Economic Aspects of "Love"

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Sep 15, 2013 9:19 am

'I remember a line from [Chicago mayor] Daley in Chicago, 'Shoot the looters to kill.' Right On Mayor Daley. Shoot the looters to kill but we are going to make it retroactive. We're going to talk about who looted the Indians, we're going to talk about who looted the Black man, and we're going to talk about whose looting the whole f---ing world right now. And then if we absolutely have to we're going to pay attention to what Mayor Daley has to say.'

—Mike Albert, speech to Freshman, Sept. 1969 (Albert was then President of the M.I.T. student body)
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Sep 16, 2013 12:51 pm

Naming your oppression is the first step towards transcending it. For us saying ‘we are all housewives’ never meant to embrace this work, it was a way of denouncing this situation and making visible a common terrain on the basis of which we could organise a struggle. Recognising the specific ways in which we are exploited is essential to organising against it. You cannot organise from a position of ‘nothingness’. ‘Nothingness’ is not a terrain of aggregation. It does not place you in a context, in a history of struggles. To struggle from a particular work-relation is to recognise our power to refuse it.

—Silvia Federici - ‘Permanent Reproductive Crisis: Interview with Marina Vishmidt’.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Sep 16, 2013 9:30 pm

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Sep 17, 2013 9:12 am

That assumption has a terrible flip side: Girls of color are often viewed as always sexually available, simply because of their race. Just look at the specific stereotypes: Latina women are “spicy,” Middle Eastern and South Asian women are simultaneously “exotic” and “repressed,” Asian women are “submissive,” black women are “wild” or “animalistic”—it doesn’t matter what disgusting stereotype you choose, it boils down to the same thing: Women of color are assumed to be always available for sex….On top of all of this, it’s important to keep in mind one of the main reasons women of color are expected to be always sexually available—because in countries where they’ve been historically enslaved or colonized by white cultures, the white men in those cultures felt free to rape them with impunity. That women of color in colonized countries should have any say-so in what happens to their bodies, sexually or otherwise, is a pretty new idea in the grand scheme of things, and one that women of color have had to fight hard for, and still have to fight for today.

--Jaclyn Friedman, Women of Color Seen As Always Sexually Available
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Sep 20, 2013 4:54 pm

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Sep 25, 2013 5:40 pm

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Thu Sep 26, 2013 8:30 am

I’ve been laffing at a photo of antifa grandmas in North Dakota (US). Here they’re pictured with a flag they ‘captured’ and subsequently burned.

Image

The flag was taken in Leith, ND, where a handful of nazis are trying (against opposition) to establish what’s sometimes termed a ‘Pioneer Little Europe’: basically, a White enclave. Spearheading the effort is a Canuckistanian nazi named Craig Cobb. Cobb was previously responsible for publishing a website called podblanc (founded in April 2007). Since closed, it featured all the usual nazi shite you’d expect, most notoriously, perhaps, a gruesome video titled ‘Execution of a Tajik and a Dagestani’, which documented the murder of two men by a neo-Nazi gang in Russia.


http://slackbastard.anarchobase.com/?p=34844
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Thu Sep 26, 2013 11:04 am

http://isreview.org/issue/83/we-global- ... l-overcome

“We—the global 99%—shall overcome!”

By Omar Barghouti

ImageAT THE core of Immanuel Kant’s moral philosophy lies the categorical imperative, which implores us to “act only according to that maxim whereby you can, at the same time, will that it should become a universal law.” This categorical imperative informs our moral consistency in the BDS movement. As human rights activists we will that the slogans of our BDS movement, namely freedom, justice, equality, should apply universally to all humans, irrespective of color, ethnicity, religion, or any other identity attribute.

BDS, then, is primarily about FJE—freedom, justice, and equality. The BDS movement, which is led by the BDS National Committee (BNC), the largest coalition in Palestinian civil society, is today challenging Israel’s multi-tiered system of oppression against the Palestinian people, which constitutes settler-colonialism, occupation, and apartheid.

Not only has the Russell Tribunal on Palestine in its recent Cape Town session, with its luminary set of jurists, reached the conclusion that Israel is indeed practicing apartheid against the entire Palestinian people; leading South African Christian voices have also told their Palestinian counterparts:

From our own experience of apartheid, we can clearly and without equivocation say that your situation is in essence the same as apartheid and in its practical manifestation even worse than South African apartheid.

