FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Wed Apr 02, 2014 2:10 am

Why Does the FBI Treat Nonviolent Activists Like Terrorists?

http://www.truthdig.com/eartotheground/ ... s_20140401



Posted on Apr 1, 2014



The FBI has targeted 23 activists in the Midwest, some from the Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FRSO). The activists were accused of providing “material support” to terrorists and have been subpoenaed, according to a report on VICE.

The activists were first targeted by the FBI in 2008 in relation to protests outside the Republican National Convention in Minnesota. Years later, they found their homes raided and their computers seized. According to Vice, Tom Burke is an active member of multiple antiwar and labor groups and has been monitored for months prior to a September, 2010 raid. None of the activists have been prosecuted with an actual crime, yet all the cases are still open, the magazine reports.

The case was made by an FBI plant named “Karen,” who allegedly tried to incite violence but failed.

Her cover was fashioned to appeal to the bleeding-heart leftists she sought to entrap and imprison—“Karen’s” identity was practically a caricature of a socialist activist.

“She presented herself as a lesbian with a teenage daughter,” Jess Sundin, a founding member of the Anti-War Committee who also belongs to the FRSO, said in a 2011 interview with Nick Pinto of the Minneapolis City Pages. The agent told activists she had a rough childhood and spent years on the streets after first her parents and then the military kicked her out for being gay. She laid it on thick, in other words.

“I remember a woman who was really eager,” Tom told me. “She kept bringing up how eager she was about revolution. And you know, on the one hand, people think it’s good because we really need to change society, so it’s a fine thing to talk about. On the other hand, she was trying to find people she could manipulate into [committing] a crime.”

The issue of material support enters the story when the activists try to deliver $2,000 to a group looking to feed the starving residents of Gaza, the Hamas-run Palestinian territory blockaded by Israel.

The more ridiculous aspects of the case were kept somewhat secret due to the gravity of the charges, which is becoming a familiar problem.

This case further helps prove the significance of Section 1021 in the Nation Defense Authorization Act, which columnist Chris Hedges has been reporting on. He is currently in the process of suing President Obama over Section 1021 and is waiting to see if it gets accepted by the Supreme Court. Read more on the implications of what this section means for activists, journalists and civilians from all political fields and Chris Hedges’s court case against Obama here.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Wed Apr 02, 2014 3:07 am

see link for full story



Federal judge: Strip search lawsuit may proceed against FBI

http://www.freep.com/article/20140401/N ... -off-plane




April 1, 2014
Shoshana Hebshi of Sylvania, Ohio speaks at a press conference announcing a lawsuit against federal agencies and Frontier Airlines, Inc. at the ACLU of Michigan Headquarters on Jan. 22, 2013 in Detroit. / Kathleen Galligan/Detroit Free Press


A federal judge in Detroit has ruled that a lawsuit filed against the FBI and other agencies for detaining and strip searching an Ohio woman because of her ethnicity on the 10th anniversary of Sept. 11 can proceed.

U.S. District Judge Terrence Berg ruled Monday night that the lawsuit filed last year by Shoshana Hebshi has merit and can move forward.

Hebshi, an American who is half-Arab and half-Jewish, was seated on a plane that had landed at Detroit Metro Airport on Sept. 11, 2011. Armed agents stormed the plane, slapped metal handcuffs on Hebshi, arresting her and two men of South Asian descent who were seated next to her.

Hebshi was yanked off the plane and interrogated by FBI agents.

"While in the cell, a crying Hebshi was ordered to strip naked and squat and cough as an officer looked on," the ACLU, which helped file the lawsuit on behalf of Hebshi, said in a news release today. "The officer than looked in Hebshi’s mouth, lifted her eyelids and searched her hair. She was released four hours later after being interrogated."

Michael Steinberg, the legal director of the ACLU in Michigan, said "police cannot take an innocent American off a plane at gunpoint, throw her in a jail cell for four hours and subject her to a humiliating strip search.”

“This opinion sends a strong message to law enforcement that race and ethnicity are not synonymous with suspicious activity," he said.

In his ruling, Judge Berg said "there was no legal justification for either her arrest or her detention.”

After the incident, then FBI Special Agent in Charge of Detroit Andy Arena told the Free Press that the FBI did interview the woman and the men, but said: "We treated her well."

"The FBI did not arrest anybody or direct anyone to be arrested," Arena said a couple of days after the incident. After determining "there was no criminal or terrorist activity ... they were released," he said.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Wed Apr 02, 2014 3:27 am

DC Circ. Says DOJ Must Provide Docs From DeLay Probe
http://www.law360.com/articles/523880/d ... elay-probe

Law360, New York (April 01, 2014, 4:36 PM ET) -- The D.C. Circuit on Tuesday said the U.S. Department of Justice was not justified in withholding documents from a watchdog group over the FBI’s investigation of former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay and his ties with disgraced lobbyist Jack Abramoff.

A three-judge panel for the appellate court reversed and remanded a district court’s 2012 dismissal of Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington’s suit seeking documents related to the government's investigation Tom DeLay, who was not prosecuted during the Abramoff scandal.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Wed Apr 02, 2014 3:43 am

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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Wed Apr 02, 2014 12:10 pm

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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Wed Apr 02, 2014 9:30 pm

see link for full story
http://www.oregonlive.com/portland/inde ... por_1.html
Joint Terrorism Task Force: Portland City Council narrowly accepts third annual report, but acknowledges 'troubled marriage'

on April 02, 2014


Three years after signing off on limited participation in the FBI's Joint Terrorism Task Force, the Portland City Council seems to agree the relationship isn't working.

Commissioner Nick Fish described the city's relationship with the JTTF as a "troubled marriage." Mayor Charlie Hales said he's "not satisfied" with the situation surrounding the controversial anti-terrorism body. Both voted to accept an annual report on Portland's participation in JTTF, while also pledging to have a substantive dialogue later this year after whether Portland should remain involved with the FBI-led body.

Despite those reservations surrounding the lack of access and transparency given to elected officials about the Portland Police Bureau's activities with the FBI on suspected terrorism activity in the Rose City, the City Council narrowly signed off on accepting the third annual report from JTTF Wednesday. The council voted 3-2 to accept the 7-page document, signed by Portland Police Bureau Chief Mike Reese.

But the majority of the City Council seems ready to take a hard look at Portland's role in the controversial anti-terrorism body going forward.
Hales said he plans to meet with Gregory T. Bretzing, the FBI's new special agent in charge in Oregon, later this month. The mayor said he would report back to his council colleagues and brief them on what Bretzing had to say.

Three years ago, Portland dipped its toes back into the murky waters of the anti-terrorism body after several years of non-participation. The arrest of Mohamed Osman Mohamud in 2010 on charges of a failed bombing attempt at Portland's Pioneer Courthouse Square prompted the City Council to rejoin the task force while authorizing limited participation.

That decision hasn't played well with civilian watchdog groups and civil rights organizations, which argued the City Council lack the necessary oversight role needed to keep an eye on the police bureau's activity in JTTF. Commissioners Steve Novick and Amanda Fritz have been publicly critical of the lack of information, too.

A continued sticking point: the lack of secret clearance granted to both Hales and former Mayor Sam Adams.

Hales was denied security clearance by the FBI, meaning he isn't fully aware of the bureau's participation on the JTTF. Hales said that puts him and the council in an awkward spot. "Although we're talking about a realm where we can't have real transparency, Hales said, "I'd like to at least have some clarity."

Dan Handelman, a longtime member of the watchdog Portland CopWatch, said Wednesday's council discussion was "encouraging."
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Wed Apr 02, 2014 10:54 pm

see link for full story

http://www.mintpressnews.com/journalist ... rs/187968/

Journalists On Trial: Why Barrett Brown’s Case Matters
The outcome of the trial of journalist Barrett Brown could mean either a further decline of U.S. press freedoms or legislation ensuring protection for journalists.
April 2, 2014



Barrett Brown

On April 28, the U.S. government’s trial against journalist Barrett Brown will open in Texas. The outcome of the trial could not only impact the freedom of the press, freedom of speech and freedom of association in the United States, but also a journalist’s ability to disclose information that is illegally obtained, such as the information National Security Agency whistleblower Edward Snowden provided to journalist Glenn Greenwald and others.

Brown is currently facing some 70 years in prison for threatening the family of an FBI officer who raided his mother’s home and allegedly attempting to hide the evidence on his laptops from federal investigators.

In March, however, he was facing a sentence of more than 100 years. On March 5, federal prosecutors decided to dismiss 11 of the 17 charges against Brown, including a charge that he was directly involved in a data breach of the U.S. intelligence contractor commonly known as Stratfor. The dismissal of those 11 charges cut about 35 years off Brown’s potential prison sentence, which was an improvement but still not enough for Brown’s supporters.

This particular charge was the most controversial Brown faced, since his attorneys — Ahmed Ghappour and Charles Swift — argued that the journalist merely linked to the stolen documents that contained 860,000 email addresses and passwords, as well as the credit card information of more than 60,000 people, in order to expose the tangled web between government contractors and the agencies for which they work.

“Republishing a hyperlink does not itself move, convey, select, place or otherwise transfer, a file or document from one location to another,” Brown’s attorney argued.

Brown’s punishment for a crime he didn’t commit was particularly puzzling, given that it is known who did publish the stolen Stratfor documents. Anonymous hacktivist Jeremy Hammond is the one who actually stole that information. He’s spending 10 years in prison for his involvement, prompting some to ask why Brown could face such a long sentence.

Even the remaining charges Brown faces related to his threats against an FBI officer seem overly harsh, considering that in 2010, a man who threatened to blow up the J. Edgar Hoover FBI building in Washington, D.C., was only sentenced to 3-and-a-half years in federal prison, followed by three years of supervised release. And in 2012, a man in Pennsylvania was sentenced to 18 months in prison after he threatened to kill an FBI agent.

Brown reportedly only threatened an FBI agent in a non-violent manner in September 2012 after the FBI went after his mother in order to build a case against him for posting links to documents that were once classified on his website, ProjectPM.

