violence have we swallowed that becomes fixated on our lovers? What shame do we carry about needing support, and through what subterrenean fissures does this seep into our friendships? It’s curious, too, that our basic human need for care has become an insult—when we call someone “too needy,” for example–when by definition a human need can never be excessive; the lack is not in us, but in the artificial scarcity of the world that should nourish us.
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