In Israel, talk about apartheid has also become far more public. The owner and publisher of the influential Israeli daily Haaretz has recently written that a fanatic ideology of “territorial seizure and apartheid” has “established the concrete basis for the actions of [successive Israeli] governments.” He further says:

This ideology views the creation of an Israeli apartheid regime as a necessary tool for its realization. It has no difficulty with illegal actions and with outright criminality, because it rests on mega-laws that it has adopted and that have no connection with the laws of the state, and because it rests on a perverted interpretation of Judaism.

This extremist ideology has taken over Israel, leading to what some international law experts have termed, “acts of genocide” being perpetrated by Israel in the occupied and brutally besieged Gaza Strip. It has also fed the intensifying and ongoing Israeli campaign of ethnic cleansing against Palestinians in the Naqab (Negev) desert and in the occupied West Bank, especially in and around Jerusalem and in the Jordan Valley; the passage of racist laws by the Knesset at an unprecedented rate, effectively dropping Israel’s last masksof democracy; and the perpetuation of Israel’s decades-old policy of denying Palestinian refugees, who are the great majority of the Palestinian people, their UN-sanctioned right to return to their homes and lands from which they were ethnically cleansed during theNakba—and ever since.

Today, there are 11.22 million Palestinians, 50 percent of whom are outside historic Palestine (the Occupied Palestinian Territory, OPT, and Israel). Only 38 percent of the Palestinian people today live in the OPT and 12 percent, that is 1.37 million Palestinians, are citizens of the state of Israel, living under conditions that conform to the UN definition of the crime of apartheid.

So those who assert that they support Palestinian rights under international law cannot reduce those rights to merely ending the occupation, as that would address most of the rights of only 38 percent of the Palestinian people, given that the majority in Gaza and a large minority in the West Bank are also refugees whose basic rights include the right of return.

Israel and its very well-oiled lobby groups, as well as some of the closet supporters of Israeli apartheid in the “soft” Zionist camp, have been trying to delegitimize our quest for equal rights under international law by portraying the BDS call’s emphasis on equal rights and the right of return as aiming to “destroy Israel.” If equality and justice would destroy Israel, what does that say about Israel? Did equality and justice destroy South Africa? Did they destroy Alabama? Of course not. Justice and equality only destroy their negation, injustice and apartheid, and this is precisely what Israel and its lobbies are running scared of, the effective and sustainable challenge of Israeli apartheid and colonial rule.

But what about the anti-Semitism charge thrown recklessly and maliciously at BDS activists? This venomous and patently false smear remains a potent weapon deployed by Israel and its lobby groups to silence dissent and muzzle debate about Israeli occupation and apartheid. This time around, though, with the BDS movement’s solid human rights and international law credentials and track record, the anti-Semitism bullying tactic is hardly working. It has failed to impress anyone, really, given the widening support for BDS among Jewish students, academics, artists, and other activists. Regardless, calling BDS against Israel anti-Semitic is itself an anti-Semitic statement as it reduces all Jews to a monolithic sum that is absolutely equivalent to the state of Israel, is entirely represented by Israel, and holds collective responsibility for Israel and its policies. Any statement that ignores diversity among Jewish communities, like in any other human group, and that claims that all Jews are…, regardless what comes after that, is by definition an anti-Semitic statement.

A quick survey of BDS campaigns throughout the Western world will immediately reveal the disproportionately and refreshingly high number of Jewish activists, intellectuals, artists, students, feminists, and others in every campaign. We are proud of the fact that an increasing number of young Jewish Americans is seeing Israel for what it really is, a colonial state that is gravely and persistently violating international law, and refusing to have anything to do with it. In a way, they are showing the world that Israel does not, indeed cannot, speak on their behalf or in their names.

But it is imperative for those in the BDS movement to think out of the Jewish box. BDS is about justice for the Palestinians and civil opposition to Israel’s system of oppression. It is not about Jews or Judaism, no matter how loudly Israel and its influential lobby shout to the contrary. Palestinians could not care less what religious or ethnic identity their oppressor carries—all that matters is that oppression prevails and therefore our most basic duty is to resist it and bring about a better future for all, based on justice and full respect for international law and human rights.

