Economic Aspects of "Love"

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Jul 12, 2013 5:26 pm

http://bitterqueen.typepad.com/friends_ ... ling-.html

05/23/2013

Montreal Mobster Cops To Drug Dealing

Alessandro Taloni, a reputed associate of the Montreal-based Rizzuto clan, has pleaded guilty for his role in an alleged $1 billion drug trafficking organization which brought hydroponic bud into New York and sent powder cocaine into Canada according to a press release from Brooklyn federal prosecutors:

The organization allegedly transported tens of thousands of pounds of marijuana from outdoor growers in British Colombia to Montreal, Canada, and controlled numerous warehouses in and around Montreal for the manufacture of ecstasy and hydroponic marijuana. The drugs were smuggled into the United States using transportation networks run by the Hells Angels and Native American co-conspirators from the Akwesasne Mohawk Reservation along the U.S./Canadian border. Once the drugs were sold in the United States, much of it by distributors tied to the Bonanno crime family in New York, the organization used millions of dollars in drug proceeds to purchase more cocaine from the powerful Sinaloa Cartel in Mexico for exportation to and distribution in Canada.

Taloni operated in Los Angeles where he collected the cash from the pot sales which was flown weekly from New York on private planes and, in turn, made the cocaine buys from his Mexican connections as reported by Adrian Humphreys for the National Post. The drug traffing mobster had two Beverly Hills homes where he stashed "millions of dollars and dozens of kilograms of cocaine" as reported by Joseph Serna for the Los Angeles Times.

Last month reputed Bonanno associate John "Big Man" Venizelos pleaded guilty for his role in the alleged operation.

The charged ringleader of the drug operation is Canadian national Jimmy "Cosmo" Cournoyer who is slated for trial in a Brooklyn federal court.

Maybe the Treasury Department should designate the Bonanno and Rizzuto mafia families as transnational criminal organizations pursuant to Executive Order 13581 in order to freeze their U.S. assets and ban Americans from conducting even legitimate business with them.

Further reading that may be of interest:

A Call For U.S. Treasury Department To Designate Gambino Crime Family As A Transnational Criminal Organization
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Jul 12, 2013 6:00 pm

BAABA MAAL and TAJ MAHAL - TROUBLE SLEEP YANGA WAKE AM

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sat Jul 13, 2013 6:47 pm

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Jul 14, 2013 8:02 am

As the oppressor minority subordinates and dominates the majority, it must divide it and keep it divided in order to remain in power. The minority cannot permit itself the luxury of tolerating the unification of the people, which would undoubtedly signify a serious threat to their own hegemony. Accordingly, the oppressors halt by any method (including violence) any action which in even incipient fashion could awaken the oppressed to the need for unity. Concepts such as unity, organization, and struggle are immediately labeled as dangerous. In fact, of course, theses concepts are dangerous—to the oppressors—for their realization is necessary to actions of liberation.

Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Paulo Freire.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Jul 14, 2013 8:28 am

Some problems we share as women, some we do not. You [white women] fear your children will grow up to join the patriarchy and testify against you; we fear our children will be dragged from a car and shot down in the street, and you will turn your backs on the reasons they are dying.

— Audre Lorde, “Age, Race, Class, and Sex: Women Redefining Difference”
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Jul 14, 2013 8:34 am

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Worker’s autonomy
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Jul 14, 2013 9:02 am

http://advancethestruggle.wordpress.com ... k-out-715/

Another Black youth murdered in cold blood, and the murderer, according to the courts, is not guilty! The case of Trayvon Martin is an example of what America is composed of, the racism that deeply penetrates its veins, and the state that oversees its process. Trayvon Martin was vilified by the courts as a thug, and its murderer was defended as a noble citizen. How many Black and Latino youth have to be victims of such violence? When will we build a movement so powerful that can challenge such violence? When will the working class be organized to shutdown the system when such racist violence occurs? These are the critical questions of the day. We have experienced the Rodney King movement, the movement around the murder of Sean Bell, Kimani Gray, Kenneth Harding, and Oscar Grant. Yet these murders continue unchallenged.

Our strategy against such murders shall be, in the short term, organizing militant protests when such verdicts are executed and organize the working class in the long term as preparation for such moments. Only until the working class, located in strategic industries, that shutdowns components of the system, will we see a viable movement challenging the system. In the Oscar Grant movement we experienced a wave of rebellions on January 7th, and January 14th, 2009, as well as ILWU local 10 shutting down the port on October 23rd, 2010. The combination of street rebellions and shutting down industry are effective tactics against the state. The state, a concentration of power, will not take anything seriously, until there is a force that challenges such power ascends in the field of political battle. Our history of struggles against police brutality has been paralyzed between disorganized bursts of anger coupled with nonprofit lead forces that channel anger back into the system.

We need a militant organized movement of the working class who utilizes its position in society against state supported racist violence. The racist nature of American society will never be challenged until the working class begins to shutdown the system as a political response. A political organization with such explicit aims is needed to accomplish such tasks. Now is the time to organize for justice.


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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Jul 14, 2013 4:33 pm

http://www.afrocubaweb.com/assata4.htm

New Jersey and the Nazis

by Hans Wolff, August, 1998

There have been persistent reports of a Nazi subculture in the New Jersey State Police, which has long had a reputation for violence and racism. Recently, the State Police was the subject of a review article in the New York Times, which cited years of allegations and a landmark court ruling concerning their racist bias in stopping Black and Latino motorists.[1]

When the Black Liberation Army leader Assata Shakur was captured and shot in the back with her hands up by New Jersey troopers in 1973, she was under their guard for several days, as she writes in Assata: an Autobiography [2]:

Herr Hitler"When they changed shift, the two troopers would salute the sergeant. Some saluted an army salute, but others saluted like the Nazis did in Germany. They held their hands in front of them and clicked their heels. I couldn't believe it. One day one of them came in and gave me a speech about how he fought in World War II on the wrong side. He went on and on and there was no question that he believed everything he said.... Every day he gave me a speech about nazism. Sometimes other nazis would join in. I asked him if there were a lot of nazis in the state troopers, but he just laughed and kept on talking.

... I later learned that the state troopers in new jersey was started by a German, that their uniforms were patterned after some type of German uniform (very similar to the uniforms South African police wear), that they are notorious for stopping Black, Hispanic, and long-haired people on the turnpike and beating, harassing, and arresting them.

The nazis headed the harassment campaign against me. They spit in my food and turned down the thermostat in the room until it was freezing. For a while their campaign centered on keeping me from sleeping. They stamped their feet on the floor, sang songs all night, played with their guns, shouted, etc."
[2]

What lies behind this grotesque experience whose details, including the songs, reveal a certain authenticity? Let's take a look.

Norman Schwarzkopf, Senior

The New Jersey State Police was founded in 1921 by Colonel Norman Schwarzkopf, Sr., who served in both world wars and was father to General Norman Schwarzkopf of Gulf War fame. While General Shalikashvili, the outgoing US Chief of Staff, is proud of his Wafen SS father, the Schwarzkopfs emmigrated to the US long before the rise of Nazism, are not known to have voiced Nazi leanings, and were a respected part of the substantial German-American community in New Jersey.

However, an important segment of the New Jersey Germans were pro-Nazi before the war and also gave safe haven to Nazis after the war. As we will see, these Nazis also included Eastern Europeans and Russians, such as the elite and largely White Russian SS VorKommando Moskau, which organized the killings of Jews and Slavs in Nazi occupied Eastern Europe and Russia. Many members of the VorKommando Moskau were resettled in New Jersey by the US Government, shepherded by such stellar figures as Richard Nixon and J. Edgar Hoover, who considered these people to be stalwart anti-communist warriors and outstanding Republican vote getters. [3]

Back to Schwarzkopf: he was the founder and the first superintendent of the N.J. State Police, and played a key role in the Lindbergh kidnapping investigation and the Hauptmann trial. A West Point graduate and WWI veteran, he organized the State Police right after WWI. He returned to military service in WWII, rising to the rank of Brigadier General. Later he served abroad and organized the police force of Iran, then an ally of the U.S. There his son, Norman Jr., formed his first impressions of the Middle East.