Brown’s harsh sentencing may be a result of his open support for the online hacktivist group Anonymous. He advocated for the group, but was not a spokesperson for it, as some media outlets have reported.

Brown’s advocacy journalism has not only led to a conversation about the role of the press in a democracy, but it has also prompted some such as attorney Jason Flores-Williams to compare the government’s “over-prosecution” of Brown to the Red Scare of the 1950s.

Since a judge placed a gag order on Brown last year prohibiting him from communicating with the press about his case, it could be argued that is why Brown’s case has failed to attract the attention of the mass media and the majority of the American public.

But even if Brown was allowed to talk to the press, which he has sort of done through his lawyers and activists, it’s not known how far the government would go to prevent the truth from coming out. However, based on the government’s treatment of whistleblowers such as Snowden and Pfc. Chelsea Manning, formerly known as Bradley Manning, it’s likely the public has a fairly good sense of what the government may do to keep information from surfacing.

How the justice system treats Brown could either result in a further decline of U.S. press freedoms or the promotion of legislation to ensure protection for journalists.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Fri Apr 04, 2014 1:44 am

Justice Dept. Report Details Clashes between FBI and Organized Crime Drug Task Force
http://www.allgov.com/news/controversie ... ews=852831
Thursday, April 03, 2014

A Department of Justice (DOJ) internal investigation has uncovered serious concerns within the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces (OCDETF) Fusion Center, including allegations of retaliation against federal agents who voiced concerns over the center’s operations.

The DOJ’s inspector general (IG) issued a report citing “troubling” problems at the OCDETF, whose leadership wasn’t completely cooperative with the investigation.

The report says Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) agents assigned to the task force experienced a “strained working relationship” with the center’s leadership, which features a Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) official in charge.

When FBI employees expressed concerns about their workload, the center’s managers allegedly retaliated against them, according to the IG probe.

In addition, the IG inspectors said the center’s “management took actions that created difficulties for us in obtaining information from OFC [fusion center] employees and in ensuring that interview responses were candid and complete.” Specifically, the center’s director from the DEA reportedly warned staff that anything they said to the IG inspectors could be traced back to them, and that they should answer all questions from the inspectors, but not elaborate on their answers.

“Given this troubling conduct,” the report says, “we cannot be sure we obtained complete information from or about the OFC or that other OFC employees may not have been deterred from coming forward and speaking candidly with us.”

The center’s leadership disagreed with the IG’s characterization of its cooperation in the investigation.

“The OCDETF Executive Office disagrees with the assertion that OFC management created difficulties for the OIG review team to obtain information from OFC employees,” the leadership stated in its formal response, according to McClatchy. It also denied claims of strained relations between staff and managers.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Tue Jun 17, 2014 3:43 pm

wellllllll.....,
you never really know when a taxpayer funded FBI agent needs to communicate with one of his underage love toys. , eh?

2 reads


1st

The Washington Post
The Intersect
The FBI maintains an 83-page glossary of Internet slang. And it is hilariously, frighteningly out of touch.
By Caitlin Dewey June 17 at 11:34 AM

The FBI headquarters IRL. That’s “in real life,” to you. (Jeffrey MacMillan/Capital Business)

The Internet is full of strange and bewildering neologisms, which anyone but a text-addled teen would struggle to understand. So the fine, taxpayer-funded people of the FBI — apparently not content to trawl Urban Dictionary, like the rest of us — compiled a glossary of Internet slang.

An 83-page glossary. Containing nearly 3,000 terms.

The glossary was recently made public through a Freedom of Information request by the group MuckRock, which posted the PDF, called “Twitter shorthand,” online. Despite its name, this isn’t just Twitter slang: As the FBI’s Intelligence Research Support Unit explains in the introduction, it’s a primer on shorthand used across the Internet, including in “instant messages, Facebook and Myspace.” As if that Myspace reference wasn’t proof enough that the FBI’s a tad out of touch, the IRSU then promises the list will prove useful both professionally and “for keeping up with your children and/or grandchildren.” (Your tax dollars at work!)

All of these minor gaffes could be forgiven, however, if the glossary itself was actually good. Obviously, FBI operatives and researchers need to understand Internet slang — the Internet is, increasingly, where crime goes down these days. But then we get things like ALOTBSOL (“always look on the bright side of life”) and AMOG (“alpha male of group”) … within the first 10 entries.

ALOTBSOL has, for the record, been tweeted fewer than 500 times in the entire eight-year history of Twitter. AMOG has been tweeted far more often, but usually in Spanish … as a misspelling, it would appear, of “amor” and “amigo.”

Among the other head-scratching terms the FBI considers can’t-miss Internet slang:

AYFKMWTS (“are you f—— kidding me with this s—?”) — 990 tweets
BFFLTDDUP (“best friends for life until death do us part) — 414 tweets
BOGSAT (“bunch of guys sitting around talking”) — 144 tweets
BTDTGTTSAWIO (“been there, done that, got the T-shirt and wore it out”) — 47 tweets
BTWITIAILWY (“by the way, I think I am in love with you”) — 535 tweets
DILLIGAD (“does it look like I give a damn?”) — 289 tweets
DITYID (“did I tell you I’m depressed?”) — 69 tweets
E2EG (“ear-to-ear grin”) — 125 tweets
GIWIST (“gee, I wish I said that”) — 56 tweets
HCDAJFU (“he could do a job for us”) — 25 tweets
IAWTCSM (“I agree with this comment so much”) — 20 tweets
IITYWIMWYBMAD (“if I tell you what it means will you buy me a drink?”) — 250 tweets
LLTA (“lots and lots of thunderous applause”) — 855 tweets
NIFOC (“naked in front of computer”) — 1,065 tweets, most of them referring to acronym guides like this one.
PMYMHMMFSWGAD (“pardon me, you must have mistaken me for someone who gives a damn”) — 128 tweets
SOMSW (“someone over my shoulder watching) — 170 tweets
WAPCE (“women are pure concentrated evil”) — 233 tweets, few relating to women
YKWRGMG (“you know what really grinds my gears?”) — 1,204 tweets





see link for full story

http://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the- ... -of-touch/




2nd





FBI man gets 7 years for child sex
Former FBI analyst sentenced in child sex case

BY BILL FREEHLING
Date published: 2/23/2007

BY BILL FREEHLING

A 17-year veteran of the FBI will serve seven years in prison for having sexual relations with a young girl in Spotsylvania County, a judge ruled yesterday.

Anthony John Lesko, 44, entered an Alford plea yesterday in Spotsylvania Circuit Court to nine counts of felony indecent liberties upon a child.

Lesko, who later moved to Jacksonville, Fla., worked as an intelligence analyst at the FBI for 17 years, according to his attorney, James A. Carter II. He is a major in the U.S. Army Reserves and has received numerous military awards.

An Alford plea means Lesko doesn't admit guilt but believes there is enough evidence for a conviction. Under the terms of the plea, he was sentenced to seven years in prison with another 15 years suspended.

Lesko engaged in a sex act with a girl, 9 and 10 at the time, at least nine times in 2003-2004, according to evidence put forth by Spotsylvania C
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Thu Jun 19, 2014 10:56 am

By now we are on our way to becoming smart criminal justice
consumers.
We now know US Empire taxpayers funded the salaries of FBI informant
Ahmed Salem who created the 1993 1st World Trade Center bombing;
FBI informant Timothy McVeigh who created a misdirection for us with the truck bomb while satchel charges collapsed the Murragh building in Oklahoma City bombing; FBI informant David Headley who created the Mumbai attack;
FBI informant David Rupert who helped create the Omargh bombing with the help of Boston FBI informant Whitwy Bulger.

The question is what to do with this evidence?


Today's FBI vernacular is. "misdirection" like in how the 911 FBI terrorists tricked us into believing the planes crashing into the twin towers brought down the skyscrapers while we ignored the explosive charges going off
collapsing the towers in a controlled demolition.


Anyone spot FBI misdirection in the Boston Marathon bombing trial?



see link for full story



http://www.wbur.org/2014/06/18/marathon-bombing-hearing









No ‘Betrayal Of U.S.’ Argument For Marathon Bombing Suspect
By Philip Marcelo June 18, 2014 Updated Jun 18, 2:05 pm

BOSTON — A federal judge ruled Wednesday that “betrayal of the United States” should not be a factor in considering whether Boston Marathon bombing suspect Dzhokhar Tsarnaev gets the death penalty if convicted.

U.S. District Court Judge George O’Toole said it was “highly inappropriate” for prosecutors to draw a distinction between a “naturalized” and “natural-born” U.S. citizen.

Federal prosecutors have argued, in part, that Tsarnaev, a 20-year-old Russian-born immigrant, deserves the death penalty because he betrayed his allegiance to the U.S., which gave his family asylum and citizenship more than a decade ago.

Tsarnaev’s attorneys have said that argument is unprecedented in death penalty cases.

“(I)n not one of the 492 cases before Mr. Tsarnaev’s has the government cited the fact of a defendant’s American citizenship, the way he became a citizen, any aspect of his immigration history, or his enjoyment of the freedoms of an American citizen as a reason to sentence him to death,” they wrote in a May filing.

O’Toole agreed with defense attorneys who said prosecutors would have many other factors to cite in their bid to seek the death penalty if Tsarnaev is convicted.

O’Toole also denied a request by Tsarnaev’s lawyers to allow them to meet with their client and his sisters in prison without federal agents present. Instead, he accepted a compromise offered by prosecutors: assigning an agent or other federal official not related to the case, strictly for security.

And the judge issued a stern warning to prosecutors about former or current members of its team speaking to the media. The warning comes after the defense objected to what it called leaks from retired FBI agent during interviews they gave around the April anniversary of the bombings.

However, O’Toole declined to impose sanctions on prosecutors if such disclosures happen again, as Tsarnaev’s lawyers sought. Prosecutors have said the interviews contained information that was already public.

One key question not addressed at the hearing was the Wednesday deadline for the defense to formally request to move the trial out of Boston.

Tsarnaev’s lawyers have stated they will pursue a venue change, citing the intense media coverage of the case.

