Economic Aspects of "Love"

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Aug 23, 2011 6:29 pm

Venezuela: Ancestral thugs become modern-day saints


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France24 has a report with photos documenting “Santos Malandros”, or “Corte Malandra”, a contemporary saint culture spreading in Venezuela (not entirely unlike the "Santa Muerte" phenomenon in Mexico).

"These 'holy thugs' wearing dark sunglasses, baseball caps and guns tucked in their belts might have been petty criminals during their lifetime, but are now considered modern-day Robin Hoods."

Having had more than a passing acquaintance with magic/religious practice of this kind, I have to say that the article reads a little melodramatic. But it was interesting to see a phenomenon I'm only familiar with in Mexico and Central America expressed differently, further south.



From France24:
The dozen or so members of the “thug court” have two things in common: they were all small-time crooks who died in the 1960s and 70s, and came to be respected because - legend has it - they never robbed in their neighbourhoods and always shared their pillage with the people in need around them. Even though their devotees have been often stigmatised as thieves and prostitutes, the reality is that more and more ordinary Venezuelans have turned to these peculiar saints to ask for protection.

At the head of the thug court is Ismael Sánchez, who would supposedly steal truckloads of meat or flour and then distribute the goods among his neighbours in a poor area of Caracas. His death remains a mystery, with some saying he was stabbed during a quarrel and others insisting that he was shot by the police, but his grave in the Southern General Cemetery of Caracas has become the place where people bring the entire ‘court’ alcohol, candles and other gifts as offerings.


Devotion to the "Malandro Court" – also known as "calé court" – began around 1989, when the tough reforms made by president Carlos Andrés Pérez to curb the economic crisis triggered a wave of protests and riots that became known as the “Caracazo”. Economic unrest led to political instability and crime rates soared during the 1990s. Hugo Chávez, who became president in 1999, has tried to reduce poverty but violence has since risen to an all-time high.



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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Aug 23, 2011 9:05 pm

The Magic of the State: An Interview with Michael Taussig

David Levi Strauss and Michael Taussig

http://www.cabinetmagazine.org/issues/18/strauss.php
In The Magic of the State, you write about the relation between traditional magical rites and rituals of spirit possession and the workings of the modern nation-state. You base this book on fieldwork on a "magic mountain" in the middle of Venezuela, where spirit possession is practiced, and where "there's something about spirit possession which is amicable toward hierarchy, stratification, and maybe even the State."

This book concerns spirit-possession on the mountain of Maria Lionza in central Venezuela in the 1980s and 1990s, where pilgrims in large numbers become possessed by the spirits of the dead under the rule of an imaginary spirit queen, Maria Lionza. Especially important are the spirits of the Indians who allegedly fought the Spanish in the sixteenth century and the independence soldiers of the early nineteenth century, including many black foot soldiers as well as white officers, most notably Simón Bolívar—as highlighted in the state's school textbooks, in the unending stream of state iconography from postage stamps to wall murals on bus stops and outside schools, from the standardized village, town, and city central square, the naming of mountain peaks, and of course in the physiognomy of authority wherever it be.

The dead are a great source of magical élan, grace, and power. This has been present in many cultures since the first burial. Indeed Georges Bataille (to whose ideas The Magic of the State is greatly indebted) argued from archaeological evidence and physical anthropology that the corpse is the origin of taboos, respect for the dead being what separates the human from the animal... Just imagine, then, the power that can accrue to the modern state, that great machine of death and war!

People today gain magical power not from the dead, but from the state's embellishment of them. And the state, authoritarian and spooky, is as much possessed by the dead as is any individual pilgrim. The current president of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, is the embodiment of this. In a sense he was predestined by this mystical foundation of authority as writ into the post-colonial exploitation of colonial history. The success of the Patriot Act and of the current US administration owes a great deal to this, too, after 9/11.

However my argument is that such spirit possession is a dramatization not only of the Great Events but also of the more subtle imageric- and feeling-states present in the artwork of the state any and everywhere, from the traffic cop and tax clerk to the pomp and ceremony of national celebrations, from a Latin American pseudo-democracy to the US and Western European states as well. Hobbes's Leviathan is mythical yet also terribly real. This is where the rationalist analysis of the state loses ground. Foucault was amazingly short-sighted in dismissing "blood" and the figure of the Ruler.

In terms of craft and presentation, the mountain in my book is like a window opening onto the magic of the state. This is an anthropology not of the poor and powerless, but of the state as a reified entity, lusting in its spirited magnificence, hungry for soulstuff.

I'm fascinated by the notion of corruption and a sort of "institutionalized fraud" in magic. You write about the change in the Venezuelan "perfumeries" (bodegas, candle shops) in 1985 when magical essences were made legal as"cosmetics," and a woman tells you that the cosmetics business is "all ticket," by which she means it's all marketing (labeling, branding, advertising).

What is your working definition of "magic?" Is it different from the one used by Marcel Mauss? In Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man, you say, "By magic it should be here plainly understood that we are talking about knowledge and words, words and their ability to effect things. In effect we are talking about the marketing of a theory of signification and of rhetoric, indeed, not just of knowledge but of what is in a deeply significant sense the knowledge of knowledge that has to remain inaccessible for that knowledge to exist." How do you keep magic distinct from religion in The Magic of the State?


This is an artifact to some extent, because here I was using "magic" as used by Indians in the southwest of Colombia to refer to white man's books on magic as sold in the marketplaces. But there is no doubt that the "knowledge of knowledge that has to remain inaccessible" is as good a way as any of thinking of magic's knot we can't and mustn't untie if we wish to go on thinking and talking, like you need a certain speed to keep riding a bicycle.





http://surrealdocuments.blogspot.com/20 ... odity.html

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Michael Taussig - The devil and commodity fetishism in South America
From Michael Taussig's fascinating 1980 book "The devil and commodity fetishism in South America":

"In the shafts of the tin mines in the mountains around the city of Oruro, Bolivia, the miners have statues representing the spirit who owns the mines and tin. Known as the devil or as the uncle (Tio), these icons may be as small as a hand or as large as a full-sized human. They hold the power of life and death over the mines and over the miners, who conduct rites of sacrifice and gift exchange to the spirit represented by the icons - the contemporary manifestation of the precolonial power of the mountain (...).

The body is sculptured from mineral. The hands, face and legs are made from clay. Often, bright pieces of metal or light bulbs may be of glass or of crystal sharpened like nails, and the mouth gapes, awaiting offerings of coca and cigarettes. The hands stretch out for liquor. In the Siglo XX mine the icon has an enormous erect penis. The spirit can also appear as an apparition: a blond, bearded, red-faced gringo (foreigner) wearing a cowboy hat, resembling the technicians and administrators who control the tens of thousands of miners who excavate the tin that since the late nineteenth century has made Bolivia a satellite of the world commodity market. He can also take the form of a succubus offering riches in exchange for one's soul or life (...).

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Without the goodwill of this spirit, effected through ritual, both the mineral production and the miners' lives are imperiled. To say the least, this spirit owner of the mines is extraordinarily ambivalent, representing the force of life and the force of death; as the political and economic context changes, so does his ambivalence. Following the revolutionary changes and state nationalization of the mines in 1952, personalistic private ownership by the tin barons was replaced by stultifying bureaucratic control and military dictatorship, which, in some ways, have made the struggle over workers' control even more arduous and critical than it was in the days of the tin barons. Since the military takeover in 1964, the miners' rites to the spirit owner of the mine have been repressed. Asserting that they impede progress, some miners think that these rites are better forgotten. Others claim the opposite and maintain that the management suppressed the rites because they sustain proletarian solidarity and the high level of revolutionary consciousness for which the mining areas are famous."


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Post scriptum

Here is a link to a YouTube videoof a travel agent with some footage of a statue of the Devil in a Bolivian mine.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Aug 23, 2011 9:39 pm

Healing Dramas
Divination and Magic in Modern Puerto Rico

By Raquel Romberg


http://www3.cc.utexas.edu/utpress/excer ... omhea.html
...A few words about the spiritual economy of brujería and its dynamic transformation in relation to economic, political, cultural, and social forces through time and space are in order here by way of some broad contextual strokes. Of course they do not pretend to be exhaustive: "Total context is unmasterable, both in principle and in practice. Meaning is context-bound, but context is boundless" (Culler 1981:24, inspired by Derrida's deconstruction theory).

After three and half centuries of colonial Catholic rule, the Americanization of Puerto Rico began with the American invasion in 1898 and the establishment of the commonwealth status in 1952. Along with a combined consumer and welfare form of capitalism and the separation of state and religion (at least institutionally) arriving to the island, American Catholic and Protestant churches mushroomed, and exiled Cubans established Santería temples with their arrival following Castro's revolution (Agosto Cintrón 1996, Duany 1998, Vidal 1994). As a result, a general "spiritual laissez-faire" atmosphere emerged, opening up the gates to religious eclecticism and competition.

Trusting that the American presence would help modernize and bring prosperity to the Puerto Rican nation after centuries of declining Spanish colonial rule, many (rich and poor alike) began to convert to the newly established American Catholic and Protestant churches on the island (Hernández Hiraldo 2006; Silva Gotay 1985, 1997). As a result many families have ended up being constituted by individuals affiliated with distinct religious traditions in unprecedented combinations.

It was in this eclectic religious atmosphere, with its various logics of practice, that many of the brujos I worked with were raised, shaping in great measure their individual ritual styles. For instance, popular Catholicism, Spiritism, and creole reworkings of African-based magic practices mark Tonio's style (see Chapter One). Haydée's style follows Tonio's with an added mode emerging from her upbringing as the daughter of a Catholic mother who converted to an American Protestant church and a Spiritist father. The youngest of all the healers I met, Armando, was raised by an espiritista mother in New York, where he had the opportunity to expand his ritual knowledge among Cuban and "Nuyorican" babalawos as well as other healers from South and Central America, continuing his initiation in Santería under Ronny, an exiled Cuban babalawo in Puerto Rico. Basi, a botánica owner in her mid-sixties with whom I lived for several months, was raised by a Spiritist grandmother and blended New Age versions of Spiritism with an ecumenical form of Christian religiosity. Forty-year-old Ken, a Nuyorican healer married to Mora, a Puerto Rican espiritista santera, developed a personal style that combined various Asian, Native American, and New Age modes of healing with traditional Puerto Rican Spiritism. And Mauro, a Cuban babalawo of Spanish-Arab ancestry in his seventies, was raised by Catholic nuns in a predominantly white society and initiated in Santería as a young man, in 1949, in one of the oldest Afro-Cuban cabildos (church-sponsored fraternities) in Cuba. After his exile in Puerto Rico in 1971, he and his wife, Lorena, a Puerto Rican Spiritist and santera, established their own temple; by the end of the 1990s they had moved to Miami under the sponsorship of several of their rich initiates.