The police Schwarzkopf Sr. organized in Iran was the dreaded SAVAK, the Shah's brutal secret police who tortured and murdered with a free hand. A recent book, "Lifting the Veil: Life in Revolutionary Iran" by John Simpson & Tira Shubart [4], describes Schwarzkopf"s role in Iran:

'I owe my throne to God, my people, my army --and to you!' The Shah was speaking to Kermit Roosevelt, the Central Intelligence Agency representative in Tehran. ... he certainly owed his throne to the success of Operation AJAX on 19 August 1953.

Faced with a powerful constitutional threat from his prime minister and political enemy, Dr Mohammed Mossadeq, the Shah briefly lost his nerve and fled the country when the soldiers sent to arrest his prime minister were overpowered and captured.

Kermit Roosevelt's book (Countercoup: The Struggle for the Control of Iran, reissued in 1979 [5]), together with recently declassified documents, have revealed further details about the coup. Using money that had been brought into Iran a few months earlier by General Norman Schwarzkopf, Senior, Roosevelt set about buying the support he needed. Bribing key officers in the police and army, and organizing partisan crowds from the bazaar with the help of British intelligence agents, he instructed them to attack mosques and pull down statues of the Shah while shouting slogans in support of Mossadeq.

Two weeks later, Roosevelt used the same crowd of soldiers and bazaaris to demonstrate their revulsion against such 'communist' action. Obediently, they demanded Mossadeq's overthrow and chanted slogans in favour of the Shah. Meanwhile the Imperial guards attacked the prime minister's house, killing around three hundred of his supporters.

General Zahedi, who had been chosen by the Americans and the British to take over from Mossadeq as prime minister, waited in the safety of the American Embassy until the fighting ended. Then he made a suitably triumphant appearance on a Sherman tank. The Shah, his courage and his throne restored, flew back to Tehran to crowds of thousands of cheering demonstrators. It was one of the most cost-efficient operations the United States ever conducted in Iran: a mere $100,000 was needed to bribe the crowd and the security forces, and the remainder of the million dollars which General Schwarzkopf had brought into the country was not required."
[4]

First Shwarzkopf Sr. acted as bag man to help overthrow the elected Iranian government, then he trained the Shah's feared secret police, the SAVAK. His memory is revered among New Jersey state troopers and his son continues to come celebrate anniversaries of the organization's founding.

The German community in New Jersey

The Schwarzkopfs, whose name literally means "black head" in German, were part of a German community that was already thriving in 1920s New Jersey and continues to do so today. There are no fewer than 33 German cultural clubs listed in New Jersey in Cynthia Zorn's comprehensive web site: http://mars.superlink.net/czorn. Some of the clubs go back to the 20's.

In the years prior to World War II, when Nazism was on the rise, the New York - New Jersey area had a strong pro-Nazi organization called the German American Bund. They had a camp in northern New Jersey which was the scene of some large rallies:

Herr Hitler "In 1937, the German-American Bund Auxiliary purchased approximately 200 acres and several buildings near Lake Iliff in Andover Township. On July 18, 1937, Camp Nordland opened with a parade of 500 "bundists" and a beer blast consisting of kegs of predominately German beer. The camp received the immediate attention and opposition of local farmers, the Anti-Nazi League, and local law enforcement.

One of several metropolitan area facilities, the Camp's purpose was to cultivate the political loyalty of German-Americans in light of the ongoing events in Germany and in the rest of Europe in the days leading to World War II. An estimated 1000 German-American residents from New York City and surrounding areas arrived at Nordland every weekend to participate in political rallies, speeches, and German fun.

One particularly noteworthy event held at Camp Nordland was an "Americanism" rally, allegedly conducted in conjunction with the Ku Klux Klan, that attracted an estimated crowd of 50,000 persons. Although the KKK publicly stressed their opposition to movements of an alien origin, they could not resist the temptation of sharing in the purse of this well attended event." [6]

This New Jersey propensity towards supporting the Nazi cause continues today. We have the recent case of Hans Schmidt who was arrested by the German police for Nazi propaganda. The Hans Schmidt Defense Committee is listed in Green Brook, New Jersey. [7] New Jersey continues to harbor both Nazi and Klan meetings while in New Jersey jails, the Aryan Brotherhood and the Aryan Sisterhood have the run of various facilities. If a prisoner is a problem, prison authorities can easily shunt him or her to cell blocks controlled by these organizations and appropriate measures will be taken.

Standard Oil of New Jersey: Exxon’s role in the rise of Nazism

Standard Oil of New Jersey, which later renamed itself Esso, then Exxon, was a major player in the foreign support of Nazi Germany from the 30's all the way into 1942. [8]

At the eve of World War II, the major stockholder in Standard Oil after the Rockerfellers was I.G. Farben, the German chemical combine, a major financial backer of Hitler and later heavily involved in using slave labor from the concentration camps. This investment was part of a pattern of reciprocal investments between the US and Germany during the Nazi years, in the midst of the Great Depression. Germany was viewed as a hot investment area.

One area of support Standard Oil provided was in tetraethyl lead, which was used in aviation gasoline. The Nazi air force "couldn't fly without it. "Only Standard, Du Pont, and General Motors had rights to it." Walter C. Teagle, president of Standard Oil of New Jersey (the largest petroleum corporation in the world in 1941), "helped to organize a sale of the precious substance" in 1938, 500 tons, from Ethyl, a British Standard subsidiary, to Hermann Schmitz of I.G. Farben, a large German chemical firm and major financial backer of Hitler. Then in 1939, "Schmitz and his partners returned to London and obtained $15 million worth." [9]

After the war started in Europe and the British were angry about U.S. shipments to Nazi Germany, Standard Oil "changed the registration of the entire fleet to Panamanian to avoid British seizure or search. His vessels carried oil to Tenerife in the Canary Islands, where they refueled and siphoned oil to German tankers for shipment to Hamburg." [10]

On March 31, 1941, "the State Department stepped into the picture with a detailed report on refueling stations in Mexico and Central and South America that were suspected of furnishing oil to Italian or German merchant vessels now in port. Among those fueling enemy ships were Standard Oil of New Jersey and California. There is no record of any action being taken on this matter." [11]

We need more information on Standard Oil's role in New Jersey and how that developed over time. An international company, New Jersey was their back yard and Standard Oil execs could well have been among the good Republicans who were involved in bringing the Nazis in after World War II. In fact, Nelson Rockefeller was heavily involved in getting Nazis to freedom and covering up their escape after World War II. [12]

Standard Oil New Jersey participated in many quite complex schemes to aid and abet the enemy during World War II, of which we can only offer a limited glimpse here.

The Republicans bring the Nazis to the US

Allen Dulles was attorney for Standard Oil and IG Farben as well as for a number of Americans investing in the Nazis. Dulles had as protege one Richard Nixon... The web they wove is complex and the best thing is to read some of the books that have painstakingly documented this in great detail after much research with primary material obtained through the Freedom of Information Act and many interviews.

A sample of this kind of history is recounted by John Loftus and Mark Aaron in their book, The Secret War Against the Jews: "According to several of our sources among the 'old spies,' Richard Nixon's political career began in 1945, when he was the navy officer temporarily assigned to review . . . captured Nazi documents." The documents revealed the wartime record of Karl Blessing, "former Reichsbank officer and then head of the Nazi oil cartel, Kontinentale Ol A.G. 'Konti' was in partnership with [Allen] Dulles's principal Nazi client, I.G. Farben. Both companies had despicable records regarding their treatment of Jews during the Holocaust. After the war Dulles not only 'lost' Blessings' Nazi party records, but he helped peddle a false biography in the ever-gullible New York Times."

Not only did Dulles help cover up his Nazi client's record, he "personally vouched for Blessing as an anti-Nazi in order to protect continued control of German oil interests in the Middle East. Blessing's Konti was the Nazi link to Ibn Saud [King of Saudi Arabia] and Aramco [the Arabian- American Oil Company]. If Blessing went down, he could have taken a lot of people with him, including Allen Dulles. The cover-up worked, except that U.S. Naval Intelligence scrutinized a set of the captured Konti records."