The defense had wanted until Aug. 3. to craft its legal argument. But O’Toole denied that request last week after already pushing the deadline back once before, from Feb. 28 to June 18.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Fri Jun 20, 2014 10:15 am

as always funded by the tax dime of an passive uneducated criminal justice consumer

see link for story

https://www.techdirt.com/articles/20140 ... hing.shtml




https://www.techdirt.com/articles/20140 ... hing.shtml

Why the FBI's new interview
Recording Policy Probably Won't Change Anything
from the the-loophole-is-a-superhighway dept

As was noted here earlier, the FBI took a bold step in towards joining the 21st century by finally implementing audio and video recording hardware introduced in the 20th century. Up until this point, the FBI, along with the DEA and ICE, did not record in-custody interrogations using anything more up-to-date than pen-and-paper. This rendered recollections of interrogations completely suspect, prone to pen-wielder bias and the insertion and removal of context as needed, presumably in order to help secure more convictions for the FBI's entrapment counterterrorism task force.

And, as was also noted, the DOJ's new instructions provided plenty of escape hatches for agents who wished their interrogations to remain as analog as possible. Unrecorded interrogations can still be performed in the event that desirable recording equipment (i.e., a cellphone) isn't available or if the equipment available isn't functioning (batteries missing/unplugged/inadvertently smashed to pieces…).

But there are other loopholes awaiting exploitation. Stephen Shulhofer at Just Security highlights out the gaping, convenient memory hole contained in the DOJ's memo.

First, there's the "public safety" exception, which can be triggered when exigent circumstances make unrecorded and (un-Mirandized) interrogations a necessity. These would be questionings normally done in the first few moments of an arrest. But with everyone carrying around a recording device, that exception no longer makes much sense. You no longer have to take a suspect "downtown" in order to record a questioning. The inclusion of this loophole is likely borrowed from pre-existing language, but all it does is create reasons not to record.

[S]ince recording is no longer impracticable, why wouldn't a responsible law enforcement agency want to preserve an unambiguous record? Unlike a public safety exception to Miranda, a public safety exception to recording seems to serve no purpose other than that of affording a loophole that can be exploited for illicit purposes.

The other loophole is much, much larger. It's predicated on the same rationale that has allowed the Constitution to be selectively scrapped over the past dozen years.

The same point applies with even greater force to the exceptions for “national security” and “intelligence, sources, or methods.” If recording is feasible (and that is the only condition in which the recording policy applies), national security and counterterrorism officials can only gain by having an unambiguous record of precisely what a suspect was asked and precisely how he or she answered. Indeed, an official who deliberately chose not to make and preserve a clear record of a national security interrogation would display less dedication than incompetence.

As Schulhofer points out, this exception plays right into the mindset of the FBI, which has refashioned itself into the nation's largest counterterrorism force (putting law enforcement on the back burner). This also plays right into every law enforcement and intelligence agency's fetishization of "intelligence, sources or methods." This is what's conjured up to justify refusals of FOIA requests and to keep new surveillance methods out of the public eye for as long as possible. It's what's used to deny access to returned warrants on closed cases. But for the FBI, it's also a reason to never record anything, just in case. The FBI's intertwined relationship with the NSA -- combined with the last year of leaked documents -- will make any agent extremely wary about leaving behind undisputed records of intelligence-related interviews. But all this will do is make these agencies even more insular and untrustworthy than they already are.

No national security establishment can possibly operate effectively on the basis of unwritten knowledge and word of mouth. If our government has reacted to the Snowden affair by developing an aversion to writing anything down, we are in deep trouble.

"Deep trouble" is where we're headed, if we're not there already. The DOJ has given the FBI, DEA and ICE huge exceptions to the recording policy -- which, it must be noted, aren't actually commands but a "presumptions" -- ones that are particularly prone to exploitation. Over the past decade, we've seen the government exploit the fear of "the next 9/11" to expand power and contract civil
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Thu Jul 03, 2014 10:01 pm

FBI informant David Headley created the Mumbai Terrorist attack




FBI informant Amed Salem created the 1993 World Trade Center
explosion/terrorist attack


FBI informant Whitey Bulger was given 40 pounds of C4 explosives by the Boston FBI office .Bulger passed the explosives on to the Irish IRA
and used by them in the Omargh bombing


Oklohoma City bombing alleged architect Timothy McVeigh had a
FBI handler names Larry Potts



in other Junk Food News



EXCLUSIVE: ‘Behind The Scenes’ Look At The Heart Of Security For 4th Of July Celebration
July 3, 2014 6:36 PM


http://philadelphia.cbslocal.com/2014/0 ... lebration/



4th of July, Command Center, Exclusive, FBI, Philadelphia, Security, walt hunter


PHILADELPHIA (CBS) — CBS 3 was granted rare access by the FBI to its Command Center, for an exclusive “behind the scenes” look at the Joint Operations Center which is at the heart of security for the 4th of July Celebration.

Special Agent in Charge Ed Hanko told CBS 3’s Walt Hunter in an exclusive interview, “While we know in this city there are no specific threats,we nevertheless have to be vigilant and prepared.”

Hanko and Center Director Agent Thomas Duffy showed Hunter screens in the room which will take live intelligence feeds from all over the world.

Still other monitors will broadcast live pictures from cameras around the region.

“Basically from this one room, we can reach out anywhere in the world,” Agent Duffy explained.

When the room is fully staffed, dozens of FBI agents, associates and Philadelphia Police will be on alert, checking out anything suspicious.

“It may be 200 to 300 leads we have, everything has to be resolved,” Agent Hanko explained.”We just can’t missing anything.”

Only a hundred yards from the Federal Building on Independence Mall those celebrating the 4th most likely will have no idea tucked away inside the command post, agents and police will be working around the clock to make sure they are safe.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Fri Jul 04, 2014 2:37 pm

Ed Tatro just sent me this story.
We brought Ed To speak at our conference dealing with the death squad activities of taxpayer funded FBI agents on two separate occasions.
Ed attended the Clay Shaw trial in New Orleans in the late 1960's
Shaw was the only man charged in the death of President Kennedy.
Our conference was held from 1989-2002 .
You can watch Ed on the banned History Channel documentary
The Guilty Men. Ed Tatro wrote the script Google
the guilty men YouTube JFK. or click link which has been checked and works
http://m.youtube.com/watch?v=jgNfQYpS1gQ


Here is Ed's email
Sent: Fri, Jul 4, 2014 10:12 AM EDT
Subject: Interesting MLK Story


FROM A FORMER STUDENT OF MINE:
http://www.riverfronttimes.com/2001-05- ... mphis/full
I just started communicating with the reporter who wrote this story. He also wrote some stuff about the dealings of the Fertitta family, who I've been investigating in relation to their ownership of the Ultimate Fighting Championship and Xyience, the company that sued me for $25 million back in 2006 for writing about how corrupt the whole operation was. I just completed a new story at Xyiencesucks.com about a car accident that many speculate was a hit, and this same reporter wrote about that back in 1993 when it first happened.

Anyway, the really interesting angle on the Memphis story is that Stelzer believes the "Paul" in the story is FBI agent Paul Rico, Whitey Bulger's former handler who is now dead. It's long, but a great read. I know you're a JFK/RFK assassination guy, but I figured this was also something you'd be interested in. Let me know what you think.



Maybe in Memphis
Jim Green, ex-con and government snitch, says he and his buddies from the Bootheel took part in the plot to kill Martin Luther King Jr. Trouble is, Green's been lying all his life -- so why should anybody believe him now?
By C.D. Stelzer Wednesday, May 9 2001

Wherever James Cooper Green Jr. goes in Caruthersville, his reputation precedes him. They know his name at the courthouse and at City Hall, at the liquor store and the café. In casual conversation, he tends to reminisce about the town's violent past, when Caruthersville, Mo., was known as "Little Chicago." He broaches the subject in the same way other people talk about the weather.

At his prompting, a woman at the Tigers Hut Café recalls how a bullet flew through her bedroom window when she was a child. The county prosecutor, its intended target, lived next door. Later, a 73-year-old man who once worked for Green's father recounts how he shot and killed a fellow with a .38-caliber pistol. The boys at a local package-liquor store brag about smuggling machine guns over the state line.

They're not lying so much as telling Green what he wants to hear. He revels in the old stories most residents would prefer to forget, tales of bygone days when Caruthersville was the capital of vice in the Missouri Bootheel, times when bootlegging, prostitution and illegal-gambling interests controlled Pemiscot County. It was not so long ago, really. The Climax bar and the Seawall whorehouse have been razed. But other haunts remain: the shady businesses, the former sites of murder and mayhem. Though he left here decades ago, no one knows these places better than Green. When he returns, as he often does, respectable members of the community -- the elder lawyer, the current circuit judge, the retired newspaper publisher -- shun him. His mere presence stirs apprehension, if not fear. Rumors shadow him: Green is a drug trafficker in Florida. Green is an FBI informant. Green is a Mafia associate.


"They're scared to death of me in this town," he says. "They always wonder what I'm up to. They'll tell you I belong to the mob. They'll tell you I work for the federal government. They don't know." Green is an enigma. Reviled by many and trusted by few, he trades in uncertainty as if his life depends on it.

For more than 20 years now, Green has maintained that he has knowledge of the plot to murder the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. He testified behind closed doors before the House Select Committee on Assassinations in 1978; the testimony has been sealed by law until 2029. In 1997, he told his story to Dexter King, son of the slain civil-rights leader, in a private meeting.
The next time Green set out to tell this story, he ended up in jail. He was on his way to meet a senior producer for CBS News in Memphis on Feb. 25, 1998, when he and his wife were pulled over in their Dodge pickup by the Shelby County (Tenn.) Sheriff's Department narcotics unit. Green had ostensibly come under suspicion because police were investigating whether a methamphetamine lab was being run at the hotel where he had spent the night. The narcotics squad found no drugs, but Green was held in police custody for three days before he was released. Because of the arrest, Green missed a scheduled interview with Dan Rather for 48 Hours.