In addition to such eclectic religious trajectories, the working experiences of brujos have also shaped their healing and magic styles. As a result of new commercial and state opportunities afforded by the system of welfare capitalism and American commercial investments, brujos, many of whom have experienced working in American-owned factories or state agencies, begin to expand their previous ritual areas of involvement (Romberg 2003b:210-235). Having acquired additional cultural capital pertaining to new systems of production and redistribution, they are now able to attend not only to the spiritual but also the material welfare of their clients (as will become evident in the pages that follow). Interceding more directly in the business fields on behalf of their clients, they may recommend their unemployed clients to companies headed by their other clients and inform their needy clients of new funding opportunities available in various state agencies. As a result, brujos—no longer persecuted as heretics or vilified as charlatans—begin to function implicitly as "spiritual entrepreneurs" (Romberg 2003a,b), that is, as brokers between state, business, and professional networks. As such, they are sought out when mainstream medicine, psychology, or social work fail to provide solutions to a variety of health, relationship, and economic problems, but more comprehensively, for promoting bendiciones (blessings) or ultimate success in clients' lives.

The Moral Economy of Brujería

Defined in terms of both material and spiritual progress, the quest for bendiciones has been molded recently by consumer and welfare capitalist values and sensibilities, which add to the hitherto exclusively Catholic and Spiritist spiritual understandings of bendiciones a concern for the material conditions of human existence. The connection between spiritual and material blessings is hence established: material success—measured by one's acquisitive power, social status, and overall progress—attests to having been gifted with spiritual blessings (and vice-versa). This redefinition of the meaning of bendiciones, following the values of consumer and welfare capitalism, suggests that brujería has become a form of "spiritualized materialism" (Romberg 2003b) that answers to a new moral economy for achieving and explaining economic success. What all this means in matters of ritual practice will become apparent in the ensuing ethnography.

Informing current brujería practices, this moral economy is, however, the upshot of a series of contentions not just with present but also past global and local religious, economic, and cultural hegemonic forces, broadly sketched above (Romberg 2005a,b). As vernacular responses to these hegemonic forces through time, brujería practices have encompassed dominant symbols and attitudes often decades after they had ceased to be significant in the mainstream (Williams 1980:40), illuminating both their generative quality and specificity in ritual practices over time. They have done so by means of a performative mimesis, or the imitation of hegemonic symbols and gestures that resists their exclusionary power. Therefore, rather than interpreting these forms of incorporation through imitation as a form of submission to economic, civil, or religious hegemonies, I see them as forms of "ritual piracy" (Romberg 2005b). In other words, by means of these forms of vernacular piracy, symbols of power that intend to exclude (and often vilify) the practices of brujería are appropriated and rechanneled to serve ritual and spiritual purposes foreign to the purposes of their imposition by the dominant culture in the first place. Following a "predatory" form of mimesis (Harney 2003), vernacular religions such as brujería plunder the very powers that these symbols embody, rechanneling them in the preparation of their magic works and rituals.

This explains, as will be shown in the ensuing chapters, (1) the infinite sources for legitimation and healing power that Catholic gestures and stories about Jesus' life afford brujos working today; (2) the present power of nineteenth-century Scientific Spiritism, its spiritual laws, and ethos in shaping the purposes and outcomes of consultations, veladas (nightly séances), and dream interpretations; and (3) the transmutation of the powers embodied in state agencies and the bureaucratic gestures of their officials during divination, magic, and healing rituals. This points to the dynamism of vernacular rituals and their ongoing interface with hegemonic symbols throughout history (Kelly and Kaplan 1990). Indeed, contemporary values of welfare and consumer capitalism (albeit contradictory) are appropriated, translated, and adapted (or "tamed") to fit the spiritual agendas and ethos of brujería. One can say that symbols of hegemonic power of various historical periods have been localized or folklorized, albeit in ironic ways, "with an attitude": the alluring powers of colonial and modern states pirated by brujos (Romberg 2005b).

An important caveat is needed at this point. Witchcraft and magic in parts of Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, and Latin America have been conceptualized in recent anthropological studies as local idioms of "occult economies or prosperity cults" (Comaroff and Comaroff 2001:24; Geschiere 1997; Palmié 2002; Taussig 1987, 1997). Promising "to yield wealth without production, value without effort," occult economies become necessary, according to Comaroff and Comaroff (2001:23), when an increasingly neoliberal social order fails to provide those who lack fiscal or cultural capital with the legitimate means to fulfill their desires for capitalistic accumulation.

The case of Puerto Rico stands in stark contrast to this portrayal. Given the ambiguous political status of the island as an associated free state (estado libre asociado), characterized as a "postcolonial colony" (Duany 2002) or a "modern colony" (Grosfoguel 1997), Puerto Ricans are granted annual transfers of billions of dollars in the form of food stamps and health, education, and unemployment benefits from the metropolitan state; participation in metropolitan standards of mass consumption; metropolitan citizenship; democratic and civil rights; and the possibility of migration to the metropolitan state without the risks of illegality (Grosfoguel 1997:66-67). What "occult economies" seem to help muster elsewhere the "modern colony" status does for Puerto Rico. Witchcraft and magic practices in this context, in fact, work to reproduce, not subvert, the modern colony, even though unwillingly and in oblique ways. Similarly to Korean shamanism under capitalism (Kendall 1996b), the spiritual world of brujería and the cosmological morality it entails are summoned for promoting the necessary practical means to achieve mainstream goals, not for substituting them. Adding the ethical tenets of Spiritism to the spectral ethos and predicaments of consumer and welfare capitalism, the moral economy of brujería can therefore hardly be seen as being counter-hegemonic in the same measure as witchcraft and magic practices elsewhere in the world.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Aug 23, 2011 10:08 pm

http://faculty.arts.ubc.ca/jbmurray/res ... aussig.htm
A Review of Michael Taussig, My Cocaine Museum
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), pp. xix + 336, $22.50 £16.00 pb



There is a marvellous diagram in one of Michael Taussig's earlier books, The Magic of the State (1996), that illustrates the bare bones of the economy of a "democratic Elsewhere where gas is dirt cheap and cars abound. Oil out; guns, ammo, videos, and cars in" (p. 148). The "democratic Elsewhere" of The Magic of the State is rather transparently Venezuela, but My Cocaine Museum indicates a rather similar structure of international exchange for Colombia: gold and cocaine out; guns, ammo, videos, and outboard motors in. Reduced here to its brutal underlying simplicity, this is the pattern of Latin American economic history: raw material (silver, guano, bananas, coffee) out; weaponry, luxury goods, and technology in.

For Taussig, this structure is quite literally marvellous. From his first book, The Devil and Commodity Fetishism (1980), he has traced in detail, fascination, and awe the transmutation of matter into money (and back again). Against the usual assumption that commodification implies only standardization and routinization, stripping nature of its unique aura, Taussig insists on the enchantment that persists in and haunts capitalist markets. As he puts it here, "I don't want to end up with some smug trade-off between money and nature. I want to alienate money's alienation. Make its strangeness strange. I want to make going into a store and buying your daily food, for instance, seem like a miracle" (p. 111).

Gold and cocaine, the raw matter of My Cocaine Museum, are privileged components of this mysterious system. The power of global capitalism transforms the mud and dirt of the Colombian coast into objects of desire for Wall Street bankers. But in this transformation and refinement, these ever-malleable, essentially formless, substances carry with them a history of oppression and enslavement: "Death stalks these substances in equal measure to the way they enliven life, enchant and compel" (p. 253). Arguing that gold and cocaine are "congealed miasma" (p. 253), Taussig returns to the scene of their production. He describes the violence, the poverty, but also the enchantment that pervades the mangrove swamps and the tropical rivers that for over 500 years have variously drawn, damaged, and disconcerted Indians, conquistadors, and pirates, African slaves and French capital, Russian engineers and Marxist guerrillas. Women pan for gold dust in minute amounts; men burrow into cliffs by candlelight or dive down into the pitch black to excavate beneath river beds; the FARC and with them the para-militaries encroach from the other side of the Andes, signalling a shift in the coastal economy and bringing with them new forms of violence and corruption.



http://www.press.uchicago.edu/Misc/Chicago/790096.html
An excerpt from

My Cocaine Museum
Michael Taussig

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chapter 2
my cocaine museum


I ask a friend upriver in Santa María what happens to the gold he mines and sells. He says it goes to the Banco de la República in Bogotá, which sells it to other countries. "What happens to it then?" "I really don't know. They put it in museums…" His speech fades. Lilia shrugs. It's for jewelry, she thinks. And for money. People sell it for money. It goes to the Banco de la República and they get money for it…In a burst of self-righteousness, I ask myself how come the world-famous Gold Museum of the Banco de la República in Bogotá has nothing about African slavery or about the lives of these gold miners whose ancestors were bought as slaves to mine the gold that was for centuries the basis of the colony—just as cocaine is today? So what would a Cocaine Museum look like? It is so tempting, so almost within grasp, this project whose time has come…

Within grasp?

Project?

Where better, then, to start than with the twelve-inch-long bright red wrench, lovingly displayed on our TV screens in New York City last week, as described to me by my teenage son, an inveterate watcher of TV? Is not this oversize wrench the most wonderful icon for My Cocaine Museum? I mean, where better to start than with the mundane world of tools, antithesis of all that is exorbitant and wild about cocaine, and yet have this particular tool, which, being so fake and being so grand, so far exceeds the world of usefulness that it actually hooks up with the razzle-dazzle of the drug world? How these two worlds of utility and luxury cooperate, to form deceptive amalgams that only people privy to the secret can prize apart, is a good part of our story and therefore of our museum too.

For according to U.S. federal prosecutors, gold dealers on Forty-seventh Street in Manhattan are paid by cocaine smugglers to have their jewelers melt gold into screws, belt buckles, wrenches, and other hardware, which are exported to Colombia, from where the cocaine came in the first place. U.S. attorney in Manhattan James B. Comey points to "the vicious cycle of drugs to money to gold back to money."

Could we not have predicted this, given what we already know about the tight connections in prehistory between gold and cocaine? The exotic and erotic gold poporos in the Gold Museum have long unified the world of gold with the world of coca. Used to contain lime from crushed seashells and burnt bones so as to speed up the breakdown of the coca leaf into cocaine, the poporo unifies the practical world with the star-bursting world of cocaine and cannot be too far removed from the beauty of the oversize red wrench, at once so practical and impractical. "On 47th Street, everything is on trust," says a jeweler, making it all the easier, it appears, for an undercover agent from the El Dorado Task Force who came saying he wanted to smuggle gold into Colombia and needed to change its shape. The jeweler replied to UC (which is how the undercover agent is now referred to) that he would provide gold in any shape UC wanted.

Any shape UC wanted.

How perfect is gold, the great shape-changer, the liquid metal, the formless form. How perfect for our Cocaine Museum to have such hefty metaphysical kinship with a substance that, like the language of the poet, can be twisted and tuned to the music of the spheres. I can think of only one other substance that rivals gold and cocaine in this regard and that is cement, once known as liquid stone, which now covers America.