Dulles made a deal with the navy officer who was reviewing the Konti files - Richard Nixon. For Nixon's help in burying the Konti files, Dulles "arranged to finance [Nixon's] first congressional campaign against Jerry Voorhis." [13]

Dulles's support for Nixon was rewarded in 1947 when, as the freshman congressman from California, he "saved John Foster Dulles considerable embarrassment by privately pointing out that confidential government files showed that one of Foster's foundation employees, Alger Hiss, was allegedly a Communist. The Dulles brothers took Nixon under their wing and escorted him on a tour of Fascist 'freedom fighter' operations in Germany, apparently in anticipation that the young congressman would be useful after Dewey became president." [14]

After Truman's victory, "Nixon became Allen Dulles's mouthpiece in Congress. Both he and Senator Joseph McCarthy received volumes of classified information to support the charge that the Truman administration was filled with 'pinkos.' When McCarthy went too far in his Communist investigations, it was Nixon who worked with his next-door neighbor, CIA director Bedell Smith, to steer the investigations away from the intelligence community.

"The CIA was grateful for Nixon's assistance, but did not know the reason for it. Dulles had been recruiting Nazis under the cover of the State Department's Office of Policy Coordination, whose chief, Frank Wisner, had systematically recruited the Eastern European emigre networks that had worked first for the SS, then the British, and finally Dulles.

"The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing them to the United States less for intelligence purposes than for political advantage. The Nazis' job quickly became to get out the vote for the Republicans. One Israeli intelligence officer joked that when Dulles used the phrase 'Never Again,' he was not talking about the Holocaust but about Dewey's narrow loss to Truman. In the eyes of the Israelis, Allen Dulles was the demon who infected Western intelligence with Nazi recruits.

"In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon campaign, the Republicans formed an Ethnic Division, which, to put it bluntly, recruited the 'displaced Fascists' who arrived in the United States after World War II. Like similar migrant organizations in several Western countries, the Ethnic Division attracted a significant number of Central and Eastern European Nazis, who had been recruited by the SS as political and police leaders during the Holocaust. These Fascist emigres supported the Eisenhower-Nixon 'liberation' policy as the quickest means of getting back into power in their former homelands and made a significant contribution 'in its first operation (1951/1952).'"


Nazi hunters Loftus and Aarons point out that "over the years the Democrats had acquired one or two Nazis of their own, such as Tscherim Soobzokov, a former member of the Caucasian SS who worked as a party boss in New Jersey. But in 90 percent of the cases, the members of Hitler's political organization went to the Republicans. In fact, from the very beginning, the word had been put around among Eastern European Nazis that Dulles and Nixon were the men to see, especially if you were a rich Fascist . . ." [15]

Nixon and Dulles "blamed Governor Dewey's razor-thin loss to Truman in the 1948 presidential election on the Jewish vote. When he became Eisenhower's vice president in 1952, Nixon was determined to build his own ethnic base." A base covering many nationalities who could help the Republicans win votes, such as the Croatians and the Russians.

"The foreign language-speaking Croatian and other Fascist emigre groups had a ready-made network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern European ethnic bloc. There is a very high correlation between CIA domestic subsidies to Fascist 'freedom fighters' during the 1950s and the leadership of the Republican party's ethnic campaign groups. The motive for under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to offset the Jewish vote for the Democrats.

"In 1952 Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the Republican National Committee. 'Displaced Fascists, hoping to be returned to power by an Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy signed on' with the committee. In 1953, when Republicans were in office, the immigration laws were changed to admit Nazis, even members of the SS. They flooded into the country. Nixon himself oversaw the new immigration program. As vice president, he even received Eastern European Fascists in the White House. After a long, long journey, the Croatian Nazis had found a new home in the United States, where they reestablished their networks.

"In 1968 Nixon promised that if he won the presidential election, he would create a permanent ethnic council within the Republican party. Previously the Ethnic Division was allowed to surface only during presidential campaigns. Nixon's promise was carried out after the 1972 election, during [George] Bush's tenure as chairman of the Republican National Committee. The Croatian Ustashis became an integral part of the campaign structure of Republican politics, along with several other Fascist organizations."
[16]

Nixon was strongly pro-Nazi: "Nixon himself personally recruited ex-Nazis for his 1968 presidential campaign. Moreover, Vice President Nixon became the point man for the Eisenhower administration on covert operations and personally supervised Allen Dulles's projects while Ike was ill in 1956 and 1957." [17]

The Republicans' attraction to Nazism was also observed by Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, authors of the book, "High Treason," dealing with the Kennedy Assassination. Groden and Livingstone write: "Nixon surrounded himself with what was known as the Berlin Wall, a long succession of advisors with Germanic names: We recall at the top of his 'German General Staff' as it was also known, Haldeman, Erlichman, Krogh, Kliendienst, Kissinger (the Rockefellers' emissary) and many others.

"The selection of German names was no accident. Many of the brighter staff people close to Nixon came to him from the University of Southern California, and the University of California at Los Angeles, where there were fraternities that kept alive the vision of a new Reich. America has for a long time harbored this dark side of its character, one of violence and the Valhalla of Wagner and Hitler.

"But Gordon Liddy was the one in whose mind 'Triumph of the Will' was the most alive. Some of these men would watch the great Nazi propaganda films in the basement of the White House until all hours of the night, and drink, in fact, get drunk with their power, with blind ambition, as one of them wrote." [18]

"According to several of our sources in the intelligence community who were in a position to know," continue Loftus and Aarons, "the secret rosters of the Republican party's Nationalities Council read like a Who's Who of Fascist fugitives. The Republican's Nazi connection is the darkest secret of the Republican leadership. The rosters will never be disclosed to the public...the Fascist connection is too widespread for damage control.

According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of Political Research Associates in Cambridge, Massachusetts, virtually all of the Fascist organizations of World War II opened up a Republican party front group during the Nixon administration. The level of the Republican ethnic leaders can be gauged by a New Jersey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a notorious mass murderer from what is today called the independent nation of Belarus, formerly part of the Soviet Union. But not all American ethnic communities are represented in the GOP's Ethnic Heritage Council section; there are no black or Jewish heritage groups. . . .Bellant has written a comprehensive study of this phenomenon, well worth a look.
[19]

Even before the break-in at the Democratic Party Headquarters on June 17, 1972, the Republicans were on the brink of having their pro-Nazi activities over the past four decades come out in the mass-media. After the Watergate break-in, as the Congressional Hearings began to reveal the slush-funds, money-laundering, illegal corporate campaign contributions, the political sabotage of the 1972 Presidential election process, and many other aspects of Nixonism, the floodgates of truth were about to open. Only one thing averted: Nixon's resignation and his pardon by his successor Gerald Ford.

South River, New Jersey: VorKommando Moskau’s new home


One of the most brutal groups ever to settle in New Jersey since the English killed the Indians was the VorKommando Moskau, originally formed by the SS as they advanced into Eastern Europe and recruited White Russians fleeing their homeland. "VorKommando Moskau was an elite forward unit of SS intelligence on the Soviet front. Its primary mission was anti-Communist intelligence, but it was also responsible for security screening of the occupied populations in the broad sector of the Eastern Front... VorKommando Moskau did not kill the Jews. [Or the Slavs, who were also slaughtered in large numbers.] It hired the collaborators, who recruited the executioners, who killed the Jews. From 1940 to 1942 this one small unit acted as an employment agency for the architects of the Nazi genocide in Eastern Europe." They primarily hired Eastern Europeans. [20]

During his tenure as Nazi hunter in the Justice Department, John Loftus discovered how the White Russians in the VorKommando Moskau were heavily recruited by the US government to fight the Soviets and how all documentation of their Nazi past was well hidden from prying eyes. "Many of the White Russian Nazis had been resettled en masse in the town of South River, New Jersey." [21] Allen Dulles and Bill Casey, who was later Reagan’s CIA director, resettled most of the Vorkommando Moskau’s elite leadership group in the New York - New Jersey area. [22] In April, 1998 it was discovered that Casey sought for and received a dispensation from the Justice Department so that CIA officers would not have to reveal drug trafficking on the part of their contract workers and this 6 months before large scale trafficking began in support of the Nicaraguan Contras. Casey was an old pro at sanitizing the unmentionable.