The news program, which preceded the 30th anniversary of the assassination, focused renewed attention -- based on theories promulgated by the late James Earl Ray's last attorney, William F. Pepper -- on a possible conspiracy to kill King. At the time, Pepper was peddling his own conspiracy theory, based on the claims of Loyd Jowers, former owner of Jim's Grill, who said he had paid a Memphis police officer to kill King at the behest of a local mob figure. Rather dismissed Green's involvement in one sentence, telling viewers that Green's prison record showed him to have been in custody on the day of the assassination.

But Green says that his prison record is wrong and that his 1998 arrest and subsequent discrediting are part of a continuing government disinformation campaign promoting the late FBI director J. Edgar Hoover's "lone gunman" theory. Claims by Green that he possesses what may have been the murder weapon and one of the getaway vehicles make his assertions seem all the more preposterous. Prosecutors from the Memphis district attorney's office to the U.S. Justice Department label him a convicted felon and an unreliable source.

Yet there are untold elements that lend some credibility to Green's far-fetched story. Despite his criminal record, Green has served as a local law-enforcement official and a federal undercover agent for years. Police officers and sheriffs have provided him with reference letters. More telling are Green's FBI files, which provide a partial chronicle of his life over the last 35 years and corroborate many details of his account.

"I just wanted to tell the story and disappear," Green says. He is sitting bare-chested at a table in Room 16 at Pic's Motel on Truman Boulevard in Caruthersville. The motel once served as a location for illicit high-stakes poker games. It no longer holds that cachet. The room smells of mildew and cigarette smoke. Outside, a rusty window-unit air conditioner sits beside the door. Other household debris litters the parking lot.

"I'm serious. I've got a place in Colorado," he says. "They'd never find me. I got several IDs I can use that I've had for years that they don't know about -- Social Security cards, voting cards, everything. And they're legal; they're not fake. I know how to do it. It's the oldest trick in the book, how to disappear."

Green pauses to light a Misty 120 menthol cigarette, takes a drag and then coughs. Of his three tattoos, two are of the jailhouse variety -- a dove on one arm, a hawk on the other. The third has "Jim" inscribed above a crudely etched dagger piercing a heart.

A half-empty fifth of Gilbey's gin sits on one corner of the table, near a bottle of prescription painkillers. Green, 54, continues fantasizing about changing his name, changing his life, starting anew. "The only thing you can't make disappear is your fingerprints," he says. "There's a way, but I wouldn't go through it. Too much work. Acid and sanding. You have to go to a doctor in South America to get it done. I ain't going through that. I done lived too long, anyway. That's the reason I sleep with that." As he speaks, Green reaches into his black overnight bag and pulls out a .45-caliber semiautomatic handgun.

Green's tale begins in the fall of 1964, when he moved to St. Louis with his first wife and their infant son. Green worked downtown at International Shoe. When he turned 18 in January 1965, he dutifully registered for the draft, listing his home address as 2138 Victor Ave. But with his marriage in trouble, he took off for Caruthersville in March. The next month, he and a friend hit the road in a 1959 Ford Fairlane and ended up in Laredo, Texas. After crossing the border, they bought bus tickets to Mexico City. Once they reached the capital, they got a room at the Bonampak Hotel.

According to the official FBI account, the two young men ran out of money after going on a spree, then asked the U.S. Embassy to pay their fare home. The embassy denied the request and advised them to call their parents. FBI communiqués describe the pair as "smart aleck, hostile, generally uncooperative and uncommunicative." During an interview with an embassy official, Green's partner -- his name has been blacked out in the FBI records -- reportedly displayed a switchblade knife and repeatedly flicked it open. They were considered armed and dangerous. After being spurned at the U.S. Embassy, the two decided to see whether they'd get a better reception at the Soviet Embassy, according to FBI records.

Green remembers it differently. He claims that he met a CIA contact, a Mexican lawyer, at the border. His contact, he says, arranged for the sale of his car and directed him to meet a man at the Monterrey bus station who would provide further instructions and travel money. Once directed to the hotel in Mexico City, Green called a number at the U.S. Embassy. At an appointed hour that evening, an English-speaking cab driver took Green and his friend to a side-street café, where an embassy attaché advised them on how to present themselves when they visited the Soviet Embassy the next day.

One aspect of the saga is undisputed. The FBI memos indicate that Green and his companion visited the Soviet Embassy on two successive days. On their second visit, they formally defected to the Soviet Union. When the pair left the embassy, they were promptly arrested by the Mexican secret police and jailed. On April 21, 1965, Mexican authorities deported the two young men.

The case generated a flurry of secret cables. FBI field offices in St. Louis and San Antonio were alerted after urgent messages were dispatched from the U.S. Embassy in Mexico City to the FBI director's office in Washington, D.C. The Memphis and Kansas City FBI offices would later be brought into the investigation. At headquarters, the attempted defection was discussed in internal memos among high-ranking bureau officials. The internal security, domestic-intelligence and espionage sections were all apprised of the situation. Portions of this correspondence have been redacted for national-security reasons. Two of the internal memos are completely blacked out. Ultimately, after an agent interviewed Green in September 1965, the FBI director's office concluded that Green's "Mexican escapade [was] obviously a youthful prank" and expressed no further interest in pursuing the case.

By that time, Green had enlisted in the Army and was stationed at Fort Leonard Wood. In November, he got drunk with some of his Army buddies and drove in a stolen car to St. Louis, where he was arrested. He was convicted of car theft in Oregon County, Mo., and sentenced to three years in prison. At the Missouri Penitentiary in Jefferson City, Green says, he crossed paths with James Earl Ray, an inmate who worked in the laundry. Green was transferred to the Algoa Correctional Center, also in Jefferson City, and, later, to a medium-security prison in Moberly. During at least part of his incarceration, Department of Corrections records indicate that Green worked as an undercover operative for a deputy sheriff in Oregon County. But Green doesn't recall doing that. He was released in late August 1967 and immediately resumed his criminal activities.

At Moberly, Green served time with Moe Mahanna, a Gaslight Square club owner who was doing six years on a manslaughter rap for beating an Indiana tourist to death outside his bar, the Living Room. Being locked up with Mahanna opened doors for Green when he got out, helping him gain acceptance among a cast of St. Louis criminal figures, including East Side boss Frank "Buster" Wortman and labor racketeer Louis D. Shoulders. Just 20 years old, the Caruthersville youth had already put together a sordid résumé. He was an ex-con. He had a network of mob contacts. At 6-foot-1 and 185 pounds, Green could be at once arrogant, rebellious and physically intimidating. But his immaturity also made him pliable. St. Louis' criminal syndicate could use a man like Green.

Within a month of being released from prison, Green says, he and his friend Butch Collier met with Shoulders at Whiskey A-Go-Go, across the street from Mahanna's club in Gaslight Square. The nightclub had a reputation for being a hangout of felons and other notorious characters. As early as 1958, Shoulders himself had been subpoenaed by the Senate Rackets Committee. He later took over Laborers Local 42, and, by 1967, with the Vietnam War raging, he had gained control over hundreds of jobs at the Gateway Army Ammunition plant, a project plagued by millions of dollars in cost overruns.

When Shoulders walked into Whiskey A-Go-Go, Green recognized the man who accompanied him. The man, known by Green only as "Paul," had been introduced to him earlier at a downtown pool hall by Collier. Green says Paul was then in his mid- to late 30s, about 5-foot-10, with a dark complexion. He wore a suit with an open-collared shirt and no tie, spoke with a Northeastern accent and had red hair. Paul, Green says, appeared to be acquainted with the management at the go-go club and seemed to be talking business with several people at the bar.

The meeting, Green says, was not a chance encounter. It had been set up by Lee J. "Jaybird" Gatewood, Caruthersville's crime boss. Jaybird had been contacted by Wortman, who controlled organized crime in East St. Louis, Southern Illinois and Southeast Missouri. Green says Paul agreed to pay Green and Collier $4,500 to pick up a truckload of stolen Cadillacs from a railyard in St. Louis and drive to the Town and Country Motel in New Orleans, headquarters of New Orleans Mafia don Carlos Marcello. Green says he didn't realize who Marcello was until years later. Back then, Green was merely a driver. His entire criminal career to date involved alcohol and fast cars: running whiskey to dry counties in nearby Tennessee, Alabama and Mississippi and going on a drunken spree in the Army in a stolen vehicle.

In contrast to his past exploits, Green's next job seemed almost tame. Wortman's rackets included providing "insurance protection" to vending-machine operators, including Broadway Music in Caruthersville, then owned by Harold J. "Bo" Young. A portion of the untaxed cash receipts was regularly shipped north to St. Louis. Less than two weeks after he dropped off the hot cars in New Orleans, Green says, he delivered a payment to Wortman in St. Louis and then met Paul at the downtown pool hall, where they had lunch. Paul lauded him for his work and then reached into his jacket pocket and flashed an FBI badge.

"I thought I was going back to jail," Green says. Paul assured him he was not under arrest, but Green left in a panic and hightailed it back to the Climax bar in Caruthersville. Green found Jaybird in his usual position, perched on top of his safe in the bar. "I said, 'Jaybird, do you know this motherfucker is a FBI agent?'" Green recalls. Jaybird, he says, laughed and asked him whether he had poo poo his pants. The older crook then tried to calm him down. "Look, we do things for them. They do things for us," Green recalls Jaybird saying. "It works the same way it does with the sheriff. All you got to do is trust what he tells you."

Green says he agreed to cooperate with Paul but continued to feel uneasy about it. Not only was Paul an outsider, he had identified himself as a federal agent and was becoming more involved in calling the shots. Over the next several months, Green recalls, Paul visited Caruthersville three or four times. The meetings, which were always held in the backroom of the Climax, at different times included Jaybird, Young, Collier, Green, Pemiscot County Sheriff Clyde Orton and Buddy Cook, the town's most prominent bootlegger. At one of these meetings, Green says, Paul instructed him to pick up three rifles from a Caruthersville pawnbroker. After retrieving the weapons, he stowed them in a shed behind his parents' house, in a duffel bag holding his Army clothes.