Where better to start, then, than in the canyons of Gotham, with Wall Street brokers buying their drugs from a Dominican man in a nice suit in the men's room sniffing cocaine. At the same time across the East River at Kennedy Airport, there is a Chesapeake Bay retriever, also sniffing, urged on by its U.S. Customs-uniformed mistress, "Go, boy! Go find it! Good boy!" as small-statured Colombians draw back in horror at the baggage carousel when their clear plastic-wrapped oversize suitcases come lumbering into sight and smell—plastic-wrapped in Colombia by special businesses that come to your home the day before the flight to seal your baggage against a little slippage.

A real American decides enuf is enuf. The dog has gotten out of control, he decides, and he tells its handler to back off as the dog jumps up and down slobbering on his chest. "You have your constitutional rights," says the handler. "Here everyone is guilty until smelt innocent," and she urges the dog to leap higher. You need a large dog for this sort of work. The small ones may be smarter but get trampled on. Whoa! Watch out! Dogs and their happy masters and mistresses come running helter-skelter down the aisle as if out in the park for a romp. They must be thinking of the dogs leaping for red meat under the wings of the planes out on the tarmac far away at Bogotá. Lucky Third World dogs. When the animal is at play, the prehistoric is most likely to be snagged.

Sometimes they find a frightened Colombian they suspect of having swallowed cocaine-filled condoms before the flight. They force-purge the suspect. I mean, how many days do you think the DEA's gonna wait on some constipated mule? In the toilet bowl swim tightly knotted condoms like pairs of frightened eyes, blown up Salvador Dalí-like streaming out of the bowl, across the floor, and along the ceiling, showing the whites of terror as other condoms explode in the soggy blackness within the stomachs of couriers.

Far from the surefooted world of dogs, yet no less dependent on instinct because they cannot distinguish coca from many other plants, are the satellite images used to prove the success of the War Against Drugs, spraying defoliants onto peasants' food crops as well as onto coca, forcing the coca deeper into the forest and now over the mountains and into the Pacific Coast. The U.S. ambassador to Colombia has been quoted as saying, "It's quite possible we've underestimated the coca in Colombia. Everywhere we look there is more coca than we expected." Remember the "body counts" in Nam?

The noose is tightening, says the priest. Along with the cocaine come the guerrilla, and behind the guerrilla come the paramilitaries in a war without mercy for control of the coca fields and therefore of what little is left of the staggeringly incompetent Colombian state. You edge into a dark room with sounds of a creature in distress illuminated by a red glow casting shadows of vultures on the wall of the slaughterhouse early morning as amidst the smell of warm manure, the lowing of cattle, and thuds of the ax, poor country people line up closer together shivering to drink the hot blood for their health as the president of the United States of America signs the Waiver of Human Rights in the Rose Garden that releases one billion dollars' worth of helicopters fluttering out of the darkness like the bats the Indians made of gold, the caption to which tells us that being between categories—neither mice nor birds—bats signified malignity in the form of sorcery, and compares the helicopters with the horses of the conquistadores breathing fire and lightning on terrified Indians.

But the Indians were always good with poisons and mind-bending drugs such that high-tech solutions turn out to be not all that effective in the jungle, so don't despair: there's every chance the war and the massive economy it sustains will keep roaring along for many years yet. Speaking of Indians, here's a familiar figure to greet you, that huge photo you see in the airport as you walk to immigration of a stoic Indian lady seated on the ground in the marketplace with limestone and coca leaves for sale and in front of her, of all things, William Burroughs's refrigerator from Lawrence, Kansas, with a sign on its door, Just Say No, as an Indian teenager saunters past with a Nike sign on his chest saying Just Do It and a smiling Nancy Reagan floats overhead like the Cheshire cat gazing thoughtfully at an automobile with the trunk open and two corpses stuffed inside it with their hands tied behind their backs and neat bullet holes, one each through the right temple and one each through the crown of the head. El tiro de gracias. Professional job, exclaim the mourners crowding around the open coffin and holding the neatly dressed children high for a better view. "I know when I die," I say to Raúl, "I want it to be here in this pueblo with these people around me." He looks at me oddly. I have scared him.



One of the bodies is Henry Chantre, who while doing his military service in the Colombian army used to pick up and transport drugs into Cali for his officers—so they say—and when discharged got into trafficking himself, a shiny SUV, a blond wife, handsome little children, and one day a deal went sour and he was found stuffed in the trunk of an abandoned car by the bridge across the Río Cauca. A long way from Manhattan's East River. In one sense. Strange, these rivers, so elemental, first thing the conqueror does is find a river snaking its way into the heart of darkness and all of that, for trade, really, canoes, rafts, that sort of thing, rail and road an afterthought decades or centuries later, water spanning the globe, the bridge spanning the river connecting Cali to this little town south, where Henry Chantre lies staring at you, the town milling round, the bridge being where most of the bodies end up getting dumped, heaven knows why; what weird law of nature is this, the river, the bridge, why always the same spot, macabre compulsion to dump bodies in the burnt-out cars and gutters there in the no-man's-land by the bridge between categories, like the bats, neither bird nor mouse, sanctified soil teeming with chaos and contradiction here by the river where black men dive to excavate sand for the drug-driven construction industry in Cali. Father Bartolomé de las Casas, sixteenth-century savior of Indians in the New World, wrote passionately about the cruelty in making Indians dive for pearls off the island of Margarita in the Caribbean. Nowadays, long after African slavery has been abolished, the slavery that replaced the slavery of Indians, it's considered routine to dive for sand, not pearls, the strong ponies so obedient braced against the current, carrying wooden buckets.

We need figures, human figures, as strong as these squat ponies braced against the current, and in the early morning mist by the river comes in single file the guerrilla, who, except for their cheap rubber boots and machetes, look the same as the Colombian army, which looks exactly the same as the U.S. Army and all armies from here to eternity most especially the paramilitaries, who do the real fighting, slitting the throats of peasants and schoolteachers alleged to collaborate with the guerrilla, hanging others on meat hooks in the slaughterhouse for days before executing them, not to mention what they do to live bodies with the peasants' own chain saws, leaving the evidence hanging by the side of the road for all to see, and worst of all, me telling you about it. Hence the restraint in the display case in our Cocaine Museum with nothing more than a back ski mask, an orange Stihl chain saw, and a laptop computer, its screen glowing in the shadows. When they arrive at an isolated village, the paras are known to pull out a computer and read from it a list of names of people they are going to execute, names supplied by the Colombian army, which, of course, has no earthly connection with the paramilitaries. Just digital. "It was a terrible thing," said a young peasant in July 2000, in the hills above Tuluá, "to see how death was there in that apparatus."

The paras are frank even if they like to be photographed wearing black ski masks despite their being hot and prickly. As of July 2000, some 70 percent of the paras' income, so they as well as the experts say, comes from the coca and marijuana cultivated in areas under their control in the north of the county, drugs that will make their way stateside. Yet up till that date, at least, the paras get off scot-free. Their coca was rarely subject to eradication, and the government's armed forces had never, ever confronted the paramilitaries. Instead the thrust of the U.S.-enforced war was to attack the south where the guerrilla are strongest and leave the north free. The War Against Drugs is actually funded by cocaine and is not against drugs at all. It is a War for Drugs.

Our guide motions to the ripples spreading over the river where corpses are daily dumped, and men dive for sand for the remnants of what was once a thriving industry, building the city of Cali, rising rainbow-hued through layers of equatorial sunbeams thickened by exhaust fumes. Transformed by drug money invested in high-rise construction and automobiles, the city now wallows in decay, with many of its apartment towers and restaurants empty. Nothing like cocaine to speed up the business cycle.

To the south of the city, in the next room of our Cocaine Museum, are the remains of peasant plots like bomb craters filled with water lilies in the good flat land from which the earth has been scooped out eight or more feet deep so as to make bricks and roof tiles for when the building boom in the city was in full swing. This rich black soil was once the ashes of the volcanoes that floated down onto the lake that was this valley in prehistoric times. Peasants sold it, their birthright, taking advantage of the high prices for raw dirt and because agribusiness created ecological mayhem with their traditional crops. Then the boom stopped and now there is no work at all. There is no farm anymore. Just a water hole with lilies that the kids love to swim in.



And to tell the truth, for a lot of people even if there was "work" in the city, nobody would want it. Dragging your arse around from one humiliating and massively underpaid job to another—less money, really, than the women get panning gold on the Timbiquí (Can you believe it!). That's all over now, the idea of work work. Only a desperate mother or a small child would still believe there was something to be gained by selling fried fish or iced soya drinks by the roadside, accumulating the pennies. But for the young men now there's more to life, and who really believes he'll make it past twenty-five years of age? If they don't kill each other, then there's the limpieza, when the invisible killers come in their pickups and on their motorbikes. At fourteen these kids get their first gun. Motorbikes. Automatic weapons. Nikes. Maybe some grenades as well. That's the dream. Except that for some reason it's harder and harder to get ahold of, and drug dreams stagnate in the swamps in the lowest part of the city like Aguablanca, where all drains drain and the reeds grow tall through the bellies of stinking rats and toads. Aguablanca. White Water. The gangs multiply and the door is shoved in by the tough guys with their crowbar to steal the TV as well as the sneakers off the feet of the sleeping child; the bazuco makes you feel so good, your skin ripples, and you feel like floating while the police who otherwise never show and the local death squads hunt down and kill addicts, transvestites, and gays—the desechables, or "throwaways"—whose bodies are found twisted front to back as when thrown off the back of pickups in the sugarcane fields owned by but twenty-two families, fields that roll like the ocean from one side of the valley to the other as the tide sucks you in with authentic Indian flute music and the moonlit howls of cocaine-sniffing dogs welcome you to the Gold Museum of the Banco de la República.

Something like that.

My Cocaine Museum.

A revelación.


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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Aug 23, 2011 10:22 pm

http://surrealdocuments.blogspot.com/20 ... alism.html
Michael Taussig - Shamanism, Colonialism and the Wild Man. A Study in Terror and Healing

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Michael Taussig's 1986 ethnography "Shamanism, Colonialism and the Wild Man. A Study in Terror and Healing" examines the origins of the extraordinary cruelties inflicted by colonial rubber traders upon Colombian Indians and those of the shamanic healing rituals of the Colombian Indians living in the Putumayo foothills.

In Taussig's view, both the cruelties and the healing rituals are motivated by a view of the Indian as a Wild Man, that savage from medieval and Renaissance legend, Europe's version of Bigfoot.

The cruelties visited upon the Indians in the 19th and early 20th century by the colonial rubber industry were extreme. This terror was bloodthirstier by far than could be explained by rational, economic motives: in fact, the terror went against business interests as it destroyed scarce labor power. Taussig views the terror as an abreaction against the Wild Man, a construction of the Indian as a savage anti-self of the colonist, an anti-self which necessitated violence as savage as the 'savage' it was directed against. This anti-self was not well-defined and clear-cut, but was swathed in what Taussig calls 'epistemic murk': the colonists worried incessantly about the Wild Man, and this worry infected their imagination with terrible nightmares of Indian attacks, conspiracies, uprising, treachery, etc. It was the unclear, murky nature of the wildness ascribed to Indians in colonial fabulation that gave this wildness such a powerful, obsessing hold on the imagination of the colonists.