In 1950, the FBI "recruited every White Russian Nazi it could find in the New York - New Jersey area." When in the 60’s a New York reporter, Charles Allen, began his accusations that Nazis were living in the US, the FBI investigated him and labeled him a Russian pawn. [23] It would be interesting to find out about the role of these Nazis in Hoover’s COINTELPRO operations against the Black Panthers and others.

Given the massive settlement of Nazis in New Jersey, it would not at all be surprising if some number of them found their way into the State Police. After all, police work was what they were professionally suited for, what they had done for years prior to coming to the US. We can also expect the Nazis to have found jobs as corrections officers in a prison system which has shown itself remarkably tolerant of the Aryan Brotherhood and Sisterhood.

The New Jersey State Police’s war on Blacks and Latinos

In an article appearing in the New York Times on Sunday, May 10, 1998 entitled "Van Shooting Revives Charges of Racial 'Profiling' by N.J. State Police," journalist John Kifner talks about how "The furor over an incident in which two New Jersey State Police officers fired 11 shots into a van during a traffic stop comes against a backdrop of years of allegations that troopers in New Jersey have illegally used race-based profiles to stop black and Hispanic drivers in hope of making drug arrests."

As the article discussed, this case is related to a court case that led a Superior Court judge to conclude in 1996 that the New Jersey State Police had a policy of "selective enforcement" by "targeting blacks for investigation and arrest."

The article describes the findings of the 1996 trial:

"The ruling followed one of the state's longest evidentiary hearings -- six months of testimony and 200 exhibits, many of them statistical surveys of drivers and traffic stops on the southernmost 26-mile stretch of the New Jersey Turnpike. Judge Robert Francis found that troopers looking for drug suspects had pulled over an inordinate number of black drivers over a three-year period simply because of their race.

The survey first determined that some 98 percent of all the drivers along the stretch of the turnpike were going over the speed limit of 55 miles per hour, giving the police latitude to stop virtually anybody. The survey found that while 13.5 percent of the drivers on the stretch of highway were black, 46 percent of those halted by the police over a 40-month period were black.

"They were pulling over blacks out of all proportion to the population of the turnpike," said Fred Last, a public defender who helped design the survey. Francis agreed, saying: "The statistical disparities are indeed stark." He added that the "utter failure" of police commanders to monitor the arrests or "investigate the many claims of institutional discrimination, manifests its indifference if not acceptance."


One striking result of the survey, both the judge and Lamberth noted, was that troopers using radar tended to stop black drivers at near their rate in the highway population, while the troopers on road patrol cruising without radar, who could more freely choose who to stop, arrested far more blacks.

"As they got more discretion, they stopped more blacks," Lamberth said. "It is a telling argument that they are profiling. They get promoted on the basis of the number of arrests they make, and there is the general mythology that blacks are more likely than whites to have contraband."
[1]

The New Jersey State Police’s war on Assata Shakur


Assata Shakur is a Black Panther and Black Liberation Army leader who was captured after a shoot-out on the New Jersey Turnpike in 1973. Forensic evidence revealed that she was shot in the back with her hands up. Killed in the shoot-out were Zayed Malik Shakur and Voerner Foerster, a New Jersey trooper of German extraction. A paraffin test revealed that she had not fired a weapon.

First the troopers debated finishing her off at the road side, but they thought she was going to die anyway. When she didn’t, they tortured her, hitting her in her wound with their gun-butts. This is a classic Gestapo tactic, according to a member of a French Resistance family who reviewed the case for us. (For an interesting summary of Nazi behavior towards blacks in Germany, see a review of Hitler's Forgotten Victims by David Okuefuna and Moise Shewa.)

After railroading Assata and convicting her of the murder of Foerster, the New Jersey State Police was demoralized and dismayed when she escaped in 1979. They became obsessed with her recapture, as has come out in countless testimony, such as this letter from a New Jersey State employee:

"I felt it should be known of the hatred that is programmed by the New Jersey State Police Academy to the new Troopers. They are programmed Assata is the number ONE criminal, and should be apprehended at all cost. I am a New Jersey State Employee, I just happen to be in [a medical setting] one day, I was advising a [campus] Police Officer of Assata's Book, informing him of some of its positive contents.

Unknown to me at that particular time there was a N.J. State Trooper in our presence just about two feet around a corner. The trooper just happen to hear our conversation regarding my positive feelings on the book. [Later], my partner ask me what did I do the that particular State Trooper, I asked my partner what did he mean by the question, he in turn went on to explain the Trooper confronted him ... and told him I had a serious problem, and had better watch myself, I can possibly get myself into serious trouble with my attitude. Keep in mind the only problem I had was to mention to a Police Officer who happened to be black of the very positive content of book, in which a N.J. Trooper just happened to be at ear distance.

I did everything to maintain my cool, a Sgt.Trooper who happened to be black heard our conversation, he ask me what was the debate about and I went on to explain to him of the trooper hearing my conversation about the book. He stated the trooper was totally wrong but that’s the way they are programmed.

For some reason I had to get this out, this happened approximately two years ago. I saw the hatred in this particular trooper eyes, the trooper couldn't have been any older than 24 years of age, but the rage of anger and hatred was glaring deeply into my soul. "

In addition, we have reports that the New Jersey troopers are still looking for Assata on the New Jersey Turnpike, despite the fact that she left the country over a decade ago. Every barracks has a wanted poster of Assata on the walls. They have arrested a number of innocent black women drivers, including a civil rights attorney, claiming that they are wanted for murder.

Finally, in their obsession, the State Police wrote a letter to the Pope in December, 1997, asking His Holiness to intervene with Fidel Castro during his visit to Cuba, where Assata Shakur has found refuge. It is a letter one observer likens to "something an inmate in a back ward would do out of the depth of his delusional state." The letter succeeded in raising the visibility of Shakur’s situation, and now Republican Governor Christie has gotten into the act by increasing the reward for bringing in Shakur to $50,000. This reward, which has been compared to the bounty on escaped slaves, will encourage the crazies and the bounty hunters.

The Future

The author would like to appeal to those who have information bearing on these matters to make it known. We are finally beginning to understand some of the background of New Jersey law enforcement and it is important that this be aired in public and that information be reliably assembled and made available to attorneys.

Already, as a result of posting this article, we have had some interesting feedback, including this one:

"When I was training with the NJ State Police back in the early 80's I left after 10 weeks because of their Nazi Training style and the number of Nazi recruits who did not hide it even then. They were very open about their HATE and it was the main reason that I lost interest in joining. I was personally threatened by 6 of them when I was alone and was told that they would be watching for me on the Highways.

So I know you are telling the Truth.

Peace!!!"


We encourage more folks to come forward with their testimony.

The books cited in this article are part of a sizeable literature on this subject, yet many people remain unaware. The literature is the result of careful research and deserves to be integrated into the teaching of history. The impact of this history continues through us and we have to deal with that not by denying and ignoring it but by bringing out all the implications.

Republican Rep Bob Franks and Republican Governor Christie Whitman need to be aware that issuing a $50,000 reward for bounty hunters in the case of Assata Shakur only perpetuates the grotesque and shameful past of their party in New Jersey. Ironically, Gov Whitman has been shunned by the traditionally Republican "fox-hunting" set in New Jersey as she lowered taxes, which resulted in an increase in real estate taxes to compensate for lost revenue. This stung the rich land owners. She then turned to other constituents, such as the Nazi tinged law and order crowd and the Cuban American extreme right. The Cuban Americans are a varied community but they have been hijacked in New Jersey and Miami by a CIA sponsored leadership with extreme right wing tendencies which hark back to Franco’s Falangist party. Whitman is thus reviving the old war-time alliance between the Nazis and Franco’s Spain. Is this really a recipe for the future?

This article is dedicated to the memory of my ancestors who fought the Nazis and killed a great many of them.