Meanwhile, Green's personal life had taken another unforeseen turn. His second marriage lasted only a week. This time, he moved south to Memphis, where he shared an apartment with Joe R. Tipton Jr., a Caruthersville friend. In late December 1967, Green got drunk on his way back from St. Louis and picked up a hitchhiker, Edward Fatzsinger. Once they reached the Bootheel, they stopped at the Idle Hour tavern in Hayti, where Green's estranged wife tended bar. After leaving in a fit of anger, Green spied a 1966 Chevy Caprice in the parking lot and decided to steal it. It wasn't a strictly impulsive decision. He knew of a Memphis stock-car driver who might buy the car for its 350-cubic-inch engine. Two days later, Memphis police knocked on his door and arrested him for interstate transportation of a stolen vehicle, a federal charge.

Under questioning by the FBI, Green offered to give up the names of other criminals, including corrupt law-enforcement officials, if the feds dropped charges. But the agents refused, and Green remained in the Shelby County, Tenn., jail until Feb. 15, 1968, when he was transferred to the Springfield, Mo., medical facility for federal prisoners because he was spitting up blood. Green contends he faked the symptoms by sucking on his gums. After being held for observation for a little over a month, Green says, he was sent back to Memphis.

On his first night back in jail, Green says, the chief jailer escorted him across the street to the federal building to confer with Paul, who informed him that he would be released immediately. Before leaving, Paul warned him not to make any further statements to the police.

It is impossible to verify Green's version of events through federal-court records, because they were routinely expunged more than a decade ago. Contacted by telephone, a spokesman for the federal hospital says the limited information available shows Green stayed at the Springfield facility until April 9, 1968, five days after King was murdered. Not surprisingly, Green disputes the official record.

By his account, he had returned to Caruthersville by the third week of March and was working for his father at a lumberyard. He began courting his third wife and took her to the Caruthersville High prom. He also attended another meeting in the backroom of the Climax bar. The assemblage included Paul, Jaybird, Young, Orton, Collier and Green. Paul passed around a photograph of James Earl Ray, saying Ray had threatened to snitch on everybody and had to be silenced. Paul ordered Green and Collier to rendezvous with him in Memphis on April 2.

On the afternoon of April 2, 1968, Butch Collier and Jim Green checked into a motel in Southhaven, Miss. That evening, they patronized a nearby massage parlor and then went out drinking. Paul showed up at their room late the next night and dropped a package on the bed containing $5,000. He promised an equal amount once the hit was carried out. Paul told them Ray planned to rob a tavern on South Main Street. Two Memphis police officers had been contracted to kill him as he attempted to make his getaway. If the police missed, Green, who was to be stationed on a nearby rooftop, would shoot Ray instead.

That evening, Collier and Green drove back to Caruthersville to retrieve the weapons. When they returned to Memphis, they took a room at a motel on Lamar Avenue, near the airport. The next night, Paul showed up and explained the plan in detail. Three identical vehicles would be involved in the plot. Ray's white Ford Mustang and another owned by Tipton, Green's roommate, would be parked near a rooming house, Bessie's, where Ray had taken a room. A third white Mustang would be parked down the street, near the Arcade restaurant. In case of a mixup, the third automobile would be used as the getaway car. It would be equipped with a CB radio to monitor police calls, and false identification papers would be stowed in the glovebox. Green would be positioned on the roof of a cotton warehouse south of Jim's Grill, on the opposite side of the street.

After the briefing, Paul, Green and Collier drove to South Main to familiarize themselves with the area. It was cloudy, with a light mist falling, and doubts were beginning to creep into Green's mind. "I really didn't know if I could do it," he says. "So I kept asking Butch what was he supposed to be doing, and he said, 'All I know is, I'm going with Paul.' The pair went back to their motel room and talked. As thunder and lightning flashed outside, Collier went off on a long, rambling screed about his segregationist views. The conversation struck Green as odd, given the circumstances, but he tacitly agreed with his friend's racist rant, not knowing its portent. Green had no idea King had preached his last sermon at the Mason Temple that night. He says he didn't even know King had returned to Memphis. Moreover, he didn't care. "King didn't mean no more to me than anybody else. Back then, a nigger was a nigger," Green says. "You either talked that way or your own white people would run you out of town. You might not agree with it, but you still had to act like you were prejudiced. And I guess, at that time, I was, to a certain extent."

The next day, about noon, Collier and Green drove downtown to the King Cotton Hotel. Butch dressed, as usual, in a navy-blue peacoat and plaid shirt. As they were seated at a back table of a restaurant on the ground floor, Ray walked in, sat down at the counter and glanced in their direction before exiting. According to Ray's own account, he noted two suspicious characters staring at him when he mistakenly wandered into Jim's Belmont Café at 260 S. Main St. later that afternoon.

About 3 p.m., Collier dropped Green off near the rear of the warehouse. After crossing the railroad tracks, Green scaled a ladder and positioned himself on the roof. From his vantage point, he had a clear view of Jim's Grill and Bessie's rooming house. Fifteen minutes later, he saw Collier and Paul pull up in Tipton's Mustang and park a couple of spaces behind Ray's identical vehicle. They got out and entered different doorways. At the same time, to the south, he saw the third Mustang draw to the curb in front of the Arcade. The driver was picked up by another well-dressed man in a dark Chevrolet sedan. Ray then exited the rooming house and entered Jim's Grill, followed by Paul. At 3:30 p.m., Ray left and walked north on Main Street. A few minutes later, Paul came out, looked in Green's direction and then re-entered the rooming house. Ray returned.

Green remembers the sounds that day: the pigeons cooing and flapping their wings on the roof, the sound of the traffic below, river tows blowing their horns behind him. It was the slack time of year for the cotton industry, but at 4 p.m. some employees milled below him. Fearing he would be seen, Green moved to a more secluded rooftop, four doors south.

"I laid on that fudging building almost two-and-half hours," Green says. "I heard every bird. I heard every noise. I seen everything I could see. I thought every thought I could think. And the question has always been 'Would I have done it?' I don't know."

As dusk approached, Green grew edgier. Then, at 5:55 p.m., he saw Ray step from the rooming house and jump into the Mustang. Something had gone amiss. Ray hadn't robbed the grill. No cops had arrived. Green hesitated. Paul had told Green that Ray would head south on foot. Instead, Ray drove north. Green waited, thinking Ray might circle the block. Five minutes passed, and he thought he heard a backfire. Within moments, Collier appeared at the front of the building across the street, followed by Paul, who dropped a bundle in a nearby doorway. Green heard screams and saw people running from the nearby fire station. Collier and Paul got into Tipton's Mustang, drove north and then made a U-turn. Collier dropped Paul off at the third Mustang, parked next to the Arcade, and then swung behind the warehouse to pick up Green. By this time, Green could hear sirens, and police were starting to arrive.

With Green riding shotgun, Collier cut over Third Street to Lamar Avenue and headed west. After crossing the Mississippi River, he pulled under the Memphis-Arkansas Bridge and tossed two rifles into the river. The pair headed north on Highway 61. Collier had driven all the way to Osceola, Ark., a distance of about 45 miles, before Green noticed the third rifle, still in the backseat. They decided it was too late to ditch the gun. They would have to wait. The remainder of the trip, Green says, they didn't talk much, but Collier kept repeating the same phrase to himself: "I killed that nigger, I killed that nigger." After Collier dropped him off at his parents' house, Green says, he left the rifle with a friend who lived in the neighborhood. By the time he got home, his father was watching the news. Green went into the kitchen, poured a glass of milk, grabbed a handful of cookies, came back to the living room and sat down. On the screen was the image of the rooming house on South Main in Memphis. The TV news reported that a sniper had fired a shot from a rear window of the building, fatally wounding King as he stood on the balcony of the Lorraine Motel. Green says he almost fell out of his chair. It was the first inkling that his Memphis trip had been tied to something more than knocking off a two-bit hood.

Green borrowed his father's car and sped to the Climax bar. On his arrival, Jaybird ushered him into the backroom. Green recalls Jaybird telling him that he had "messed up by not killing Ray, and everybody [was] covering their tracks." Green says Jaybird instructed him, if asked, to say he had been gambling all day at the Climax. Jaybird told Green to go home and lie low. Two days later, on April 6, Jaybird called Green to a meeting in the backroom. All the major players attended: Paul, Wortman, Shoulders, Young, Orton and Collier. All the persons named by Green, with the possible exception of Paul, are dead. Paul remains unidentified. This leaves no one to corroborate Green's account of the meeting, which Green could not have attended if he was incarcerated in the prison hospital as his record indicates.

During the alleged meeting, Green recalls, Paul referred indirectly to his superior. Paul said that his boss would go to any length necessary to shield himself from being implicated, Green says. Because Paul had earlier shown him FBI credentials, Green inferred that someone higher up in the bureau was involved. The contract on Ray remained in effect. Green and Collier were each issued a .38-caliber Brazilian-made Rossi pistol and told to stand by.

Green's account -- a subplot within a larger conspiracy that has Ray set up as King's assassin but then murdered by police or by Green -- is incredible by any measure, so fantastic that the U.S. Justice Department has chosen to disregard it altogether. When the department issued its latest findings, last June, it didn't even refer to Green. The department undertook the investigation to look into recent allegations regarding the assassination, including Jowers' claims, after being asked by the King family. Essentially, the government has deemed Green an unreliable witness, if not a liar and a fraud. Barry Kowalski, the Justice Department lawyer who headed the investigation, refuses to comment publicly on Green's allegations. An investigation conducted by the Shelby County District Attorney in 1998 also gave no credence to Green's story.

The version of events Green told the Riverfront Times has discrepancies as well. The inconsistencies relate mainly to locations and place names, errors that could be explained as lapses of memory on Green's part. Less explicable are Green's two mystery men: Collier and Paul. Collier appears to have used more than one name and is likely dead. His participation in the conspiracy cannot be confirmed, except through Green. As for Paul, there is no readily available way to verify whether he ever existed.