Quoting Alfred Métraux's 1958 book 'Voodoo In Haiti', Taussig notes that "Man is never cruel and unjust with impunity: the anxiety which grows in the minds of those who abuse power takes the form of imaginary terrors and demented obsessions. The master maltreated his slave, but feared his hatred. He treated him like a beast of burden but dreaded the magical powers imputed to him."

White colonists visit Indian shamans to be cured of the sorcery. The sorcery is either of human origin, perpetrated because of Invidia (envy, a capitalist affect par excellence), or the result of mal aires (literally 'bad winds'; for Taussig, memories about Indians killed in colonial conquest coming back to haunt colonists). The colonists believe that the 'wilder', the more mysterious the Indian is, the more powerful his healing capabilities are. Thus, in the healing rituals of Indian shamans, the healers use the view of the Indian as a Wild Man. The terrific magical powers imputed to the shamans by the white colonists are a colonial construction appropriated and used by the colonized. Taussig: "So it has been through the sweep of colonial history where the colonizers provided the colonized with the left-handed gift of the image of the wild man--a gift whose powers the colonizers would be blind to, were it not for the reciprocation of the colonized, bringing together in the dialogical imagination of colonization an image that wrests from civilization its demonic power.” It is Exotica used as a healing power by those deemed Exotic by the colonists.

The shamans use yagé, a hallucinogenic drink made from the Banisteriopsis spp. vine, native to the Amazon Rainforest, in their healing rituals. The psychological effects of yagé, the montage-like (dis-)order of the healing rituals and the symbolic wildness create an 'epistemic murk' which heals by unraveling colonial, capitalist culture: "Wildness challenges the unity of the symbol, the transcendent totalization binding the image to that which it represents. Wildness pries open this unity and in its place creates slippage. (...) Wildness is the death space of signification.”
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Aug 24, 2011 12:14 am

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DESCRIBES ACTS OF EXTREME VIOLENCE


http://www.ess.uwe.ac.uk/SierraLeone/sierraleone4.htm

Sierra Leone: Boys taught to torture and maim

Daily Mail and Guardian - Johannesburg, South Africa. May 22 2000

JOHN SWEENEY reports from Freetown on the sickening reality of the conflict in Sierra Leone which is turning children as young as nine into bloodthirsty killers



The whites of his eyes fluttering like moths in their sockets, he staggered forward and groaned softly but repeatedly, taking weaker and weaker steps before he collapsed. Giggles all around.

At just 12 he had the face of an old man who has seen too much and had just acted out what a man does when you have slashed the back of his neck. It was so well done, you knew he had seen it for real.

Sierra Leone is a country not just of amputated limbs; nine years of war have left the children with amputated minds.

They called him Burn You - real name Sheku Jalloh - and he sat underneath the palm trees by the South Atlantic in what once must have been a very beautiful hotel, now run by two Catholic priests to give something back to the child soldiers. St Michael's rehab centre is half an hour south from Aberdeen, where the clatter from British Army Chinooks fills the sky and the car parks of the swankiest hotels are stuffed with white UN Land Cruisers, their chrome gleaming in the sun.

Burn You was with two friends - a boy they called Corporal Highway, 11, (real name Saidu Kargbo) and a girl called Small Rebel, 12, (real name Tity Gbayo). The rebels had burnt a tattoo, RUF, which stands for Foday Sankoh's Revolutionary United Front, into her chest, but she was so ashamed she poured acid on the letters. The burns had corrugated the scar tissue, blurring the out line of the letters, but the pity of it was you could still make out RUF behind the scabs.

All three had been taken to fight at the age of nine. Small Rebel and Corporal Highway were with the RUF; Burn You had been with the old SLA, the Sierra Leone Army. All sides had Small Boy Units, they said, but people tell you the RUF were the worst. The New SLA - trained and now supported by the British - are the government forces. They won the election and now have the coast. The RUF have the bush and the diamond fields. The war will continue until the RUF takes the coast, or the government takes the diamond fields.

Corporal Highway demonstrated the trick of cutting off an adult's hands, if you belong to a Small Boy Unit. You force the man down on the ground and shove a gun barrel at the back of his neck. Lying prone, the subject is helpless. Then another boy takes the man's arm and rests it on a piece of wood, and then brings down the machete. Corporal Highway had done this many times.

He used an AK47, which would have been only a little smaller than him. Burn You's weapon of choice was an SMG, a sub-machine gun. Small Rebel said she had a pistol, but she looked a little embarrassed, as though she might not have been allowed to use it all the time. Small Rebel's commander had been a woman, 'Colonel Gaddafi's wife', a woman called Mammy, around 27 years old. Small Rebel insisted to the others that this woman was Libyan, not local. This may sound incredible, but Libya and Liberia's president, Charles Taylor, back the RUF. It is quite likely one of Gaddafi's famous female bodyguards may have fought for the cause in the bush.

Burn You showed how you cut down the rib cage and get at the liver, to eat it for 'main power'. Once you have chopped off a man's hands, you can do anything. Burn You ran through the options: you can cut off the ears and nose and lips, and give them to the victim to eat. You drink the blood from the back of the neck. If you slash the neck at the front, the blood spurts too fast and is wasted, he said.

Children around the world tell tall stories, but I didn't think these three were making much up. The detail was too precise.

Burn You's favourite torture was rubbing hot pepper into the eyes of a victim. Some of the peppers in West Africa are so ferocious they can burn your fingers when you touch them. Ordinary people were terribly afraid of the Small Boy Units, they said. They would enter villages to find everyone gone. Burn You said their name for dogs was Town Commandos, because when they appeared they were the only living things that had stayed on.

They all suffered flashbacks, though none of them was quite as bad as one poor boy, who went round the centre screaming: "I want to drink blood". For Small Rebel, the worst memory was the time the rebels came to her home. They poured petrol over the mother, father, two brothers and sister and set fire to them, watching as they ran around, burning alive. And then they took her.

That, and the times when the Small Boy Units caught a pregnant woman. "They'd argue whether there was a boy child or a girl child in the belly," she said. "To solve the argument, they would cut open the belly with machetes. I saw this many times." The British Army is here to secure the airport and evacuate any British nationals - that's the official line, which no one believes. The Paras and the Royal Marines out to sea and the SAS in the bush are here to try to put an end to the barbarity evidenced by these three children.

Brigadier David Richards hasn't had the opportunity to talk to the child soldiers. But he has seen their work at the amputee camps. "When I came out of there, my eyes were streaming," he said. He is not a sentimentalist, but sharp as mustard, bespectacled, tough. He needs to be for the game of three-dimensional chess ahead of him.

A Lebanese trader explained the problem of bringing peace to Sierra Leone: "The rebels have the diamond fields. They sell the diamonds to Liberia. This makes good money for Charles Taylor. He sells the rebels the weapons. So long as the rebels have the diamonds, they have more money than the government. The war will continue until the government takes the diamond fields."

But won't the rebels collapse, now that Foday Sankoh has been arrested? "Sankoh was just a card for Taylor," he said. He has many cards. There is a new one, Colonel Issay. The diamond fields are the key. If they remain in rebel hands, then this place is condemned to war, with the government on the coast and the RUF in the bush, just like Angola.

British military sources in Sierra Leone agree that the diamond fields in the east are the RUF's centre of gravity. {emphasis added]

But the Parachute Regiment, which is securing Lungi airport, is bored out of its mind. In the ladies', a skinhead Para washed his face over and over again. Down the road in the police station a corporal read a two-week-old Sun, and yawned. A third, from Maghull, near Aintree, watched his mates snooze away: "I've been here two weeks and I've only seen the airport. We've come all this way, but it's like going on holiday and spending the entire time in Gatwick."

There is, of course, the United Nations. The 12 O'Clock follies, when the UN people strut their stuff, is straight from the Theatre of the Absurd. The spokesman made a plea for the rebels to release the 270-odd hostages, mainly Kenyan and Zambian troops, on humanitarian grounds. This plea was directed, remember, at the RUF, its troops zonked out of their minds on palm wine, the army which teaches its child soldiers how to cut off hands. The word on the streets of Freetown - not exactly Hansard - is that some of the UN hostages have been mutilated, and they will be disappear after being killed, because their wounds are evidence of how the RUF behaves; too grim ever to be shown to the wider world.

The UN's spokesman in New York, Fred Eckhart, has called for an immediate ceasefire. This would freeze the war where it is now, giving the rebels the diamond fields. The Lebanese trader believes that if this happens the war will start up again.

In the meantime, the war against the RUF is being carried out on the ground by the SLA. The bad news is that the SLA has run out of bullets.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Aug 24, 2011 8:18 am

http://surrealdocuments.blogspot.com/20 ... ty_08.html

Michael Taussig - The devil and commodity fetishism in South America (pt. 2)

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I
Karl Marx's concept of 'commodity fetishism' takes a central place in Michael Taussig's analysis of devil worship in South America. However, in "The devil and commodity fetishism in South America", Taussig neglects to trace the genealogy of Marx's concept. This is all the more remarkable, because the concept's origin is in anthropology and Taussig is an anthropologist.

So let's trace the genealogy of 'commodity fetishism' and see what this genealogical research reveals about Taussig and Marx.


II

"The term, “fetish,” (...) emerged out of intercultural trading relations in West Africa in which European traders argued that Africans, unlike European Christians, had no stable system of value in which they could evaluate objects. Overvaluing apparently trifling objects such as feathers, bones, and cloth used in ritual, Africans undervalued the trade goods brought by Europeans. In this context, European Christians referred to African ritual objects as “fetishes,” a term derived from the Portuguese feitiço, referring to nefarious instruments of magic and witchcraft."

Fetishism as a concept was coined by Charles de Brosses. This French 17th century nobleman and academic published his dissertation "Du culte des dieux fétiches ou Parallèle de l'ancienne religion de l'Egypte avec la religion actuelle de Nigritie" in 1760.

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The dissertation brought about an important conceptual innovation in the historiography of religions, in developing the thesis that the mythology and religious life of the ancients (in this case: the ancient Egyptians) can be understood by studying contemporary 'primitive' cultures. Underlying this thesis was the idea of a common humanity of 'black savages' and the ancients. De Brosses stressed that all man had receive intellect from God - an idea which was far from commonly accepted in his era.

For De Brosses the veneration of material objects, deemed to have sacred powers, was a universal form of religion amongst 'primitive' people, interpreting religious practices of inter alia ancient Babylonians, Egyptians, Greeks, Romans, Celts, Gauls, Black West-Africans, and Iriquois, as "fetishism". No explanation for the universality of fetishism was deemed necessary by De Brosses, other than the fear and insanity to which the human mind is susceptible.