Footnotes

[1]"Van Shooting Revives Charges of Racial 'Profiling' by N.J. State Police," by John Kifner, New York Times, Sunday, May 10, 1998

[2] Assata: An Autobiography by Assata Shakur, Lawrence Hill Books, Chicago Review Press, Inc., Chicago IL, ISBN 0-55652-074-3 Click for pricing & to buy ==> Amazon.com

[3] The Secret War against the Jews: How Western Espionage Betrayed the Jewish People by John Loftus and Mark Aaron, St. Martin's Griffin, NY, 1994, ISBN 0-312-15648-0 Click for pricing & to buy ==> Amazon.com

[4] Lifting the Veil: Life in Revolutionary Iran by John Simpson & Tira Shubart, Hodder & Stoughton, London, 1995

[5] Countercoup: The Struggle for the Control of Iran, by Kermit Roosevelt, reissued in 1979

[6] See http://www.sussexcounty.com/campnord.htm and Wunderlich's Salute by Marvin D. Miller, Malamud-Rose Publishers, 1983.

[7] The Spotlight, August 28, 1995, September 4, 1995 and Smith's Report Number 26, September 1995 (a pro-Nazi publication).

[8] Trading With The Enemy : An Expose of the Nazi-American Money Plot,1933-1949 by Charles Higham, Dell, NY, 1983
Click for pricing & to buy ==> Amazon.com

[9] Ibid, pp 53-55

[10] Ibid, p 56

[11] Ibid, p 58

[12] The Secret War against the Jews, pp166-170

[13] Ibid. p 221

[14] Ibid. pp 221-222

[15] Ibid., pp 222-223

[16] Ibid., pp 122-123

[17] Ibid., pp 224-225

[18] High Treason, by Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, pp. 417-418

[19] Old Nazis, the New Right and the Reagan Administration: The Role of Domestic Fascists Networks in the Republican Party and their Effects on U.S. Cold War Politics, monograph by Russ Bellant, Political Research Associates, Cambridge MA
An excellent, very well researched monograph. Must have. Click for pricing & to buy ==> Amazon.com

[20] The Secret War against the Jews, pp 496-497

[21] Ibid., pp 505-506

[22] Ibid., pp 506

[23] Ibid., pp 508-509

Bibliography

See an interesting series of articles by Robert Lederman for several analyses of the pervasive effects of the US - Nazi alliance at http://Baltech.org/lederman/

Robert Lederman is an artist, a regular columnist for the Greenwich Village Gazette, The Shadow, The African Sun Times, The Vigo-Examiner, and Street News, and is the author of hundreds of published essays concerning Mayor Rudolph Giuliani. Lederman has been falsely arrested 41 times to date (10/10/00) for his anti-Giuliani activities and has never been convicted of any of the charges. He is best known for creating hundreds of paintings of Mayor Giuliani as a Hitler like dictator.


Nixon and the Nazis


From http://groups.yahoo.com/group/TheNeusch ... /message/9
RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON

In this section we will explore the Nazi connections of Richard Nixon. To do so we must return to the years just after the end of World War II and, of course, a man named Dulles. The irony of Nixon's political career ending with a cover-up can only be appreciated with the knowledge that this turbulent career also began with one. Loftus and Aarons state that:


"According to several of our sources among the 'old spies,' Richard Nixon's political career began in 1945, when he was the navy officer temporarily assigned to review . . . captured Nazi documents." The documents in question revealed the wartime record of Karl Blessing, "former Reichsbank officer and then head of the Nazi oil cartel, Kontinentale Ol A.G. 'Konti' was in partnership with Dulles's principal Nazi client, I.G. Farben. Both companies had despicable records regarding their treatment of Jews during the Holocaust. After the war Dulles not only 'lost' Blessings Nazi party records, but he helped peddle a false biography in the ever-gullible 'New York Times.'"


The authors' sources reveal that not only did Dulles help cover up his Nazi client's record, he "personally vouched for Blessing as an anti-Nazi in order to protect continued control of German oil interests in the Middle East. Blessing's Konti was the Nazi link to Iben Saud [King of Saudi Arabia] and Aramco [the Arabian-American Oil Company]. If Blessing went down, he could have taken a lot of people with him, including Allen Dulles. The cover-up worked, except that U.S. Naval Intelligence scrutinized a set of the captured Konti records."

According to the "old spies," Allen Dulles made a deal with the young navy officer who was reviewing the Konti files - Richard Nixon. Nixon would help Dulles bury the Konti files. In return, Allen Dulles "arranged to finance [Nixon's] first congressional campaign against Jerry Voorhis." (1)

Dulles's support for Nixon paid off in 1947 when, as the freshman congressman from California, he "saved John Foster Dulles considerable embarrassment by privately pointing out that confidential government files showed that one of Foster's foundation employees, Alger Hiss, was allegedly a Communist. The Dulles brothers took Nixon under their wing and escorted him on a tour of Fascist 'freedom fighter' operations in Germany, apparently in anticipation that the young congressman would be useful after Dewey became president." [He would be useful anyway, despite the fact that incumbent President Truman won reelection in 1948, defeating Dewey.] (2)

After Truman's victory, write the authors, "Nixon became Allen Dulles's mouthpiece in Congress. Both he and Senator Joseph McCarthy received volumes of classified information to support the charge that the Truman administration was filled with 'pinkos.' When McCarthy went too far in his Communist investigations, it was Nixon who worked with his next-door neighbor, CIA director Bedell Smith, to steer the investigations away from the intelligence community.

"The CIA was grateful for Nixon's assistance, but did not know the reason for it. Dulles had been recruiting Nazis under the cover of the State Department's Office of Policy Coordination, whose chief, Frank Wisner, had systematically recruited the Eastern European emigre networks that had worked first for the SS, then the British, and finally Dulles.

"The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing them to the United States less for intelligence purposes than for political advantage. The Nazis' job quickly became to get out the vote for the Republicans. One Israeli intelligence officer joked that when Dulles used the phrase 'Never Again,' he was not talking about the Holocaust but about Dewey's narrow loss to Truman. In the eyes of the Israelis, Allen Dulles was the demon who infected Western intelligence with Nazi recruits.

"In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon campaign, the Republicans formed an Ethnic Division, which, to put it bluntly, recruited the 'displaced Fascists' who arrived in the United States after World War II. Like similar migrant organizations in several Western countries, the Ethnic Division attracted a significant number of Central and Eastern European Nazis, who had been recruited by the SS as political and police leaders during the Holocaust. These Fascist emigres supported the Eisenhower-Nixon 'liberation' policy as the quickest means of getting back into power in their former homelands and made a significant contribution 'in its first operation (1951/1952).'"

The authors point out that "over the years the Democrats had acquired one or two Nazis of their own, such as Tscherim Soobzokov, a former member of the Caucasian SS who worked as a party boss in New Jersey. But in 90 percent of the cases, the members of Hitler's political organization went to the Republicans. In fact, from the very beginning, the word had been put around among Eastern European Nazis that Dulles and Nixon were the men to see, especially if you were a rich Fascist . . ."

This relationship between Richard Nixon and the Nazis developed because both he and Allen Dulles "blamed Governor Dewey's razor-thin loss to Truman in the 1948 presidential election on the Jewish vote. When [Nixon] became Eisenhower's vice president in 1952, Nixon was determined to build his own ethnic base.

"Vice President Nixon's secret political war of Nazis investigated at the time. The foreign language-speaking Croatian and other Fascist emigre groups had a ready-made network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern European ethnic bloc. There is a very high correlation between CIA domestic subsidies to Fascist 'freedom fighters' during the 1950s and the leadership of the Republican party's ethnic campaign groups. The motive for under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to offset the Jewish vote for the Democrats. "In 1952 Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the Republican National Committee. 'Displaced Fascists, hoping to be returned to power by an Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy signed on' with the committee. In 1953, when Republicans were in office, the immigration laws were changed to admit Nazis, even members of the SS. They flooded into the country. Nixon himself oversaw the new immigration program. As vice president, he even received Eastern European Fascists in the White House. After a long, long journey, the Croatian Nazis had found a new home in the United States, where they reestablished their networks.