Green's only true believer is Lyndon Barsten, a Minneapolis-based conspiracy researcher. The two have teamed up and hit the conference and lecture circuit together. Barsten spends all his spare time delving into the King case. He considers it his search for the Holy Grail. To his credit, Barsten is responsible for obtaining Green's FBI records through the Freedom of Information Act. "What Jim is saying makes perfect sense to me," Barsten says. "There is documentation to back up what he has to say."

Barsten notes that the bureau's records show that Eugene Medori, an FBI agent in Memphis, displayed a photo lineup to Ralph Carpenter, a clerk at the York Arms Co., on April 6. Ray had bought binoculars from Carpenter on the afternoon of April 4. At this time, the FBI had yet to identify Ray as a suspect. One of the mug shots was of Byron De La Beckwith, a white supremacist and a suspect in the 1963 murder of civil-rights leader Medgar Evers. (More than 30 years later, De La Beckwith would be convicted of the murder.) The agent also showed Carpenter a photograph of Green.

"Now, why was I in a lineup with De La Beckwith?" asks Green. "I ain't no killer. All of them boys are Klansmen. I'm just a car thief. What am I doing there? I'm in the lineup of the FBI, two days after King's killing. What am I doing in that lineup -- if I'm in jail?"

Medori's name also shows up on the witness list of Fatzsinger, Green's co-defendant in the car-theft case. Solely on the basis of his Springfield medical record, Green is presumed to have been held without bail from his arrest in December 1967 until his sentencing on July 12, 1968.

On May 15, however, the Memphis FBI office dispatched an urgent cable to its counterpart in St. Louis, requesting that James Cooper Green of Caruthersville be interviewed. The message refers to an earlier communication dated May 1, 1968, which identified Green as the inmate who may have been beaten for not paying for amphetamines purchased from Ray while the two were behind bars in Jeff City. The cable mentions that Green was "currently on bond following indictment ... [in] Memphis." Nevertheless, the date on the cable still does not contradict the Springfield record that shows Green to have been there until April 9.

Other memos in the MURKIN file ("MURKIN" is the bureau's code name for the King case) show the FBI focusing attention on Caruthersville and the Bootheel -- after the bureau had identified Ray as the prime suspect on April 19.

From May 15-20, 1968, for example, the St. Louis field office, in cooperation with local law-enforcement officials, canvassed individuals and businesses in the Bootheel that received phone calls placed from a Sinclair service station in Portageville, calls believed at the time to have a connection to the case. The FBI office in Chicago also searched for J.D. Dailey, a presumed associate of Ray's who had recently moved from St. Louis to Portageville, Mo.

"Why is the town of Caruthersville mentioned in all these documents?" asks Green. "Not just one FBI office, but four or five."

Caruthersville crops up in the MURKIN file again, more than a year after the assassination. By this time, Ray had pleaded guilty, then quickly recanted. Despite Ray's renewed plea of innocence, his biographer, William Bradford Huie, cast him as the lone assassin in a 1968 Look magazine series. In the last article, Huie wrote that Ray stayed at a motel near Corinth, Miss., on April 2, 1968. This prompted FBI headquarters to order its field offices in Birmingham, Jackson and Memphis to investigate Ray's whereabouts between March 29 and April 3. Motel registrations were scrutinized to determine whether anyone had accompanied or contacted Ray during this period. Headquarters advised the field offices not to divulge that their inquiries were related to Ray's case. But after the Jackson FBI disseminated the motel-registration names to other branches across the country, headquarters did an about-face and halted the investigation:

"In view of the fact that more than a year has passed since these persons stayed over night at Corinth, and since similar investigation of this type in this case has previously been unproductive, and since Huie has admitted that Ray frequently is untruthful in statements to him, and further since it is not believed that it is of any particular importance to establish whether or not James Earl Ray stayed over night at Corinth on 4/2/68, all offices will disregard the leads set out in Jackson airtel dated 5/7/69 unless specifically advised by the Bureau to cover same."

The Jackson office's list included the Southern and Nite Fall motels in Corinth. Three men from Caruthersville stayed at the Nite Fall and one registered at the Southern between March 29 and April 3, according to motel records in the FBI file. Green says all four men were then employed by Buddy Cook, the Caruthersville bootlegger who had attended meetings with Paul at the Climax bar.

To bolster its "lone stalker" theory, the House Select Committee on Assassinations in 1978 produced a laundry receipt signed by Ray in Atlanta on April 1. Ray denied it was his signature and sent his brother to search out the motel he said he had stayed at on that date. Jerry Ray later told the subcommittee that he traveled to Corinth and located the Southern Motel using a map his brother had drawn.

In January 1970, Green was released from federal prison in El Reno, Okla., after serving two years for stealing the Caprice and driving it to Memphis. He moved back to Caruthersville and took up residence in a trailer park with his third wife.

On his return, he discovered that things had changed. Wortman, the East St. Louis mobster, had died in August 1968 of complications following surgery. Less than six months later, on Feb. 15, 1969, an unknown assailant gunned down Jaybird outside his house.

"When Jaybird got killed, that spooked a lot of people," Green says. "I feel like Jaybird's death and Wortman's death and a few others was just like cutting off the snake's head. He was the main link. Jaybird would be the only man who would know everybody, dates, times, places, who's who. After they killed Jaybird and Wortman is gone, there is no link to Paul except me and Butch. And who is going to believe us when the FBI has done put out a one-man theory? I'm an ex-con. If anything went wrong, I believe, me and Butch were the fall guys."

To protect themselves, Collier and Green had fabricated a tale to convince Paul and the other criminal co-conspirators that they had stashed incriminating evidence. "We told them we had some tapes and we still had the guns," Green says. "We didn't tell them that we had put them in the river." According to Green, part of the story was true: he hid one rifle at a friend's house. Green also claims to have kept a diary. "Maybe that's what got Jaybird killed. I don't know. The one thing I do know is, they couldn't prove whether we had it or not."

After Jaybird's death, Green theorizes, a purge took place. Collier became a Caruthersville police officer, and Green would soon join the ranks of law enforcement as well.

Shortly after Green got out of prison, then-Missouri Attorney General John C. Danforth initiated a vigorous campaign to oust Clyde Orton. Danforth's office charged the Pemiscot County sheriff with allowing widespread bootlegging and illegal gambling in his jurisdiction. As a part of the inquiry, Green says, Danforth and others interviewed him at a motel in Miner, Mo. When he entered the motel room, he saw a familiar face -- Paul. The investigators asked Green about gambling and whether Orton had knowledge of it.

After Orton's ouster, Green says, the new sheriff issued him a badge, and he started working undercover with federal Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms agents out of Cape Girardeau. As his first assignment, he helped set up and bust the pawnbroker who, according to Green's account, provided the rifles for the assassination. Green says he nailed the pawnbroker for selling guns without a federal firearms license.

He then began targeting remnants of Jaybird's and Cook's operations near Reelfoot Lake, Tenn. Although Green says he was working for ATF, a FBI memo from 1971 indicates that his activities were still being monitored at the highest levels of the bureau. The memo's contents are totally blacked out.

As he pursued his undercover career, Green's former criminal associates began to fall in slow progression. Shoulders died in a car bombing near Branson, Mo., in August 1972. A decade later, a jury convicted Cook in the contract slaying of Bo Young, the owner of Broadway Music. Cook died in prison.

In 1975, Green took part in an elaborate undercover project in Memphis called Operation Hot Stuff. Using $66,000 in federal Law Enforcement Assistance Administration funds, the Memphis Police Department and federal law-enforcement officers set up a fake company called Investment Sales. Green played the role of "Jimmy Genovese," who was supposed to be the grandson of a mob boss. Police furnished Green with an expensive wardrobe, provided a new Cadillac and rented a townhouse for him. He pretended to be an importer/exporter of lamps who actually fenced stolen merchandise. Each day, he would go to work, read the newspaper, talk on the phone and flirt with the secretaries in the adjacent office. Thieves would drop by and sell stolen guns, TVs, appliances, jewelry, stereo equipment, clothing, cars and drugs. Green was perfectly cast for the part, and hidden video cameras recorded it all. In the afternoons, he knocked off early and played golf. At night, he frequented restaurants and bars, bragging about his organized-crime connections. Hot Stuff netted 43 indictments, according to press accounts. Green -- still in character, perhaps -- claims he racked up 267 felony cases as a part of the operation.

It was during this period that Green says he learned how police procedures were commonly circumvented and the court system manipulated. He noticed how prosecutors refused to indict suspects with political connections. He gained firsthand knowledge of how suspects are entrapped. He became a professional at doing just that. He was, foremost, a product of the criminal-justice system, applying the rules he learned in prison on the outside: How to play dumb. How to talk big. How to lie, when necessary. When to keep his mouth shut and when to talk. And how to apply coercion to get results. He recalls breaking into a druggie's apartment, shoving a gun into his mouth and threatening to cut his testicles off if he didn't turn snitch. He says he went on to practice his craft in Tampa, Key West and New Orleans.

For years, he could justify this behavior: Fending for himself, using the few leverages at his disposal, to keep the Man at bay by doing his bidding. Working both sides of the street. Using scraps of information to his best advantage. Relying on his good-old-boy charms to cajole and confound. Selling his talents to the highest bidder. He was good at what he did. He knew it. His employers recognized it. They paid cash and didn't ask questions, so long as he delivered. He did what he was told. He worked for the government.

But at some undefined moment, Green began to question it all. It's hard for him to say when, exactly. It was like waking up slowly to a nightmare. Green says he used his access to law-enforcement databases to track down the third Mustang used in the plot. He remembers talking to John Talley, the Memphis police detective he says recruited him for Operation Hot Stuff. They met in early January 1974 at the Holiday Inn on Riverside Drive in Memphis. Green expressed misgivings about working with the department. He thought the local cops were corrupt. Green says the detective, now deceased, leaned back in his chair and looked him in the eye. "Jim," Green says Talley confided, "I'm the officer who was late in 1968. If you can't trust me, you can't trust yourself."