Anticipating an evolutionist conception of culture, De Brosses characterized fetishist people 'puerile'.

A young Karl Marx read a German translation of 'Du culte des dieux fetiches' in 1842-1843 and based his theory of 'commodity fetishism' on it, as expanded in Das Kapital. The theory of commodity fetishism posits that fetishism is not limited to 'primitive' cultures. Technologically advanced, capitalist cultures know their own form of fetishism, and this is the fetishism of the capitalist commodity.

In capitalism like in any other society, products are created as the result of human relationships. However, in societies with a capitalist mode of production, the production process is presented as something that is abstracted from human relationships, as something that exists independently from the human world. Taussig illustrates Marx's theory with metaphors that are used for capitalist processes: the "economic climate", "an active market", "a sagging dollar". And if the production process is presented a something endowed with a life of it's own, so is the capitalist product. It appears as if it had a life independent from the humans who have created and use it. Thus, they are fetishes.


Marx: "[In] the mist-enveloped regions of the religious world productions of the human brain appear as independent beings endowed with life, and entering into relation both with one another and the human race. So it is in the world of commodities with the products of men’s hands. This I call the Fetishism which attaches itself to the products of labour, so soon as they are produced as commodities, and which is therefore inseparable from the production of commodities. (...) The whole mystery of commodities, all the magic and necromancy that surrounds the products of labour as long as they take the form of commodities, vanishes (...), so soon as we come to other forms of production." (sourced here). In capitalism, commodities come to dominate humans and their relationships: capitalist product are venerated, almost deemed to have sacred powers - like the fetishes of De Brosse's primitives.

Like the French nobleman, Marx ascribed to an evolutionist view on human civilization, expecting mankind to outgrow capitalism and it's fetishism of commodities.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Aug 24, 2011 9:40 am

Neoliberalism Needs Death Squads in Colombia

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Written by Hans Bennett


http://upsidedownworld.org/main/content/view/2091/1/
In her new book Blood & Capital: The Paramilitarization of Colombia, author Jasmin Hristov writes: "For roughly forty years, the Colombian state has been playing a double game: prohibiting the formation of paramilitary groups with one law and facilitating their existence with another; condemning their barbarities and at the same time assisting their operations; promising to bring perpetrators of crime to justice, while opening the door to perpetual immunity; convicting them of narco-trafficking, yet profiting from their drug deals; announcing to the world the government's persecution of paramilitary organizations, even though in reality these 'illegal armed groups' have been carrying out the dirty work unseemly for a state that claims to be democratic and worthy of billions of dollars in US military aid."

As the largest recipient of US military aid in the hemisphere, Colombia has long been the US' most important ally in Latin America. Simultaneously, Colombia has also become the hemisphere's worst human rights violator, with Colombia's numerous paramilitary organizations recently taking center stage, as they've gradually become directly responsible for more human rights atrocities than the formal military and police. In the name of fighting "narco-terrorism," poor people and dissidents are massacred, assassinated, tortured, and disappeared, among other atrocities done to eliminate particular individuals and to "set an example" by intimidating others in the community. Ninety-seven percent of human rights abuses remain unpunished.

In recent years, a variety of human rights organizations, as well as mainstream academics and journalists have found it impossible to ignore the astronomical human rights violations. However, even though these groups have accurately reported on the actual atrocities, Jasmin Hristov argues that in their reports, the atrocities are largely de-contextualized from the powerful forces in Colombia and the US that directly benefit from this repression. According to Hristov, this mainstream presentation serves to mask the fact that US and Colombian elites directly support (via funding, training, supervising, and providing legal immunity for) state repression carried out by the police and military, as well as illegal paramilitary groups that are unofficially sanctioned by the government. Whether it is murdering labor organizers or displacing an indigenous community because a US corporation wants to drill for oil on their land, Hristov passionately asserts that death squad violence is purposefully directed towards sectors of society that stand in the way of the ruling class's efforts to maintain economic dominance and acquire more resources to make even more profit.

In her book, Hristov makes a a convincing argument that Colombia's notorious death squads are inherently linked to maintenance of the country's extreme economic inequality. Particularly since the neoliberal reforms of the 1990s that have increased poverty, Colombia's poor continue to resist their oppression in many different ways. In response, state repression on a variety of levels is needed to terrorize unarmed social movements and other community groups and activists.

Throughout Blood & Capital, Hristov seeks to expose the rational motivations behind state violence for capitalism's economic elites in the US and Colombia. In meticulous detail, Hristov shows how the super-rich benefit from state repression and how the violators of human rights have essentially become immune from any consequences for their actions. If death squads are truly to be abolished in Colombia, we must look honestly at how and why they exist today. Hristov's new book is a powerful tool for exposing who truly calls the shots.

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Neoliberalism or Neopoverty?

Hristov asserts that "it is not a mere coincidence that during the era of accelerated neoliberal restructuring, the deterioration in the living conditions of the working majority has been accompanied by an increase in the capabilities and activities of military, police, and paramilitary groups, as well as the portrayal of social movements as forces that must be monitored, silenced, and eventually dismantled." The scandalous epidemic of poverty in Colombia is key to understanding Colombian politics, and why the upper classes so fear political organizing among the poor, who could mount a formidable opposition to the status quo if allowed to organize unrestrained by state repression.

When neoliberal policies were adopted by the Colombian government in the 1990s, it dramatically increased poverty, and made an already terrible situation worse. Hristov writes that the "essential components of neoliberalism are trade liberalization, privatization, deregulation, and austerity. Trade liberalization entails the removal of any trade barriers, such as tariffs and quotas. Privatization requires the sale of public enterprises and assets to private owners. Through the removal of government restrictions and interventions on capital, deregulation allows market forces to act as a self-regulating mechanism.… Austerity requires the drastic reduction or elimination of expenditures for social programs and services."


These are a few of the statistics compiled by Hristov, who writes that "in a country of 45 million, around 11 million people are unable to afford even one nutritious meal a day. According to statistics from 2005, 65 percent of Colombians are unable to regularly satisfy basic subsistence needs. In rural areas, the poverty rate is as high as 85 percent…In 2000 it was estimated that half a million children suffer from malnutrition and close to 2.5 million children between the ages of six and seventeen are forced to work…Furthermore, there has been a notable decline in school attendance, literacy, and life expectancy as well as access to child care and education over the past couple of years.

Blood, Capital, and the State Coercive Apparatus

Throughout Blood & Capital, Hristov details many horrifying ways in which the rich are empowered by violence from what she identifies as the "state's coercive apparatus" (SCA). She argues that "two intertwining motifs run throughout Colombia's history: (1) social relations marked by inequality, exploitation, and exclusion and (2) violence employed by those with economic and political power over the working majority and the poor in order to acquire control over resources, forcibly recruit labor, and suppress or eliminate dissent."

Dating back to the European conquest of the Americas, Hristov asserts that violence has been central to the creation of modern-day Colombia's government and economy. She writes that "starting in the late 1500s, the conquerors began clearing the indigenous population from territories with desirable characteristics—mineral deposits, fertile soil, access to water, transportation routes, and so on. The separation of the indigenous from their means of subsistence allowed the formation of a local colonial elite who transformed what used to be used to be the native inhabitants communal lands into large estates or haciendas. The creation of landless peasants facilitated the supply of labor for the Spaniards' ventures, such as mining and agriculture."

State violence supporting the economic elite continued, but became much worse in the 1960s under the direction of the US military. Alfredo Vasquez Carrizosa, President of the Colombian Permanent Committee for Human Rights reports that in the 1960s, "during the Kennedy administration," the US "took great pains to transform our regular armies into counterinsurgency brigades, accepting the new strategy of the death squads." This "ushered in what is known in Latin America as the National Security Doctrine…not defense against an external enemy, but a way to make the military establishment the masters of the game…the right to combat the internal enemy…this could mean anyone, including human rights activists such as myself."

As Edward Herman, co-author of The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism explained in a previous interview with Upside Down World, US support for repressive governments in Colombia and throughout Latin America was, and still is, part of a general policy towards third world populations. Focusing largely on US support for the Latin American "National Security States," Herman and co-author Noam Chomsky argue that U.S. corporations purposefully support (and in many instances create) fascist terror states in order to create a favorable investment climate. In exchange for a cut of the action, local military police-states brutally repress their population when it attempts to assert basic human rights.

In the 1960s, the US and Colombian governments launched Plan Lazo, designed to target the "internal enemy." Hristov writes that "the military aid that was part of Plan Lazo (and all subsequent programs, including those in place today, such as the Patriot Plan) were given on the condition that Colombian forces would use terror and violence, since these formed a legitimate part of the overall anticommunist offensive. In 1966 the field manual US Army Counterinsurgency Forces specified that while antiguerrilla should not employ mass terror, selective terror against civilians was acceptable and was justified as a necessary response to the alleged terrorism committed by rebel forces."

Hristov asserts that while the US handled the "financial and ideological aspects" of building and strengthening the SCA, locally the Colombian elites also played a key role. "It implemented many of the policies suggested by the US counterinsurgency manual in order to discipline the civilian population through measures such as press censorship, the suspension of civil rights (to permit arrest on mere suspicion), and the forced relocation of entire villages. President Guillermo Leon Valencia (1962-66) boosted the anticommunist campaign by declaring a state of siege whereby judicial and political powers were transferred to the military while the later was freed from accountability to civilian authorities for its conduct."

With US financing and supervision, the Colombian armed forces have since become one of the most renowned human rights violators in the world. This despicable conduct eventually created significant local and international opposition, and under this pressure the SCA has been forced to adjust. In response, the responsibility for repression has shifted more towards paramilitaries, whose activities are officially independent of the government. In this situation, when paramilitaries target the "internal enemy," the same goal is accomplished as if the government itself did it, yet the government cannot be officially linked to the violence.

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The Paramilitarization of Colombia

The size and strength of paramilitary death squads in Colombia has steadily increased since they were first established in the 1960s. According to Hristov, the paramilitaries are now responsible for about 80 percent of human rights violations in Colombia, compared to 16 percent by the rebel guerrillas. The paramilitaries' evolution, Hristov argues, is the result of "perhaps the most creative and intelligent effort by an elite-dominated state to counteract revolutionary processes…The Colombian parastatal system represents neither a traditional centralized authoritarian regime, as those that existed in Argentina, Chile, and Brazil, nor merely a collection of autonomous armed bands dispersed over rural areas, each ruling locally, as in Mexico. What we see in Colombia is a mutated SCA that has assumed a nonstate appearance."

The function of the paramilitaries in Colombia was explained well by Captain Gilberto Cardenas, former captain of the national police and former director of the Judicial Police Investigative and Intelligence Unit in the Uraba region. In 2002, testifying against the commander of the Seventeenth Brigade of the Colombian armed forces, Cardenas told representatives of the United Nations andColombian authorities that "The paramilitaries were created by the Colombian government itself to do the dirty work, in other words, in order to kill all individuals who, according to the state and the police, are guerrillas. But in order to do that, the [the government] had to create illegal groups so that no one would suspect the government of Colombia and its military forces…members of the army and the police even patrol side by side with the paramilitaries."