"In 1968 Nixon promised that if he won the presidential election, he would create a permanent ethnic council within the Republican party. Previously the Ethnic Division was allowed to surface only during presidential campaigns. Nixon's promise was carried out after the 1972 election, during [George] Bush's tenure as chairman of the Republican National Committee. The Croatian Ustashis became an integral part of the campaign structure of Republican politics, along with several other Fascist organizations." (4) The authors describe Nixon's pro-Nazi activities in no uncertain terms: "Nixon himself personally recruited ex-Nazis for his 1968 presidential campaign. Moreover, Vice President Nixon became the point man for the Eisenhower administration on covert operations and personally supervised Allen Dulles's projects while Ike was ill in 1956 and 1957." (5) One of the Nazis recruited by candidate Nixon was Laszlo Pasztor, described by Aarons and Loftus as "the founding chair of Nixon's Republican Heritage Groups council" who, "during World War II . . . was a diplomat in Berlin representing the Arrow Cross government of Nazi Hungary, which supervised the extermination of the Jewish population.

"After Nixon won [the 1968 Presidential Election], he approved Pasztor's appointment as chief organizer of the ethnic council. Not surprisingly, Pasztor's 'choices for filling emigre slots as the council was being formed included various Nazi collaborationist organizations.' The former Fascists were coming out of the closet in droves. "The policy of the Nixon White House was an 'open door' for emigre Fascists, and through the door came such guests as Ivan Docheff, head of the Bulgarian National Front and chairman of the American Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN). . . . an organization dominated by war criminals and fugitive Fascists. Yet Nixon welcomed them with open arms and even had Docheff to breakfast for a prayer meeting to celebrate Captive Nations Week." (6)

"During Nixon's 'Four More Years' campaign in 1971-1972, Laszlo Pasztor again played a key role in marshaling the ethnic vote. No longer a marginal player on the fringes, now he held a key position as the Republican National Committee's nationalities director.

"The Republican leadership cannot claim ignorance as a defense. [Syndicated Columnist Jack] Anderson's famous expose of Nixon's Nazis appeared in 'The Washington Post' at the same time as the November 1971 convention. Among those mentioned was Laszlo Pasztor, 'the industrious head of the GOP ethnic groups, [who] was never asked about his wartime activities in Hungary by the four GOP officials who interviewed him for his job.' It was too embarrassing for Nixon to admit that Pasztor had been a ranking member of a Fascist government at war with the United States.

". . . . It is one thing to promote obscure Eastern European Fascist movements in the Republican party. It is quite another to let the German Nazis have a major influence. After 1953, the Republican administration changed the rules, and even members of the Waffen SS could immigrate to the United States as long as they claimed only to have fought the Communists on the Eastern Front."
(7)

The Republican/Nixon attraction to Nazism was also observed by Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, authors of the book, "High Treason," dealing with the Kennedy Assassination. Groden and Livingstone write: "Nixon surrounded himself with what was known as the Berlin Wall, a long succession of advisors with Germanic names: We recall at the top of his 'German General Staff' as it was also known, Haldeman, Erlichman, Krogh, Kliendienst, Kissinger (the Rockefellers' emissary) and many others.

"The selection of German names was no accident. Many of the brighter staff people close to Nixon came to him from the University of Southern California, and the University of California at Los Angeles, where there were fraternities that kept alive the vision of a new Reich. America has for a long time harbored this dark side of its character, one of violence and the Valhalla of Wagner and Hitler.

"But Gordon Liddy was the one in whose mind 'Triumph of the Will' was the most alive. Some of these men would watch the great Nazi propaganda films in the basement of the White House until all hours of the night, and drink, in fact, get drunk with their power, with blind ambition, as one of them wrote." (8)

"According to several of our sources in the intelligence community who were in a position to know," continue Loftus and Aarons, "the secret rosters of the Republican party's Nationalities Council read like a Who's Who of Fascist fugitives. The Republican's Nazi connection is the darkest secret of the Republican leadership. The rosters will never be disclosed to the public. As will be seen in Chapter 16 dealing with George Bush, the Fascist connection is too widespread for damage control.

"According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of Political Research Associates, virtually all of the Fascist organizations of World War II opened up a Republican party front group during the Nixon administration. The caliber of the Republican ethnic leaders can be gauged by one New Jersey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a notorious mass murderer from what is today called the independent nation of Belarus, formerly part of the Soviet Union. But not all American ethnic communities are represented in the GOP's ethnic section; there are no black or Jewish heritage groups. . . .

"The truth is that the Nazi immigrants were 'tar babies' that no one knew how to get rid of. Dulles had brought in a handful of the top emigre politicians in the late 1940s. They in turn sponsored their friends in the 1950s. By the 1960s ex-Nazis who had originally fled to Argentina were moving to the United States. . .." (9)

It is clear that, even before the break-in at the Democratic Party Headquarters on June 17, 1972, the Republicans were on the brink of having their pro-Nazi activities over the past four decades become a matter of mass-media attention. After the Watergate Break-in, as the Congressional Hearings began to reveal the slush-funds, money-laundering, illegal corporate campaign contributions, the political sabotage of the 1972 Presidential election process, the involvement of ITT and the Nixon Administration into the assassination of Salvador Allende, the democratically elected president of Chile, and many other aspects of Nixonism, the floodgates of truth were about to open. Only one thing averted this wholesale learning of the truth by the American people: Nixon's resignation and subsequent pardoning by his hand-picked successor, Gerald Ford.

NOTES: RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON


1. The Secret War Against the Jews, p. 221
2. Ibid., pp. 221-222
3. Ibid., pp. 222-223
4. Ibid., pp. 122-123
5. Ibid., pp. 224-225
6. Ibid., pp. 297-298
7. Ibid., pp. 298-299
8. High Treason, Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward
Livingstone, pp. 417-418
9. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 300-301
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Jul 14, 2013 10:01 pm

A system cannot fail those it was not meant to protect.

— W.E.B. Du Bois
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Jul 14, 2013 10:43 pm

The ruling class in the U.S. is composed of one million men and their families-the Rockefellers, Vanderbilts, Morgans, Mellons, Du Ponts, Hunts and Gettys, Fords and their minions and descendents. They use the Ivy League universities and elite law schools as private schools for their offspring and as training grounds for their corporate hirelings. They rule with an iron precision through the military, the C.I.A., the F.B.I., private foundations and financial institutions. Their control of all the media of education and communication comprises and extremely effective system of thought control. At the time when this ruling class was forming a hundred years ago, the International Working Men’s Party supported strikes that asked only for reformist measures, although it was aware, even at that time, that reform was not the solution and it quietly advocated the seizure of the materials of production. The dichotomy between the longing for true freedom and the fear of its responsibility was apparent even then. Early radicals excused themselves by claiming that they were “exploiting the inherent contradictions of monopoly capital." They hoped that the masses would spontaneously awaken to the fact that capitalism had grown decadent. But capitalism reformed itself, apologized to no one, and went on to build a network of national and international centralization that stands unrivaled by any hierarchy past or present.

--George Jackson.

Taken from the book “Blood in my Eye," by George Jackson (page 170).
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Jul 14, 2013 10:53 pm

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Harryette Mullen, from Sleeping With the Dictionary


http://heatherchristle.tumblr.com/post/ ... g-with-the
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Jul 15, 2013 7:46 am

'What would have happened if millions of American and British people, struggling with coupons and lines at the gas stations, had learned that in 1942 Standard Oil of New Jersey [part of the Rockefeller empire] managers shipped the enemy's fuel through neutral Switzerland and that the enemy was shipping Allied fuel? Suppose the public had discovered that the Chase Bank in Nazi-occupied Paris after Pearl Harbor was doing millions of dollars' worth of business with the enemy with the full knowledge of the head office in Manhattan [the Rockefeller family among others?] Or that Ford trucks were being built for the German occupation troops in France with authorization from Dearborn, Michigan? Or that Colonel Sosthenes Behn, the head of the international American telephone conglomerate ITT, flew from New York to Madrid to Berne during the war to help improve Hitler's communications systems and improve the robot bombs that devastated London? Or that ITT built the FockeWulfs that dropped bombs on British and American troops? Or that crucial balI bearings were shipped to Nazi-associated customers in Latin America with the collusion of the vice-chairman of the U.S. War Production Board in partnership with Goering's cousin in Philadelphia when American forces were desperately short of them? Or that such arrangements were known about in Washington and either sanctioned or deliberately ignored?'