After taking the job and assuming the name Jimmy Genovese, Green periodically visited the U.S. Attorney's office in Memphis. When he did, he passed by Kay Black, the chain-smoking court reporter for the now-defunct Memphis Press-Scimitar. In September 1975, Green decided to introduce himself. Their off-the-record conversations danced around the subject of his undercover status. He toyed with her at first, feeding her tidbits on Operation Hot Stuff. But then what had started as a casual flirtation, a game of cat-and-mouse between an inquisitive reporter and coy source, turned into a confession. Green said: "What if I told you I was driving the second Mustang the day King was shot?" Realizing the gravity of his admission, he abruptly left her office. Black, who died in 1997, eventually told investigators for the House Select Committee on Assassinations of the encounter. The subcommittee subpoenaed Green in 1978.



He flew to Washington and stayed in a swank hotel at government expense. Green claims that the night before he testified, Paul, another agent and former assistant FBI director Cartha DeLoach arrived unannounced at his hotel room, where they began to coach him in what he should say in his closed-session testimony the next day. (Efforts to reach DeLoach for comment were unsuccessful.) Green says he was told to limit his account to knowledge of a St. Louis-based conspiracy. Paul's advice both angered and worried Green. The Bootheel bootlegger had been called before Congress to give sworn testimony, and federal agents were urging him not to tell the whole truth -- to risk perjuring himself. He went for a walk near the hotel. It was warm, and he remembers a passerby making fun of his white patent-leather shoes. When he came before the committee, he opened up his diary from 10 years before and began reeling off names. At that point, Green says, Paul and DeLoach entered the chamber and seated themselves at the side of the hearing room, and committee chairman Louis Stokes interrupted Green to ask why he needed to rely on notes. Green says he told the chairman that he had a general recollection of past events but needed the diary for specific details. He continued his testimony: "I told them I was laying on top of this building and I saw James [Earl Ray] walking and that he was not in the area when the shots were fired." Green says Stokes again addressed him in an accusatory manner, and Green exploded: "Look, I don't even have to be here!" He says he closed his diary and walked out.

Green returned home to Caruthersville, disillusioned. He sought refuge by joining the Kinfolks Ridge Baptist Church, became an evangelist, preached at revival meetings and served briefly as a missionary to Mexico, where he helped build an orphanage. But God's calling didn't pay the rent. Out of money, Green used his law-enforcement contacts from his undercover work to secure a job as a deputy sheriff in Lauderdale County, Tenn. When the incumbent sheriff ran for re-election, Green's prison record became a campaign issue, and he was forced to resign. In 1982, he moved his family to Tampa, where he had previously done undercover work for a federal anti-crime strike force. For three years, he taught in a high-school vocational program, although he never attended college.

A former police officer who coached at the school introduced him to Emilio "Bobby" Rodriguez, owner of a topless bar. Rodriguez hired Green to manage the Tanga Lounge in downtown Tampa. Green worked security, handled the door and made sure other employees didn't stick their hands in the till. He also used his knowledge and contacts within law enforcement to further his boss' interests. Over time, Rodriguez gave him new responsibilities and brought him in as a partner in some ventures. In the late '80s and early '90s, Green ran La Pleasures in Lakeland, Fla., the Centerfold in St. Petersburg, the Peek-a-Boo in Key West and the Doll House in Jackson, Tenn. Green, who prefers to call topless clubs "go-go bars," still wears a diamond-studded ring that he says Rodriguez gave him.

"I was living kind of high on the hog, knocking down $5,000 a week tax-free, driving Lincoln Town Cars," Green says.

Green's Florida police record shows a 1988 arrest for "keeping a house of ill fame." He pleaded guilty to the misdemeanor charge the next year and paid a $500 fine. Rodriguez and another partner became involved in a feud. Some of the clubs ended up being torched. To stay out of trouble, Green says, he bailed out of the sex business.

Today, James Green gets by on Social Security disability checks. He weighs between 250 and 300 pounds and has bad knees and a bad heart. He smokes too much and coughs after every few drags he takes off each cigarette. When he comes to Caruthersville, he stays at Pic's. Other than the gold ring, he displays no accoutrements of wealth. He dresses in sweatshirts and baggy pants. When he comes from Tampa, where he lives in a modest home with wife Linda, he doesn't fly; he drives his weathered pickup. Green says he's now developing a subdivision with a partner on land he bought years ago, when he was flush with fast cash. He's calling the place Green Estates.

But Green tends to speak more about the past than the future. When he does, his memory meanders like the Mississippi River, in whose delta he was born and raised. The river drifts and eddies and changes course, bending back on itself as an oxbow. In his mind, Green inhabits the lowlands, the muddied backwaters of history, where his story has remained hidden among the growing apocrypha surrounding the King assassination. It is only one man's story, however flawed -- not an official version but one told from the viewpoint of a thief. Though Green's account will never be sanctified as gospel, there are currents within it that run deep, currents that have never been fully explored.

South of Crowley's Ridge, where the Missouri landscape merges with the South, the cotton fields stretch to the horizon and it seems as if everything is laid out in straight lines and right angles. The swamps have been drained. An outsider can easily misunderstand the true nature of this place. And so it is, too, that Green's motives can be misconstrued to fit the preconceived notions of people who have never lived in a town laid out on the site of a former plantation.

Green was raised a Baptist, the same religion as King. He came of age in a white racist culture. Over the course of his lifetime, he has experienced dramatic social change. He can do nothing to stop those who are bent on mocking him. He claims only to be seeking redemption for himself and justice for the King family.

"I think the hardest thing for people to understand is the atmosphere you're raised in," Green says. "Hell, they'd stuff the ballot boxes. They used to hand out half-pints of whiskey and dollar bills at the polls to the blacks so they'd vote for a certain person. When a person is raised in that atmosphere, you kind of believe everything is right: If the grownups do it, and the politicians are doing it, and the government is doing it -- it must be right. I actually believed that. In a way, I thought, working for the government, I was making up for the wrong I did, [but] as you get older, you get wiser. Maybe what you did in your 20s and 30s, that you thought was the right thing to do, becomes something you're not too proud you done. I guess it's kind of like a drunk who drinks all his life and then all of a sudden quits drinking and becomes a fanatic against the drinking. "

After hearing a member of the King family plead for justice on television in the early 1990s, Green says he had his epiphany: "I felt the King family had a right to know the truth."

For Green, at least, the road to Memphis will always run through C3 7:
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Thu Jul 10, 2014 12:15 pm

see link for full story


http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2 ... hreat.html



Mandela release triggered FBI anti-communist paranoia, say new documents

Files from aftermath of Cold War show that US law enforcement believed South African leader posed significant threat
July 10, 2014 5:00AM ET
by Jason Leopold @JasonLeopold

While George H.W. Bush’s administration was cultivating a relationship with Nelson Mandela and his African National Congress (ANC), the FBI still viewed the former political prisoner and his group as possible communist threats to U.S. national security, according to newly declassified FBI documents the agency held on the late South African president.

By 1990, the Berlin Wall had been torn down and other Soviet-controlled institutions in Eastern Europe had been demolished, signaling an end to the Cold War. But the FBI remained stuck in a Cold War mentality, the documents obtained by Al Jazeera suggest.

The agency appeared concerned that growing support for Mandela and anti-apartheid movements was coming from communist groups in the U.S. and members of Congress with ties to communist organizations, presenting the FBI with a possible national security threat it would be forced to confront. So the FBI monitored Mandela’s movements, cultivated a confidential informant to infiltrate his meetings with political groups, and spied on his get-togethers with world leaders, the documents reveal.

A partially classified July 1984 “teletype” noted that supporters of a “Freedom for Nelson and Winnie Mandela” House resolution sponsored by African-American congressman George Crockett had ties to communist groups. The FBI also saw activities by the Communist Party USA (CPUSA), which circulated a petition demanding that President Ronald Reagan condemn Mandela’s incarceration, as subversive, according to a January 1985 FBI document previously classified as “secret.”

The heavily redacted FBI documents on Mandela total about 36 pages and were turned over to Ryan Shapiro in response to a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) lawsuit he filed against the FBI. Shapiro, a doctoral candidate at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, is a FOIA specialist and a historian of the political functioning of national security and the policing of dissent.

The documents date back to the mid-1980s and 1990s and are part of the FBI’s ongoing release to Shapiro of classified records the agency has held for decades on the South African president, who died last December at the age of 95.

Shapiro has also filed FOIA lawsuits against the National Security Agency, CIA and Defense Intelligence Agency for all their documents on Mandela. These government agencies likely maintain the most important records on Mandela, including documents that, if released, could shed light on the alleged role the CIA played in his 1962 arrest.
Thumbnail image for Remembering Mandela
Remembering Mandela

A look back at Nelson Mandela, the iconic South African leader

In May, the FBI released the first set of documents on the beloved South African president — hundreds of pages of internal records showing that, in addition to protecting Mandela during his multi-city tour of the U.S. following his release from prison in 1990, the FBI cultivated a confidential informant who provided the agency with intelligence on Mandela’s political activities and meetings with prominent civil rights activists.

Shapiro said the new batch of FBI records go even further in bringing to light “additional politically motivated FBI spying on Mandela” and also expose “something even darker.”

“The documents reveal that, just as it did in the 1950s and 1960s with Martin Luther King and the civil rights movement, the FBI aggressively investigated the U.S. and South African anti-apartheid movements as communist plots imperiling American security,” Shapiro said. “Ultimately, what the documents reveal is the FBI’s unflagging conflation of social justice efforts with security threats, and the FBI’s cartoonish obsession with Communist Party subversion in the United States even as the Cold War itself crumbled into obsolescence.”

Of course, there were strong links between the ANC and the South African Communist Party (SACP). The organizations have worked closely since the 1950s in the struggle against apartheid and formed an alliance in 1990 with the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) after South Africa lifted the prohibition on the ANC, SACP and other political groups that year.

When Mandela died, the SACP issued a statement saying that he had been a member.

The FBI withheld some records on Mandela in their entirety in the latest release, citing exemptions to FOIA pertaining to national security, the use of confidential informants, and — in a move likely to intrigue researchers — ongoing investigations.