The paramilitary system first began in the mid-1960s when the Colombian government passed legislation that authorized citizens to carry arms and assist the military in repression. Hristov argues that "paramilitary forces entered the scene to perform two main functions." The first was to participate in combat at a local level, as described by the 1966 US Army Counterinsurgency Forcesfield manual, which stated: "paramilitary units can support the national army in the conduct of counterinsurgency operations when the latter are being conducted in their own province or political subdivision." Second, Hristov writes that paramilitaries "were intended to monitor and gather intelligence on the rebels, their civilian supporters, and social organizations by establishing networks throughout the country."

War on Narco-terrorists?

Image

Since the official end of the Cold War in 1989, US rhetorical justification for allying itself with and providing military aid to the Colombian government has shifted from fighting "communism" to fighting "narco-terrorism." Hristov argues that official rhetoric may have changed but it's still easy to expose this fraudulent war on narco-terrorism as actually being a war against poor people. Concerning the so-called war on terrorism, how can the hemisphere's worst human rights violator fight terrorism? Then, similar to the absurd notion of a terrorist fighting terrorism, how can a government heavily complicit in the drug trade claim that it is fighting a war on drugs?

The Colombian government's multi-faceted complicity in drug trafficking extends all the way to current President Uribe, who was listed by the Pentagon itself, as one of the most wanted international drug traffickers. A declassified National Security Archives report dated September 23, 1991, explicitly accused Uribe of being a collaborator of the Medellin cartel and a personal friend of Pablo Escobar. This report states further that Uribe was one of the "more important Colombian narco-terrorists contracted by the Colombian narcotics cartels for security, transportation, distribution, collection, and enforcement of narcotics operations in both the US and Colombia. These individuals are also contracted as 'HIT MEN' to assassinate individuals targeted by the 'extraditables,' or individual 'narcotic leaders,' and to perform terrorist acts against Colombian officials, other government officials, law enforcement agencies, and groups of other political persuasions."

And it's not just the Colombian government. Hristov argues that the US government's Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) "has in reality been converted largely to an instrument of drug traffickers and paramilitaries." To support this assertion, she cites a 2004 memorandum issued by a lawyer at the US Department of Justice named Thomas M. Kent, which accused the DEA of extreme misconduct. Kent states that strong evidence of misconduct is routinely ignored by the control agencies of the Department of Justice. Hristov summarizes key points made in Kent's memorandum, including "to supplement their $7,000 monthly salary, some DEA agents have managed to negotiate with Colombian drug dealers…DEA personnel have been implicated in the killing of informants…Members of the AUC [paramilitaries] have been assisted by DEA agents in money laundering…DEA agents have participated in the extortion of drug traffickers awaiting extradition."

On another note, Hristov makes the important point that drug trafficking and the rise of paramilitaries have both fed each other in two key ways. "First, the groups involved in trafficking needed to protect their laboratories, illegal cultivation, and clandestine airstrips in rural areas stimulated the emergence of local armed groups outside the state. Second, many drug dealers had begun to invest their capital in millions of hectares of the best agricultural land in the country…and they needed armed forces to protect their lands." Hristov adds further that "the preexisting concentration of land ownership in the hands of the elite and the displacement of impoverished peasants was aggravated dramatically by this trend."

To further expose this fraudulent "war on drugs," it should be noted that the US government has a long history of complicity in drug trafficking, particularly in Latin America. While author William Blum has written the definitive short article on the topic, Alfred McCoy has written the most comprehensive book, titled The Politics of Heroin, documenting the CIA's relationships with drug traffickers around the world, including in France, Italy, China, Laos, Afghanistan, Haiti, and throughout Latin America. In 1989, a Senatorial Committee chaired by Senator John Kerry documented that during the 1980s, while working with the anti-Sandinista "Contras," the CIA and other branches of the US government were complicit in trafficking cocaine into the US from Latin America. The Kerry Committee concluded a three year investigation by stating in their report that "there was substantial evidence of drug smuggling through the war zones on the part of individual Contras, Contra suppliers, Contra pilots, mercenaries who worked with the Contras, and Contra supporters throughout the region…US officials involved in Central America failed to address the drug issue for fear of jeopardizing the war efforts against Nicaragua…In each case, one or another agency of the US government had information regarding the involvement either while it was occurring, or immediately thereafter."

The Kerry Committee's report and the story behind it has been analyzed well by authors Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall in their book Cocaine Politics. In 1996, investigative journalist Gary Webb wrote a series of articles for the San Jose Mercury News (later expanded and made into a book in 1999) which directly tied Contra cocaine traffickers Danilo Blandon and Norwin Meneses (both protected by the US government) to Los Angeles drug kingpin "Freeway" Rick Ross, who played a key role in starting the crack-cocaine epidemic of the 1980s. The mainstream media launched a smear campaign attacking Webb's story that eventually caused even the Mercury News to denounce Webb. However, several prominent journalists came to Webb's defense and challenged the mainstream media's smear campaign, including Norman Solomon, Robert Parry, and Counterpunch co-editors Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Aug 24, 2011 9:59 am

Kensington and Somerset Streets

All of Philadelphia was fixated on this block last fall when the so-called Kensington Strangler murdered three women in the area and assaulted three others. The killer was arrested and confessed in January. And the whole affair seemed to spark a new level of interest in just what’s happened to Kensington. The Inquirer and Daily News both filed a series of articles describing the nefarious goings on that color life here on the best of days. And even in the wake of the killer’s apprehension it seemed that maybe Philadelphia was about to engage in a giant civic re-think of its most notorious strip. But that hasn’t happened, and there are no outward signs that it will any time soon.

Image

“Xannies,” a man says to me, as soon as I step off the stairs leading down from the platform at Kensington and Somerset. I shake my head no. “Suboxone,” he says, his voice low. Suboxone is a medication recovering addicts receive in treatment, to help wean their bodies off dependence on heroin or Oxycontin. Sometimes, however, addicts lacking the necessary funds for “H” secure suboxone instead—avoiding withdrawal while they pull together the money for a high. I don’t even respond to this come-on, I am to busy trying to get myself oriented. The amount of people swirling around here, on a sunny morning in early June, is absolutely incredible, as it was during another half-dozen trips here. “Heroin is a morning market,” says Narcotics Captain Deborah Frazier. “With crack, addicts will smoke a rock and come back for more. But heroin users, they nod off and drool and they want to be someplace safe for the day with all the heroin they need. So they come out in the morning and buy as much as they need and take it home or wherever they’re going.”

Hipster kids and full-blown toothless junkies mingle together on the sidewalk. More fit, predatory figures walk among them, directing traffic. “Oxys,” he offers. I shake my head no. “Works,” he says, meaning clean needles. “Weed. Greenies.” Greenies, I know, means speed — or amphetamines. I shake my head no again and the guy steps up real close to me. He is a young African-American male. “Dope?” he asks. “What you need?”


“I’m all squared away,” I tell him.

“A’ight,” he says, and walks away.

Back in March, I spoke to an academic named Phillipe Bourgois, who bought a house in the area and watches the drug trade from his rooftop several days a week. He knows many of the players around here and told me straight out he wished I would draw no attention to this particular corner, because the primary product is “works,” which is street parlance for clean needles. In his estimation, therefore, what goes on here isn’t a — or the — problem. But law enforcement feels differently, regularly making arrests on the strip. And their perspective is easy to understand. Men and women shamble off the train here, all day and all night, and get directions to the drug of their choice. To add to the zoo-like character of the place, the guys telling users where to cop are often users themselves. A big part of the foot traffic includes guys like “Brad,” a junkie I met who boasted he works the corner “seven days a week, seven to seven.” I saw him every time I went to the corner of Kensington and Somerset, though I’m not sure if he remembered me after the first visit. He was drooling that day, nodding even as he spoke, his eyes closed half way, the thick spittle on his lips running slowly down his chin. “I work here,” he told me. “I tell them where the good dope is for $5.”

“What’s good today?” I ask him.

“Adidas is…the bomb…today,” he says, spittle dripping thickly from his lower lip. “It is very, very potent.”

“So you make $5 for referrals?” I ask.

“The customer gives me $5 for the info on what’s hot. If they need me to show ‘em the way to it, I’ll walk ‘em to get their shit for $5 more. And some people, if they can’t poke themselves, I poke ‘em.”

“You inject them?” I ask.

“Yeah,” he said, “and that’s another $5.”

Brad is an extreme example, but he represents a dynamic Dr. David Festinger, a director at The Treatment Research institute, says we need to begin understanding. “People look at a typical drug transaction and see a user and a seller,” he says. “There’s the man supplying the drug and the person who will consume it. But the fact is, much of the time, the person doing the selling is also feeding a habit—perhaps not for that drug, but for some other drug.”

The Treatment Research Institute, where Festinger works, was co-founded in 1992 by A. Thomas McLellan, who worked briefly with the Obama White House to develop a new national drug policy. His efforts toward reform, toward treating drug use less as a crime than a disease, are thought to have been too liberal for the current administration. And in Festinger’s description of drug dealing, it’s easy to see why. He is asking us to rethink the hand-to-hand transaction: The most liberal among us might already be comfortable saying that both people involved in the exchange need help. But it turns out the dealer often needs more than social and economic help, more than a better education, a job, and improved decision-making skills. In many cases, the dealer, just like the user, needs drug treatment.


http://www.phawker.com/2011/08/23/speci ... ners-2011/
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Aug 24, 2011 10:11 am

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Aug 24, 2011 10:26 am

American Dream wrote:.
Sierra Leone: Boys taught to torture and maim



http://www.ebonyjet.com/Templates/Detai ... x?id=17460


What You’re Not Being Told About Liberia and Charles Taylor

Del Walters Says it’s about More than Diamonds


By Del Walters

Look for the question. What question? In the trial of former Liberian President Charles Taylor, I am waiting for someone to ask the question that thousands of Liberians have been waiting to be asked. How did Talor wind up in Liberia to terrorize the country in the first place?

To understand my background on this matter, I produced a documentary entitled “Apocalypse Africa: Made in America” that chronicled Liberia and its bloody civil war that left thousands dead and millions displaced. Much has been written about the blood diamonds that were used to fuel the war and the child soldiers high on cassava leaves who fought it. Children, 10, 11 and 12 were turned into ruthless killing machines by men like Charles Taylor and others like him across the African continent. My film, and others, contend that it doesn’t add up.

Here what doesn’t make sense. Most of those who led the revolts in Africa were either buffoons or least likely to succeed anywhere, let alone become President of an African country. Before it all began Charles Taylor was in prison, but this wasn’t just any ordinary jail. Charles Taylor was in prison in the U.S., specifically Massachusetts, in 1985.