—Charles Higham, researcher, about U.S.-Nazi collaboration during WWII
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Jul 15, 2013 3:35 pm

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Jul 15, 2013 4:00 pm

I hate the indifferent. I believe that living means taking sides. Those who really live cannot help being a citizen and a partisan. Indifference and apathy are parasitism, perversion, not life. That is why I hate the indifferent. The indifference is the deadweight of history. The indifference operates with great power on history. The indifference operates passively, but it operates. It is fate, that which cannot be counted on. It twists programs and ruins the best-conceived plans. It is the raw material that ruins intelligence. That what happens, the evil that weighs upon all, happens because the human mass abdicates to their will; allows laws to be promulgated that only the revolt could nullify, and leaves men that only a mutiny will be able to overthrow to achieve the power. The mass ignores because it is careless and then it seems like it is the product of fate that runs over everything and everyone: the one who consents as well as the one who dissents; the one who knew as well as the one who didn’t know; the active as well as the indifferent. Some whimper piously, others curse obscenely, but nobody, or very few ask themselves: If I had tried to impose my will, would this have happened? I also hate the indifferent because of that: because their whimpering of eternally innocent ones annoys me. I make each one liable: how they have tackled with the task that life has given and gives them every day, what have they done, and especially, what they have not done. And I feel I have the right to be inexorable and not squander my compassion, of not sharing my tears with them. I am a partisan, I am alive, I feel the pulse of the activity of the future city that those on my side are building is alive in their conscience. And in it, the social chain does not rest on a few; nothing of what happens in it is a matter of luck, nor the product of fate, but the intelligent work of the citizens. Nobody in it is looking from the window of the sacrifice and the drain of a few. Alive, I am a partisan. That is why I hate the ones that don’t take sides, I hate the indifferent.

--Antonio Gramsci
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Jul 16, 2013 11:29 am

http://thefeministwire.com/2013/06/agai ... evolution/

Against Patriarchy: Tools for Men to Further Feminist Revolution*
June 25, 2013

By Chris Crass

For all of us who are men who believe in social justice, who want healthy and beautiful lives for our loved ones, and who are working for positive change in the world, let us commit or re-commit to making feminism central in our lives, values, and actions. Black feminist scholar bell hooks writes, “When women and men understand that working to eradicate patriarchal domination is a struggle rooted in the longing to make a world where everyone can live fully and freely, then we know our work to be a gesture of love.” She continues, “Let us draw upon that love to heighten our awareness, deepen our compassion, intensify our courage, and strengthen our commitment.” It is time for men in the millions to take courageous action in our society to further feminist revolution.

The everyday violence and oppression of sexism in our society is epidemic and not only must end, but can end. Sexism devastates our relationships, communities, social justice efforts, and our lives. While we did not choose to be men in a patriarchal society, we have the choice to be feminists and work against sexism. Below is a list of tools and suggestions that have helped me over the years as I have struggled to understand what it means to be a man working for feminism.[1] Let us look to the leadership of women and gender oppressed people for guidance and work alongside them, let us bring more and more men into feminist efforts, let us embrace feminism as a healing and transformative force in our lives, and let us feel in our hearts that we can do this.[2]

1. Develop an intersectional feminist analysis of patriarchy, capitalism, white supremacy, heterosexism, and the state. Study feminist analysis from writers such as Audre Lorde, Gloria Anzaldua, Suzanne Pharr, Angela Davis, Barbara Smith, and Elizabeth ‘Betita’ Martinez. Learn about the historical development of patriarchy in books such as Maria Mies’ Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale, Silvia Federici’s Caliban and the Witch, and Andrea Smith’s Conquest. Explore the impact of patriarchal violence on your life and what you can do to stop it in Paul Kivel’s Men’s Work. Read bell hooks’ essays about men and feminism in Feminism is for Everybody and The Will to Change: Men, Masculinity and Love. Learn more about gender justice in Leslie Feinberg’s Trans Liberation: Beyond Pink or Blue. Reflect on your experience of gender using Kate Bornstein’s My Gender Workbook as a guide.

2. Study social movements and organizing experiences led by women and gender oppressed people historically and today—from Ida B. Wells and Abby Kelley to Septima Clark and Ai-Jen Poo. Also learn about men in the movement who supported women’s leadership and feminist politics—from William Lloyd Garrison, Frederick Douglass and W.E.B. Du Bois to Ricardo Flores Magon, Carl Braden, and David Gilbert. Take stock of the resources around you that can support your learning. Women’s Studies, Ethnic Studies, Gender Studies, and Labor Studies programs were won through the struggle of previous generations. Some of the most visionary and powerful feminists of our time teach; seek out opportunities for study at colleges. Look into political education and training programs led by social justice organizations with feminist politics. Look for events about women’s history and feminism at progressive bookstores, social justice conferences, and with community groups. Join or form a study group to read books from some of the authors already mentioned, and to learn more about feminist history.

3. Think about women, genderqueer, and gender non-conforming people in your life who support your development as a feminist. These may be friends, people you’ve worked with, or family members. Reflect on what you have learned from them. Far too often patriarchy teaches men to ignore or devalue the wisdom of gender oppressed people and this both undermines their leadership in society and robs us of their leadership in our lives. Take time to thank people for what you’ve learned and look for opportunities to support them and strengthen your relationships.

4. Think about men in your life who can support your process of learning about sexism and developing as a feminist activist. This could include talking through questions and struggles you are having and/or reading one of the authors mentioned above together, as well as participating in organizing efforts that have feminist goals. While support for your development as a feminist will often come from women and genderqueer people, and it is important to show gratitude for that support, it is critical to build bonds of mutual support with other men as we work to grow individually and also to develop a culture of feminist activism amongst men.

5. Learn about current struggles in your community that further feminist goals and have a gender analysis. Look for opportunities to get involved and support these efforts. Your support can include donating money, volunteering to do office work, doing outreach for events, showing up with others to demonstrations and rallies, and recruiting other people in your life, particularly men, to get involved as well. It is important to support and respect the existing leadership of these struggles, rather then come in thinking you’re going to take over. Look for opportunities to build relationships with the people involved in these efforts. The more you show up and make useful contributions, the more you can also build trust and respect.

6. Develop a feminist analysis of all the social justice work you do, and work with others to help make that analysis more central in your efforts. Reach out for help and ask questions. Notice when you feel that asking for help is a sign of weakness and try to do so anyways.

7. Help create political education opportunities such as reading groups and workshops for other people to come together and learn more about feminism. Help promote other groups’ events on similar themes. Make a special effort to recruit men.

8. Go deep and go personal. Day-to-day patterns of domination, both institutional and interpersonal, are the glue that maintains systems of domination. While most of this list is focused on activist efforts, it is also important to bring our politics into our personal relationships. Far too often, activist men support feminism in their public life and retreat into male privilege at home. Going with the flow in personal relationships generally means going with the flow of domination; liberation requires consistent and conscious decisions to choose and create something different. Just like any other effort to win and create another world, set goals in your relationships to practice feminism. It will likely feel awkward, contrived, and uncomfortable at times to bring this level of attention to your personal life. When almost every aspect of society is based on and reinforces male supremacy, it should be expected that our steps towards feminist liberation will at times feel uncomfortable and awkward, and sometimes terrifying. Being clear on our goals, seeking help when we need it, and knowing that we can increase our capacity to live our values through practice, can help us also make feminist action a powerful and rewarding habit.

9. Become more aware of your own participation in social justice efforts. For example, count how many times you speak and keep track of how long you speak at meetings and in discussions. Count how many times other people speak and keep track of how long they speak. Be aware of how this breaks down according to gender. Create a method to help you do this for a few months, or until this awareness becomes routine.

10. Practice noticing who’s in the room at meetings and events: How many cisgender men ?[3] How many cisgender women? How many transgender people? How many white people? How many people of color? Is it majority heterosexual? Are there out queers? What are people’s class backgrounds? Don’t assume to know people, but also work at becoming more aware. Listen to people and pick up on how they identify themselves. Talk with people one-on-one who you work with and get to know them. Learn about the various ways that people identify and express their gender and explore what it means to be transgender, genderqueer, and gender non-conforming.