BDS is categorically opposed to all forms of racism, including Islamophobia, anti-Black racism, and, of course, anti-Semitism. Anchored in international law and universal principles of human rights, BDS calls for equal rights for all humans, without discrimination. This makes BDS, in fact, a liberal, not a leftist agenda. Yes, we expect all coherent leftists to support it, but we also cannot see why any self-respecting liberal should not. BDS is today spreading at a spectacular rate within the mainstream of Western societies, chalking up one high-profile success after another, in the economic, academic, and cultural boycott spheres. Israel is conceding that it is losing the battle for hearts and minds not just in Europe but also on US campuses; thus the panic, the vilification, and the over-the-top bullying attempts to crush your timely BDS conference at UPenn. When I think of the organizers of this great, historic, conference, the following words of Martin Luther King come to mind:

Human progress is neither automatic nor inevitable.... Every step toward the goal of justice requires sacrifice, suffering, and struggle; the tireless exertions and passionate concern of dedicated individuals.

Not only is BDS growing on US campuses; it is also taking root among faith groups, minority rights organizations, indigenous communities, labor activists, academics, LGBT advocates, and human rights groups, among others. Today, BDS in the United States boasts the support of Alice Walker, Angela Davis, Judith Butler, Sarah Schulman, Adrienne Rich,1 and many other prominent figures—including men, too. Today, the US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation, with its almost 400 member organizations, is advancing the military embargo against Israel, connecting it with the domestic agenda for sustainable jobs, affordable housing, and dignified health care. Today, Jewish Voice for Peace leads a campaign to pressure TIAA-CREF to divest from companies profiting from Israel’s occupation and violations of international law. Today, Code Pink is globalizing its highly creative campaign against Ahava and is advancing its “Occupy AIPAC” campaign. Today, Adalah-New York’s campaign against Lev Leviev’s diamond empire is reported inVogue, the New York Times, and other influential media outlets. Today the International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network is leading a campaign against the JNF. Today, major churches are considering divestment from companies that are complicit in Israel’s violations of international law. Today, we have the Olympia food Co-op as the first US supermarket to implement a boycott of Israeli goods. Today, we have the example of Hampshire College as the first US college to divest from companies implicated in Israel’s occupation, just as it was the first to divest from South African apartheid. Today, BDS in the United States is no longer on the margins; it is increasingly being welcomed into mainstream circles.

In light of the evolving popular revolutions across the Arab region and the Occupy movement that is largely inspired by them, it is crucial to effectively and consistently present the fact about BDS as being part of the global 99% movement for freedom, justice, and equal rights. It is vital to reveal how Israel is right at the center of the 1% agenda, the Perpetual War Inc., that thrives on ongoing armed conflict, militarism, and instability with all lucrative profits that are generated as a result, and not just for the arms industry, but also for banks, oil companies, homeland security outlets, all financiers and perpetuators of global misery and pillage. Israel’s endless wars are good for business, if you are in the death business; they provide rare opportunities to US arms manufacturers to test their latest hardware and to demonstrate its potency “in the field” in order to sell.

It is hardly a secret that Israel’s lobby groups, particularly Netanyahu’s neocon partners, played an instrumental role in prodding the United States to wage war on Iraq, leading to the loss of hundreds of thousands of Iraqi lives, mass destruction of Iraqi society, and the loss of many thousands of US lives, not to mention trillions of dollars. This phenomenal sum came out of your tax money, the taxes of the 99%, to feed the insatiable greed of the 1%. So when people say Israel is worth the billions of dollars and the vetoes that the US showers it with every year because it “serves US interests,” I can only ask which US interest does Israel really serve? Certainly not yours!

With its massive nuclear weapons arsenal, ongoing militarism and warmongering, Israel and its apologists are at it again, advocating a US war against Iran, in total harmony with the same US interests that Israel has always served, the military contractors and others who stand to gain handsomely from a protracted war and large deployment of American troops.

The 1% is united, and so must we unite, the global 99%. Our aspirations overlap, our struggles converge. Unity is now a necessity, not a nicety. We must strengthen our alliance with African American and Latino communities, indigenous groups, labor, LGBT rights groups, human rights groups, faith organizations, and progressive Jewish organizations, among others. As a BNC statement read, “We can no longer ignore our obligations to join hands in the struggle against wars and corporate exploitation and for a human-friendly world community, not a profit-maximizing jungle.”