To understand Charles Taylor’s rise to power you have to understand the CIA’s role in Africa. Much has been written about the subject from former CIA Station Chiefs to foot soldiers on the ground. In “Confessions of an Economic Hit Man,” author John Perkins speaks firsthand about how his work as a consultant was just a front to force developing governments, many of them in Africa, to accept huge foreign debt. Once that was accomplished, Perkins wrote, the other guys moved in. He was referring to the CIA.

In my film, Roger Morris, the former head of the African Division during the Nixon years, told me the U.S. was responsible for most of the coups that took place in Africa right up to and including the first years of the last decade. Morris is white, Harvard educated and more than familiar with America’s dirty hands in Africa and around the globe. So is former TransAfrica head Randall Robinson. Like Morris, Robinson blamed the U.S. for much of the destabilization we still see on the African continent.

Enter Charles Taylor.

Samuel Doe was the U.S. backed Liberian president before Taylor fell from grace. Keep in mind, he fell from grace after receiving $500 million in U.S. aid from the Reagan administration even though he had less than an eighth grade education. Reagan was so unfamiliar with Doe that during a visit, he referred to him as “President Moe.” No one pointed out that the man Reagan invited to the White House executed the former heads of state on the shores of the Atlantic, including three men who attended Howard University just up the road from the White House. Is Perkins’ story starting to sound familiar? Small wonder Doe failed. That opened the door for Charles Taylor - and what a door it was.

Somehow Charles Taylor and three others managed to escape from a prison in New England and evade capture, only to surface in Africa. Last time I checked black men don’t usually escape from any jail and avoid capture for long. That deserves a reality show. Can someone explain how Charles Taylor could have been that much smarter than the average convict? Then, he not only managed to avoid capture, he got out of the country -- you know, passport, airport security, another set of airport security, car, driver, etc. Talk about your Jack Bauer of 24 fame.

Charles Taylor wound up in Africa where he believes he successfully did the CIA’s dirty work. Don’t take my word for it, take his. In his own words Taylor said his prison cell at the Plymouth County Correctional Facility in Massachusetts was unlocked by a prison guard before his 1985 escape. He said he was “escorted” by the same guard to the minimum security area. From there, he told the court he climbed out of a window by tying a sheet to the window where a car and driver awaited.

Taylor escaped days before his friend Thomas Quiwonkpa tried unsuccessfully to overthrow Samuel Doe in November of 1985. He told those trying him, that the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) was working with, and arming, Quiwonkpa to overthrow the Doe government in the months leading up to the coup attempt. To cut to the chase, Doe was overthrown and Taylor became Liberia’s President. The rest is the history we already know. Liberia’s streets became killing fields and the streets of Monrovia, the city named after an American president, flowed red.

All the media has reported is that Taylor gave blood diamonds to a model. Seems someone is missing the boat.

Don’t get me wrong, Taylor deserves to hang for what he did to Liberia. The problem is, the trail of killing extends far beyond Liberia’s borders. It goes back to 1985 and Taylor’s daring prison escape in the U.S., one that doesn’t hold up in the light of day. To believe that Charles Taylor acted alone is to believe that a black man could escape from Prison in Massachusetts, wind up in Africa, engineer a coup, arm an army, and become president and no one from the U.S. came looking for him.

If that seems unlikely just ask Manuel Noriega. Who?

How quickly we forget.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Aug 24, 2011 11:14 am

http://nsrc.sfsu.edu/article/consuming_ ... _sexuality

Consuming Passions: The School of the Americas and Imperial Sexuality

by Lesley Gill, Ph.D. on July 1, 2003


Reflecting on the U.S. Army's School of the Americas (SOA), retired Bolivian Major Jorge Sánchez recalls that in Panama, the “brothels complemented other aspects of military life. The North Americans were there, and everyone was equal...(The brothels were) where the Bolivian military man had international contact.” The SOA, or the Western Hemisphere Institute of Security Cooperation (WINSEC) as the military now likes to call it, is a notorious army training school where the United States has instructed Latin American security forces since the dawn of the cold war. Although best known for the widespread human rights atrocities perpetrated by hundreds of its graduates, the SOA, which relocated to Ft. Benning, Georgia in 1984, has always been more than a combat training facility. It is a place where the Army incorporates Latin American security forces into an imperial military apparatus under the tutelage of the United States. The opportunity to participate in a lively sex life is part of this process.

The SOA-WINSEC exposes thousands of foreign soldiers from impoverished Latin American countries to a transnational world of power, privilege, and pleasure that tantalizes them with a dizzying dance of commodities. The conspicuous consumption of commodities, including the objectified bodies of young women, is one of the activities that students participate in with enormous enthusiasm. The energetic acquisition of goods and the exotic experiences associated with foreign travel, as well as the prestige and military skills acquired at the SOA, help soldiers consolidate their connections to a global vision of comfort and prosperity that the Army advertises as “the American Way of Life” without a trace of hesitation. All of this facilitates the efforts of the United States to win the cooperation of Latin American militaries and build ties between them and U.S. servicemen.

Major Sánchez remembers his early education in the Bolivian military academy, where instructors recently returned from stints at the SOA regaled trainees with tales of their sexual exploits in Panama. “They usually moved quickly from accounts of their professional experiences to anecdotes about North American comfort, the prostitutes and how much they cost,” says Sanchez.

By spinning these tales, return SOA alumni cultivated images of themselves as manly men. Like their counterparts in other armies of the Americas, many believed that access to the sexual services of local women was a basic right. They described Panama as a place where soldiers could indulge their sexual fantasies and escape into illusions of men-as-men. Single male cadets had disposable income that was unencumbered by alternative claims that would shape its use at home, and this money made them feel powerful and potent. “They went to the brothels that had Black women,” explained Sánchez. “The Bolivians were fascinated with Black women. There were none in Bolivia and to make love with a Black woman was supposedly an unforgettable experience—very exotic.”

Poverty pushed many poor women into prostitution, where they sold sexual services to SOA trainees—the local level enforcers of the social and political relationships that sustained capitalism in Latin America. Poor women’s sexual labor earned profits for the pimps, procurers, and traffickers who reaped the most substantial financial rewards from the sex trade. By leveraging their economic power against that of Black women sex workers, male cadets effectively violated the human rights of these women who were left to face increasingly unviable subsistence economies, unemployment, and growing financial insecurity. Black women became commodities that could be consumed at will, as though they were just another item of the capitalist global economy.

The aura of almost mystic transcendentalism that surrounded soldiers' accounts of sexual encounters with Black women emerged from a belief that you could do things with foreigners—especially members of subordinate racial groups—that you could not do at home. Part of the appeal of going abroad was the opportunity to enact sexist and racist stereotypes away from the constraints of their own society, and the allure of exotic sexual encounters—the ultimate human experience—made a trip to the SOA all the more attractive. Army officials understood these desires, and the careful management they required, as the military struggled to incorporate the Latin Americans into the United States' vision of imperial rule.

Sex and the Imperial Military

The bustling market for sex created by the concentration of an overwhelmingly male military in the Panama Canal Zone presented the Army brass with a conundrum. On one hand, U.S. officials were concerned with maintaining soldiers' morale, and they believed that men needed sexual access to women to maintain good health. On the other hand, they worried about the spread of venereal diseases and feared that “expressions of immorality” might provoke the ire of Panamanian authorities and create public relations problems for the U.S. military. They also struggled mightily to present an image of the U.S. military and U.S. citizens as hard working, upstanding and industrious. Communicating such a vision to Latin American trainees was important, according to a former commandant of the Latin American Ground School—a precursor to the SOA—, because “They must carry with them the impression that this is the way we work and that is why we are a great nation.”

Not surprisingly, these competing agendas generated a great deal of ambiguity among military officials in Panama. As early as the 1940s, for example, the Army prohibited all personnel—U.S. and Latin American—from entering any establishment in Panama defined as a house of prostitution, and they cited the Army's 1946 “Repression of Prostitution Act” to emphasize their concern for the morals, health, and welfare of service personnel. Yet at the same time, they distributed an orientation booklet to a group of visiting Argentinean trainees that listed—on seven, single-spaced, typed pages—the names of every brothel and strip joint in Panama City, Colón, and “outlying areas” of other Central American republics. In Colón, for example, the Army forbade visits to addresses No. 12184, No. 11185, No. 11190, and No. 2019 on 12th Street. Similarly, on East 17th Street in Panama City “Matilde's Place and house of prostitution under her place at No. 10” were off limits.

The booklet—intended for a much broader audience than just the Argentines—reflected the Army's obsession with detail and its intimate knowledge of the seamier side of life in Panama. By laying out a road map to the local sex industry, it sent a mixed message to the newly arrived Argentines, a message that simultaneously told them where to go and warned them to stay away. To dispel some of the confusion and to avoid any embarrassment for the trainees, U.S. officials notified the Canal Zone police of the Argentine trainees' “exceptional status,” and they made overtures to the Panamanian police to obtain their cooperation in “affording the Argentine personnel every courtesy and consideration.” Although it is uncertain how the Argentines evaluated their experiences, U.S. officials were clearly eager to accommodate them. They needed the trainees to take home a positive image of the United States, because, in the aftermath of World War II, the U.S. government wanted to “capture” the Argentine military, which had leaned toward the Axis during the war.

Guns, Cameras and “Progress”

When Major Sánchez finally had the chance to train at the SOA in the 1980s, the School had moved to Ft. Benning, where, he said, “the prostitutes spoke English, so it was more difficult than in Panama where everyone spoke Spanish.” Yet the massage parlors, seedy bars, and strip joints that lined Victory Drive, a multi-lane highway that separated Ft. Benning from Columbus, Georgia's impoverished south side, told a different story. There were also clubs and discos on the post, where, the major indicated, a discreet officer could acquire the sexual services of local women.

Accommodating the sexual demands of trainees—albeit with a certain ambivalence— was only part of the U.S. military's strategy to secure the allegiance of Latin American militaries. Trainees were dazzled by the commodity-filled lives of the white middle class—the “typical Americans” of military imagery. The vigorous acquisition of commodities from the pawn shops of Columbus's south side to the city's upscale Peach Tree Mall was one of the national pastimes that SOA trainees most enjoyed. Almost without exception, the soldiers also made pilgrimages to Disney's Magic Kingdom before returning to Latin America, where, in the eyes of their class peers, the experiences located them among the prosperous citizens of the modern world. One Columbus pawnshop owner, who describes herself as a “military brat,” says that “the boys” from the School of the Americas buy guns and cameras.

Guns and cameras are manifestations of advanced “modern” states, and these consumer goods constitute valuable trophies for U.S.-returned SOA students who have made a successful penetration into the American Dream. They are part of the miraculous power of technology, which is an important measure of the perceived worth of societies, their relative power, and the value of individuals within them. Guns—especially the latest models from the United States—symbolize male potency, and they convey real power to the men who wield them. They are indeed the most important tools in a global struggle to produce and accumulate commodities. Guns—and technology, more broadly—give their bearers an indisputable advantage in military conflicts that constantly occur between the self-proclaimed bearers of “modernity” and those allegedly “backward” people whose resources are appropriated in the name of “progress.” Cameras are likewise the fruits of modernity, part of a wide range of techno-gadgetry that includes televisions, computers, video recorders and so forth; these things make life more enjoyable, and they are simultaneously key symbols of a “modern,” middle-class life that many SOA students and their families seek to maintain.