11. Be conscious of how often you are actively listening to and supportingwhat other people are saying. As a white guy who talks a lot, I’ve found it helpful to write down my thoughts and wait to hear what others have to say. Others will frequently be thinking something similar or have better ideas. Practice listening. Support people to develop their ideas. Ask them to expand on what they think about events, ideas, actions, strategy, and vision. Think about who you ask and who you really listen to. Developing respect and solidarity across race, class, gender, sexuality and ability is complex and difficult, but absolutely critical and liberating. Those most negatively impacted by systems of oppression have played and will play leading roles in the struggle for collective liberation.

12. Think about whose work and what contributions to the group are recognized and celebrated and whose are not. Practice recognizing more people for their work and try to do this more often. This also includes men offering support to other men who aren’t recognized and actively challenging competitive dynamics that men are socialized to act out with each other. Strive to become fluent in appreciation and gratitude. Capitalist patriarchy thrives on the idea that there is a scarcity of power and that there is only enough for some people at the top to have it. Creating a culture of appreciation and gratitude can help us remember that there is an abundance of power that we can share, and that each of us is capable of making important contributions.

13. Be aware of how often you ask people to do something as opposed to asking other people, “what needs to be done?” Male socialized people often assume a higher level of competency then they actually have. Additionally, it is a patriarchal norm to assume men are in charge. There are likely others who are just as qualified, or even more so, who could be in positions of coordination. There are also a lot of men who are skilled coordinators and this is an important set of skills to pass on to others. Encourage and support others to take on this important leadership role.

14. Be aware of ways you might think you are always needed, in every discussion, in every work group, to make sure things go right. Be aware of how this may impact other people’s participation. Struggle with the saying, “you will be needed in the movement when you realize that you are not needed in the movement.” Humility and encouragement of others, along with appreciation of your own unique gifts and contributions, are key ingredients for successful leadership.

15. Work with and struggle with the model of group leadership that says that the responsibility of leaders is to help develop more leaders, and think about what this means to you: How do you support others and what support do you need from others? This includes men providing emotional and political support to other men. Look for opportunities where people can grow as leaders and help others take note of those opportunities. When possible, have group discussions about how to best support various people to make the most of those opportunities. As Ani Difranco has said “Every tool is a weapon if you hold it right.” Every organizing experience is a leadership development opportunity if you look at it right.

16. Develop a keen awareness and appreciation for work that is traditionally defined as women’s work. Take on this work, and recruit other men to engage in it as well. Socially defined “women’s work” can include cooking, cleaning, providing transportation, replenishing food and supplies, caring for children, tending to people who have special needs (because of illness, age, or ability), taking care of logistics, providing emotional support, mediating conflicts, and other such responsibilities that help build a healthy community. When you engage in this work, learn from the people already doing it, so that you can do it well. Give people appreciation for doing this work and, in the process, grow the understanding of how important this work is to accomplishing overall goals. When this work is shared more equally, it frees up other people’s time whose leadership and participation is needed. Thinking about the needs of others and helping meet those needs is also a concrete way to move out of emotional isolation that many men experience. When recruiting others, take a moment to explain to men why you’re asking more men to do this work. See if they have suggestions of men in their lives who would be good to recruit and encourage them to reach out.

17. Take time to emotionally support other people and deepen your understanding of the political significance of emotional work to building liberatory culture, community, and movement. People socialized as women often provide the bulk of emotional support in interpersonal relationships, organizations, communities, and movements. While transferring skills and recruiting people to take on responsibilities is important, supporting people to work through internalized oppression, internalized superiority, self-limiting beliefs, and believe in themselves is key to helping people grow as successful activists. Emotional support is also an important part of creating healing and nurturing political culture that helps us sustain our efforts and live our values more fully. In larger society, emotional vulnerability by men is often responded to with ridicule or violence. Providing emotional support and opening yourself to emotional vulnerability are steps towards creating feminist masculinities.

18. Learn about the impact of sexual violence on the lives of women and gender oppressed people. Sexual assault and harassment are prevalent, not only in society, but also in the movement. While we work to make larger scale changes in society, there are also important roles we can plan in stopping sexual assault and harassment in activist efforts. Learn about ways you can actively challenge rape culture and help build feminist culture. For example, in society at large and in activist settings, women are routinely sexualized and turned into objects of male desire while their leadership, skills, experience, and analysis are marginalized. Remember that women are flirted with, have their bodies commented on, and are hit on over and over again. We need to help make movement spaces, and as many other spaces as possible, safer for women to participate fully rather then spending their time deflecting unwanted advances, comments, and actions. This isn’t about creating an anti-sex culture, but promoting a respectful and consensual one with women’s self-determination and autonomy at the center. Men talking openly and honestly with each other and, where appropriate, in group discussions about how to help make this happen is an important step. Men supporting survivors of sexual assault and harassment is an important part of this process. Additionally, it is key that men pro-actively speak out against rape and rape culture in the company of other men and promote consent culture.

19. As you work to challenge male supremacy and struggle for feminist change in society, explore your relationship to cisgender men. Often as men become more conscious of gender and feminism, they work and build community with women and gender-oppressed people. This makes sense, given who is primarily talking about gender and taking action for gender justice and feminism. It also makes sense because many of us have experienced male violence, with our political commitments and identities additionally making us targets. However, it is also important for feminist men to actively build community with other men, both to heal ourselves and organize more men to challenge patriarchy and work for feminist liberation. How can men support and encourage each other in the struggle to develop radical models of anti-racist, class conscious, pro-queer, feminist manhood that challenges strict binary gender roles and categories? This is not a suggestion to end or stop building relationships with people who aren’t men. Rather, we should have a wide range of relationships with people of different genders and maintain a commitment to bringing more men into movement for collective liberation.

20. Remember that social change is a process, and that our individual transformation and individual liberation are intimately interconnected with social transformation and social liberation. Life is profoundly complex and there are many contradictions. Mistakes are part of the process. Remember that the path we travel is guided by love, dignity and respect even when it brings us to tears and is difficult to navigate. Often when men in the movement are asked if they are feminist, their first response is to talk about how frequently they fail to live up to feminist principles. Far too often, men committed to feminism become incapacitated with shame and act from a place of critique of themselves and others, which prevents us from bringing leadership to help shape events. As we struggle, let us also love ourselves and reach out for help. Believe in your ability to make important positive impacts in the world. Make changes to this list and include additional tools that have been helpful to you. Keep your list and share it with other men you are working with. Remember that we are in this together and that everyday is an opportunity to live our values and take action to further feminist revolution.



Notes

* “Against Patriarchy” is an excerpt, revised specially for The Feminist Wire, from Chris Crass’s new book Towards Collective Liberation: Anti-Racist Organizing, Feminist Praxis, and Movement Building Strategy published by PM Press.

[1] These tools come out of conversations and reflections rooted in social justice organizing over the past 25 years. Thank you to Justin Stein, Lewis Wallace, Molly McClure, Marc Mascarenhas-Swan, Chanelle Gallant, Josh Connor, Chris Dixon, and RJ Maccani for sharing initial ideas and feedback. Thank you to Amar Shah, Rachel Luft, Dan Berger, Carla Wallace, Rahula Janowski, Charlie Frederick, Paul Kivel, and Lisa Albrecht for their feedback.

[2] Gender oppressed refers to people who don’t fit into the gender binary of male and female. This includes people who are genderqueer, gender variant, gender non-conforming, intersex and who either live outside of being male or female or have both male and female genders.

[3] Queer and transgender activists developed the term cisgender as a label for individuals who have a match between the gender they were assigned at birth, their bodies, and their personal identity. Cisgender is a companion term to transgender.

___________________________________________

Chris Crass is a longtime organizer who writes and speaks widely about anti-racist organizing, feminism for men, lessons and strategies to build visionary movements, and leadership for liberation. His book, Towards Collective Liberation: Anti-Racist Organizing, Feminist Praxis, and Movement Building Strategy, was recently published by PM Press.
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