To the US public that your conference will hopefully reach, I have the following appeal: As taxpayers who are inadvertently implicated in supporting, to the tune of billions of dollars each year, Israel’s fanatic and ever more isolated regime of occupation, apartheid, and denial of our basic rights, we appeal to you to join the BDS movement and similar, morally consistent struggles for justice and rights; we urge you to end your complicity in Israel’s injustice. This is not something heroic that we are asking of you. Ending partnership in crime is a profound moral obligation that every conscientious person must heed; it is not heroic.

Nouwen, McNeil, and Morrison, authors of Reflections on Christian Life, wrote:

We cannot suffer with the poor when we are unwilling to confront those persons and systems that cause poverty. We cannot set the captives free when we do not want to confront those who carry the keys. We cannot profess our solidarity with those who are oppressed when we are unwilling to confront the oppressor. Compassion without confrontation fades quickly to fruitless sentimental commiseration.

Solidarity with the oppressed, then, must entail confronting the oppressor and disengaging from financial, academic, cultural, and other institutions that are complicit in the system of oppression. At the very least, it entails, as King said, withdrawing your support from an “evil system” of oppression.

You and your frustrated detractors equally know, I believe, that BDS today is growing beyond their reach, and nothing they can do will stop its tide. A movement that grows in people’s consciences, that is rooted in an oppressed people’s heritage of struggle for justice, and that is inspired by the rich and diverse legacies of Mandela, Tutu, and King cannot be defeated or co-opted. From Johannesburg to Cairo, from London to São Paulo, from Delhi to Pennsylvania, from Melbourne to Toronto, our South Africa moment has arrived! With your determination, wisdom, courage, moral power, and boundless creativity, we shall prevail over apartheid just as South Africans have.

Salamat.
Omar Barghouti,
February 1, 2012

1. Adrienne Rich, the US poet and feminist, died on March 27, 2012, after this was written.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Sep 27, 2013 10:29 am

http://www.justseeds.org/favianna_rodri ... power.html

Favianna Rodriguez


Yo Pussy Power

ImagePoliticians and conservatives are waging an all out war on women, our bodies, our access to health, our right to birth control, and our right to free, accessible and safe abortion. Everywhere you turn, the right wing is attempting to further limit and hinder our access to our reproductive rights through anti-contraceptive measures.

I developed this poster because I was fed up. Patriarchy is destructive to society, it's a form of violence against women, and there is no place for it in contemporary culture. We have to call it out when it happens.

I decided it was time for some pussy power positivity and some major ass kicking of these conservative, woman-hating men
.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sat Sep 28, 2013 9:09 am

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A female freedom fighter in the Mexican Revolution, around 1910.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Sep 30, 2013 1:31 pm

Capitalism produces inequality, racism enshrines it.

-Ruth Wilson Gilmore
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Thu Oct 03, 2013 12:08 pm

http://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/ ... ive-strugg

Beggar

Towards the Creation of an Anarchist Movement: From Reactive Politics to Proactive Struggle



In opposition to the current trend of offering only negative ideological developments in the movement, such as “giving up activism,” which offer us needed self-criticism but no real path forward other than vague cries reminiscent of “go to the people,” or engaging in purely semantic debates over the prioritization of ‘activism’ versus ‘organizing,’ it seems clear that a coherent and practical plan of action is necessary. If we are ever to succeed in our goal of creating an anarchist-communist society, we need to be asking ourselves first and foremost: how do we get there? Of course, praxis determines practice, and so theoretical development is necessary. However, we can develop the perfect theory and analysis of capitalism, and yet all will be for naught unless we have a tactical program to take us forward.

This is an attempt to provide such a program, or rather, a basic framework to give guidance to our activities. It is hoped that this will spark debate amongst revolutionary anarchists with a focus on the practical, and tactical, rather than the ideological or semantic.

Goals

It should be clear, as we are revolutionary anarchists, that our ultimate aim is for a revolution against the State and capitalism, and all forms of oppression, seeking to replace them with a world based on self-management, free association, federalism, communism, and freedom. We believe further, that this revolution can only take place through the emergence and development of a mass revolutionary anarchist movement.