Even though these commodities are more available in Latin America today than at any time in the past, they are not necessarily more accessible to the Latin American middle class. Neoliberal economic restructuring has exacted a heavy toll on the lower echelons of the middle class from which most army officers originate. State downsizing has reduced an important source of middle-class jobs, and unemployment, inflation and wage freezes have eroded its purchasing power. The symbols of modernity are at once closer and further away, and members of the armed forces are not immune to the economic turmoil.

It should come as no surprise that when the perks associated with life in the United States and in the U.S.-controlled Panama Canal Zone were combined with the sense of professional entitlement instilled at the SOA, many alumni could chart new paths of social mobility and viewed themselves as separate from, and frequently superior to, civilians in their home countries. The emergence of exclusive military neighborhoods in some places reinforced their detachment. The monopoly that the armed forces claimed over the legitimate use of violence then enabled them to protect the interests of the United States and its local allies in the dominant classes and to destroy the organizations of ordinary people—peasants, students, workers, religious groups — who challenged the basis of privilege during the long years of the cold war and its aftermath.

The SOA graduated over 60,000 students since its founding in the Panama Canal Zone, and it facilitated the rise and consolidation of a caste-like group of militaries and police forces beholden to the United States. It did so not only by arming and training them but by opening a modern world of consumption, sexual pleasure, and social mobility to loyal Latin American soldiers. The result was the internationalization of state-sponsored violence, as well as the aggravation of forms of racism, sexual exploitation and class exclusion locally.



* Lesley Gill teaches Anthropology at American University in Washington, D.C. and specializes in political violence, Latin America, and global economic restructuring. She is the author of The School of America: Military Training, Political Violence and Impunity in the Americas, Duke University Press (forthcoming, 2004).
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Aug 24, 2011 12:42 pm

.

Thank you for teaching me about crimes that don't break any laws...


I LOVE America!!!

Image

I LOVE AMERICA

I love America
I can't help myself
I love America
I don't want to know
What if I love America too much
I have to believe I love America

The government is here inside me now.
The government invades my dreams with telepathy, sorcery, world war harmony.
But I am unafraid.
Is it the president?
President God in person?
Maybe it's the Vice President of Bloody Alphabets.
Or the Secretary of Rosicrucian Coca-Cola.
Their totalitarian love spells purify my sleeptalk, and I am very glad for all they've forced me to learn about crimes that don't break any laws.
The government bestows my beautiful nightmares, and I am unafraid.

I love America
I can't stop now
I love America
I am afraid to find out
What if I love America too much
I want to believe I love America

I dreamed I was with drunken marines in Baghdad chanting "God is love, God is oil."
We rode the roller coaster at the brand new Disneyland and blew up terrorist cartoons with toy bombs made of depleted uranium.
I laughed. I cried. I saved 50 bucks on my next purchase.
My sleep grew deeper and darker, slower and warmer.
I dreamed that I dreamed I had sex by accident with an insatiable CIA priestess.
She made me promise to poison all the Kentucky Fried Chicken in Tehran, then led me straight to the Garden of Eden, which was more relaxing than I ever imagined.
It was a rock and roll paradise where celebrity journalists sang patriotic songs that cleansed my conscience every time another millionaire seized control of America's hearts and minds.
And I got in the mood to give the huddled masses of Afghanistan some cashmere bathrobes and Prozac and magic doughnuts.
I opened up my Bible and turned to the part where born-again Christians in the Pentagon molest the unborn children of Mexican immigrants.

I love America
If it's a crime to say
I love America
I confess I am guilty
I love America too much
I love America to death

I am not afraid.
My nightmares are not just nightmares.
They're purifications.
They're love spells.
They're exorcisms that will eventually mean the opposite of what they seem to mean.
And everything is fine.
Everything is mysterious.

My nightmares predict the amazing death of the apocalypse in America.

I am not afraid

My nightmares predict a whirlwind of sublime chaos and exhilarating confusion that will explode in a conflagration of contagious compassion and liberate us from our self-inflicted suffering.

I am not afraid

My nightmares predict the invention of American supercomputers that will collaborate with the real God to overthrow the fake God.
My nightmares predict healing disasters of genetic engineering that will remove all germs from all money forever, giving rise to a generation of the greatest spiritual businessmen in history.
My nightmares predict that telepathic divas and rebel housewives at the edge of time will out-smart the Chinese dragon single-handedly, making the world safe for multinational narcissism dealers to become sacred advertisers of love and peace forever and a day.


I love America
I love America
I love America
I love America
I love America
I love America
I love America
I love America


+

Credits:

Composer and producer: Rob Brezsny
Lead vocals: Rob Brezsny
Back-up Vocals: Adrienne Shamszad
Guitar, bass, production assistance: Josh Brill

"If you don't stand for something, you will fall for anything."
-Malcolm X
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Aug 24, 2011 1:07 pm

.

From the sublime to the ridiculous:


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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Aug 24, 2011 2:08 pm

Backpedaling a bit:

February 27, 2010

Cultural, Economic and Workforce Structures Help Reinforce U.S. Militarism
by Lauri E. Kallio


With total US military spending now approaching ¾ of a trillion dollars per year - about as much as the rest of the world's countries combined - cutting military spending is becoming an issue of concern for the peace movement and beyond, especially as the president has proposed a three-year freeze on domestic discretionary spending. As much as one might work to reduce military and defense-related spending, there are powerful cultural influences embedded in our society which make if difficult to shift spending to underfunded domestic needs.

High among these influences is the symbiotic interconnection between sports and the armed forces. Many major sports events start with such military displays as a precision flyover of jet fighters, the unfurling of a huge U.S. flag by members of the military services, the flag presentation by a military service color guard, or the singing of the National Anthem by individual or collective service members.

Besides these heavy overlays of military pageantry, sports announcers lavish praise on "Our brave men and women fighting for our freedom overseas." Never do we hear in what ways our freedoms as citizens are being enhanced by our involvement in military conflicts, the rationales for which have become increasingly strained.

It is not true that wars never enhance freedom, as, for example, millions were released from the oppressive control of their conquerors and/or occupiers when the Nazis and the Japanese nation were defeated. Yet, due to intimidation preventing criticism of a nation's war policies and the erosion of civil liberties premised on wartime exigencies, war negatively impacts the freedoms of the warring nation's citizens.

A second powerful cultural influence is the rally around the commander-in-chief motif, a correlative to "Don't change horses in the middle of the stream." This mode of thinking makes it difficult to divest ourselves of leaders who have embroiled the nation in military quagmires through devious, deeply flawed reasoning or even criminal means.

Another variety of groupthink which has become increasingly prevalent in recent history is to label as a hero anyone who serves in a combat zone. I know that when I was in the U.S. Army during the Korean War, such uncritical hero worship was far from the norm. Enlistees were treated with withering scorn by the far more numerous draftees and even the career military questioned the intelligence of those who voluntarily put their very lives in imminent risk.

It has also seemingly become mandatory for anyone interviewing a service member to thank him or her for service to the nation. This cowed deference stems from charges that returning Vietnam War veterans were badly treated by the media. It is a misfortune that military service has seemingly become designated as the only way one can serve the nation.

Surprisingly enough, even our National Anthem fosters the martial spirit among U.S. citizens. In the months after 9/11, whenever the National Anthem was played at a sporting event, the line which drew the most boisterous response was the one about bombs bursting in air.

The militaristic conditioning of our young is being fostered through penetration of military recruitment -- often insidiously hidden -- into our schools; the interactive video game fairs featuring images of military offensive power; and the displays of military hardware, employing spit-polished military personnel helping youngsters climb into tanks and warplane cockpits.

Shifting the focus from the cultural underpinnings of a militaristic society, the structure of the U.S. workforce is skewed toward the protectors versus the producers when the U.S. is measured against the other industrialized nations. In a study published in 1992*, three economists coined the term "garrison economy" -- also described as the cost of keeping people down. The garrison economy encompasses "guard labor" and "threat labor." Guard labor includes the full range of enforcement activities necessary to maintain the peace: workplace supervisors, police, judicial and corrections employees, private security personnel, the armed forces, civilian defense employees, and producers of military and domestic security equipment. Threat labor consists of those who make credible the peril of job dismissal: the unemployed, "discouraged workers" and prisoners.

There were two key findings in the study: 1) the U.S. ratio of one guard or threat laborer for every 2.3 civilian employees not engaged in maintaining order was the highest among the industrialized nations -- it also correlated with the slower rate of economic growth in the U.S.; and 2) there was an inverse relationship between management size and productivity. Thus, the U.S., with 12.1 percent managers, had a productivity growth rate of 0.7 percent, while Japan, with 3.7 percent managers, had a productivity rate of 3.0 percent. Finland, with only 3.0 percent in the managerial ranks, had a productivity growth rate of 3.6 percent.

A key question is: Is a study done nearly two decades ago still valid today? Given the creation of the Department of Homeland Security, the subsequent explosive growth of security companies, the ongoing increase in military personnel and mercenary forces, the increase in the U.S. prison population to the highest level ever, and the extremely high levels of discouraged and unemployed workers in today's workforce, all suggest that the ratio of guard and threat workers to civilian workers not engaged in maintaining order may be even higher than it was in the early 1990s.

In today's recession, job creation is perhaps the most urgent priority in our economy. A recent study by University of Massachusetts economists Robert Pollin and Heidi Garrett-Peltier** found, similar to previous research over the last few decades, that public investment in military spending is about the worst way to create jobs, especially good-paying ones, and to stimulate the economy. Instead, investment in clean energy, health care and education would all create more jobs and stimulate more economic activity.

In conclusion, deeply embedded cultural factors make it difficult to significantly reduce the size of the U.S. military establishment. Also, a workforce structure premised so strongly on security fears results in more and more resources are being expended to protect less and less. The time is ripe for a mass movement to challenge these factors and overwhelm militarism with peace and priorities that reflect a new understanding of human security, which would make us safer and strengthen the economy for everyone.


*Samuel Bowles, David M. Gordon and Thomas Weisskopf, "The Boom a Bust," The Nation, February 10, 1992.

** "The
U.S. Employment Effects of Military and Domestic Spending Priorities: An Updated Analysis", Pollin and Garrett-Peltier, commissioned by the Institute for Policy Studies and Women's Action for New Directions, 2009

Lauri E. Kallio, who lives in Albuquerque, New Mexico, serves as an At-Large Board Member of Peace Action, the country's largest peace and disarmament organization with over 91,000 members nationwide, http://www.peace-action.org


Source URL: http://www.commondreams.org/view/2010/02/27-2
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