For example, a still largely classified “secret” 1993 New York FBI foreign counterintelligence memo about Mandela involved a confidential informant who explicitly “provided [the FBI with] political information.” But the document does not contain additional information.

The FBI classified news clippings, including two from 1989 that were translated by an FBI language specialist, about Mandela’s possible early release from prison and forwarded them to the FBI counterintelligence supervisors. Some of the three dozen pages of FBI records have Foreign Counterintelligence classification markings, and others were classified as being part of a “domestic security” investigation, the primary classification designations the FBI used during its decades-long surveillance of Counterintelligence Program (Cointelpro) campaigns against civil rights and Vietnam War movements.

One such document, declassified in response to the FOIA lawsuit, is an August 1990 internal FBI memo stating that communists were behind a House resolution that called on Congress to establish a Nelson Mandela/African National Congress Day. The FBI memo highlighted that the sponsor of the resolution, Democratic Rep. Charles Hayes, a civil rights activist, was a “former member of CPUSA.”
The documents reveal that, just as it did in the 1950s and 1960s with Martin Luther King and the civil rights movement, the FBI aggressively investigated the U.S. and South African anti-apartheid movements as communist plots imperiling American security.

Ryan Shapiro

FOIA specialist

The alleged threat that FBI headquarters believed the ANC and the anti-apartheid movement posed to U.S. national security is laid bare in a previously secret internal memo from the agency’s Chicago field office, which was critical of headquarters’ characterization of the ANC being a “known Soviet front group” as too simplistic. The memo showed that significant parts of the FBI were at odds with its senior-level thinking on the issue of the ANC, Mandela and links to communists.

The Chicago field office’s nine-page response memo states that the FBI’s “description of the ANC as a Soviet Front is an over-simplification which fails to recognize the complex and paradoxical nature of that particular organization […] which was, of course, founded before the Russian Revolution.”

Moreover, the Chicago field office, in what appears to be an attempt to educate FBI headquarters and the agency’s director about the ANC’s history and mission, said the ANC was committed to “non-violent activism,” before the South African government — whose policies were defined by “official racism” — banned it in 1960 and jailed leaders like Mandela.

The memo went on to point out the importance of the ANC and Mandela. “It is, at this point in time, clear that any lasting settlement of South Africa’s future will involve Nelson Mandela and the ANC,” the document said.

Bush too was mindful that Mandela and his ANC would lead South Africa’s first democratically elected government, which is partially the reason he and his administration began to nurture a relationship with Mandela immediately after his release from prison.

Still, the U.S. designated the ANC as a terrorist organization, a designation that would remain in place until 2008. Mandela, who was also placed on the U.S. terrorist watch list, was removed the same year.

Following Mandela’s release from prison, the FBI began to closely monitor his meetings with world leaders. In one heavily redacted March 1990 document, the FBI took interest in a meeting held in Namibia between Mandela — released from prison a month earlier — and Yugoslavia’s President Janez Drnovsek, who was also the leader of the Non-Aligned Countries, a movement that staunchly supported Mandela and the ANC.

A few months later, in June 1990, Mandela was scheduled to meet in New York City with members of the Puerto Rican nationalist movement. Surveillance of the meeting, according to the FBI documents, was considered a “necessity,” and the FBI approved the travel of a Philadelphia FBI agent or a confidential informant to New York City to infiltrate it.

Author’s note: This reporter is a co-plaintiff with Shapiro in several FOIA lawsuits filed against government agencies.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Thu Jul 10, 2014 11:30 pm

http://whowhatwhy.com/2014/07/10/four-i ... g-account/





FRESH TAKES | news, content and perspective you might not find elsewhere
Four in Ten Bostonians Skeptical of Official Marathon Bombing Account
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By James Henry on Jul 10, 2014
Dzohkhar Tsarnaev in 2010.

Dzohkhar Tsarnaev in 2010.

A recent poll conducted by Dzhokhar Tsarnaev’s defense team, part of an effort to force a change of venue for his trial, found that a majority of Bostonians—58 percent—are already convinced the accused Marathon bomber is “definitely guilty.”

That may be persuasive to the presiding judge. But what’s perhaps more interesting is that the poll found a sizable number of Boston residents—42 percent—are still “unsure,” indicating that even the population with the closest proximity to the April 15, 2013, act of terrorism still harbor doubts about the “official” version of events.

Without seeing the evidence the government claims to have of the younger Tsarnaev’s guilt, and due to many anomalies and lingering questions about the bombing and its aftermath, we’re siding with the 42 percent who just aren’t sure yet.

Kevin Cullen of the Boston Globe recently expressed surprise about the poll’s results in a column in which he wrote: “Call me Pollyanna, but I’m shocked they were able to find the 42 percent who don’t think he’s guilty.” While people answering that they’re unsure about Tsarnaev’s guilt isn’t the same as thinking he’s innocent, it does reflect a substantial feeling that the jury is still out in many Bostonians’ minds.

Cullen’s surprise makes sense when one considers the nature of the event, with its gut-wrenching imagery and suspenseful days-long manhunt. After an experience like that, it’s understandable that Bostonians would want someone to hang.

And from the beginning, law-enforcement along with the vast majority of the media have implied that the evidence against Tsarnaev is so airtight, and that his guilt is so self-evident, that it’s bordering on the absurd to assert some things in the official version may not be exactly as we’ve been told.

You Can’t Fool All the People All the Time

The problem, as 42 percent of Bostonians apparently recognize, is that nobody has seen any evidence of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev’s involvement in the actual bombing. It appears to many that there is likely more to this story than the simplistic, “self-radicalized lone wolves” yarn being spun by law enforcement and the mainstream media.

It does appear that these brothers were somehow involved in the violence. However, serious doubts remain with the government’s version of events.

We’ve been told that the brothers:

• Built, placed and detonated the “highly sophisticated” bombs

• Killed Officer Sean Collier execution-style

• Hijacked a Chinese national who made a daring escape

• Set off a chase that culminated in the Watertown shootout, the death of Tamerlan, and the subsequent capture of Dzhokhar in a dry-docked boat

Most importantly, we’ve been told they did all of this alone.

We’ve also been informed that neither the FBI nor any other federal agencies had any contact with the brothers—directly or indirectly—after the agency closed its investigation into Tamerlan and his mother in 2011.

In the absence so far of hard evidence implicating the brothers as the sole perpetrators, many Bostonians appear to have kept an open mind.

In this, they may have been influenced by their familiarity with the FBI’s history of covering up embarrassing relationships to bad guys, like the one local agents had with the murderous Boston mobster Whitey Bulger—not to mention the Bureau’s less-than-stellar record of transparency regarding major events like 9/11. And that doesn’t even take into account some of the geopolitical and national security implications swirling around the case.

In other words—many reasonable doubts still exist.

Here’s a few of them:

• “Danny,” the main witness to Tamerlan Tsarnaev’s alleged confession to the Marathon bombing, and the shooting of Sean Collier, changed significant parts of his story over time, thereby undermining his credibility. And he is a budding entrepreneur with an uncertain immigration status—an easy target for law enforcement manipulation (For our two-part discussion on the reasonable doubts about Danny’s story, see here and here).

• As far as we know, there are no eyewitnesses to the shooting of Sean Collier. The security camera footage that supposedly recorded them attacking Collier has not been shown to the public. Additionally, at least three different law enforcement officials told the New York Times that the video in question does not show the attackers’ faces.

• There was an armed felon in the vicinity of Vassar Street around that same time who had just robbed a 7-Eleven at gunpoint. He’s still at large.

• The brothers supposedly shot and killed Collier for his gun, but didn’t take it. They also managed to avoid getting any blood on themselves, when one or both of them allegedly tried to wrestle Collier’s pistol from his bleeding body.

• The FBI initially denied knowing who the brothers were until Russia called them out on it. Was the FBI—or another federal agency—hiding something?

• The FBI’s assertions that its investigation of Tamerlan Tsarnaev was limited by a concern for his civil liberties are not credible. Since its inception, the FBI has routinely ignored the Bill of Rights, particularly, in recent years, when it comes to Muslims.

• Prior to the bombing, Tamerlan Tsarnaev somehow evaded being detained at the airport not once but twice, despite being on two different no-fly lists To get an idea of the frequency with which the government routinely allows individuals with questionable associations to travel in and out of our country as they please, see here and here.

• Why is it that the FBI appears to be relentlessly intimidating, punishing, deporting and in one case—that of Ibragim Todashev—shooting to death a person closely connected to the brothers? That pattern of behavior can easily call into question the FBI’s stated desire to get to the truth. Indeed, it can create the opposite impression. After the Todashev shooting, the FBI leaked to the media radically contradictory stories about how it happened: Todashev came at the agent with a knife, no, it was a sword, no, it was a pole. Even the Florida State Attorney’s investigation revealed mind-boggling contradictions between the stories of the FBI agent who did the shooting, and the Massachusetts state trooper who was in the room at the time. The trooper said Todashev charged him with a broom handle raised high like a javelin. But the FBI agent said Todashev ran at him with his left shoulder dropped in an attacking posture. For more details about the Todashev killing, please take a look here and here.

• The Tsarnaev’s uncle Ruslan and his apparent connections to retired CIA officer Graham Fuller and the CIA deserve further scrutiny.

• The fact that these immigrants were refugees from an area heavily contested between the United States and Russia, who were living in Cambridge, an established hotbed of espionage and international intrigue involving the United States, Russia and other countries, should give one serious pause before swallowing the “lone wolves” assertion.

• Even some law enforcement officials have expressed skepticism that the Tsarnaev brothers could have had the technical ability to construct and successfully detonate such highly sophisticated bombs in a flawlessly coordinated manner without help. The Tsarnaevs did not seem like criminal masterminds, as demonstrated by their boneheaded and panicky behavior once they were identified as the bombers.

And finally, the public has never seen the alleged video footage of Dzhokhar planting his backpack at the scene of the second explosion. What we have seen are grainy videos that show the brothers on Boylston St. carrying backpacks—like hundreds of other spectators
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