Therefore, the intent of this article is to propose concrete means by which we will be able to achieve these goals. We do not believe that the anarchist revolution is an impossibility, nor do we conceptualize the class struggle as a vague abstracted notion which does not affect our lives; quite the opposite, we recognize that we are in the midst of a pervasive social war, and we intend to win. As such, we feel it is necessary to develop a long term strategy, and to place all our actions in the framework of that strategy: such is the intent of this document.

Ideological Points

As stated above, praxis determines practice, and therefore it seems only appropriate to declare the ideological assumptions from which this program draws. First, and probably most contentious, this framework draws most heavily from the platformist tradition within anarchism. This is not to say that one must, or even should, agree with the specifics of the original Organization Platform of the Libertarian Communists, but is rather a recognition of the importance of collective responsibility, discipline, and tactical unity which the platformist tradition puts forward. Clearly then, the framework laid out in this document recognizes that many of those who today identify as “anarchists” will strongly disagree with this most basic assumption, and therefore will find the entire framework less than satisfactory. However, our priority, as stated above, is the creation of a mass anarchist movement, and where we feel that building such a movement means alienating others who identify as anarchists, we should have no problem in doing so.

Further, this framework assumes that it is through the creation of dual power and a culture of resistance that a truly mass, working-class based, anarchist revolutionary movement will be born. Rather than rely on overused rhetoric, and to be especially clear, the existence of dual power implies a social condition where the community has managed to take over the functions normally relegated to the State and Capital; when people begin to run basic services and provide for necessities in the interest of all, rather than to create profit. For us as anarchists, this condition must also be complemented with a culture of resistance that instills a natural aversion in the community as a collective whole to the forces of the State and Capital. Only in this manner will the foundations of an anarchist revolution be laid. Finally, part of this framework requires the development of a strong and organized internal structure in the explicitly anarchist community. Beyond informal networks, we should strive to be able to make concrete decisions as a community so that we can coordinate all our individual activity. Ultimately, we need a strong explicitly anarchist infrastructure in order to be able to contribute to and intervene effectively in the overall class struggle.

Prioritizing Struggles

Continuing to think tactically, it seems clear that the current modus operandi in anarchist circles is not going to bring about a revolution anytime soon. Speaking from experience, we all too often get caught up in minute details and end up wasting all our energy perpetuating the current anarchist scene, the stale and isolated creature that it is. In order to achieve our goals as anarchists, we need to begin examining how we can escalate, and eventually win, the class struggle. This means we need to look at how we can build a popular anarchist movement based in our neighborhoods and workplaces.

From experience, history, and common sense, the answer to these questions is abundantly clear: we, as anarchists, must work around issues which directly affect working class people. It is only by proving to non-politicized working class people that anarchists are capable of markedly improving their lives that our ideas will gain legitimacy outside of a narrow, white-dominated subculture.

However, we must still have an overall strategy to the issues which we choose to focus our energy around if we hope to move from resistance to revolution. There is no one particular aspect of the class struggle that all anarchists can or should involve themselves in with such a strategy, as different issues have different priorities in our respective locations and social situations. What we should be able to develop is a reasoned understanding of what qualifications to look at a variety of struggles with, in order to make a clear choice as to where we want to spend our energies. Such a set of qualifications should include all of the following:

(1) The struggle directly connects to the everyday lives of working class people: As stated above, the fact that anarchism will only become a mass movement when it connects with people’s needs and lives is manifest throughout history. Therefore, it is vitally important that the struggles we involve ourselves in are capable of connecting to people in this way. Primarily, this will be in relation to people’s economic well-being, but it is imperative to also look at the political and social realities of people’s lives.

(2) The struggle logically undermines the legitimacy of the state and capitalism: the struggles we prioritize and involve ourselves in must therefore be founded in a contradiction within capitalism. This qualification forces us to involve ourselves in struggles with real potential to go beyond resistance to insurrection and ultimately revolution. To elucidate on this point, one example of this would be involving ourselves in housing struggles; not because it is necessarily the easiest struggle to rhetorically connect to capitalism, but because the logical conclusion to solving a housing problem is community control over land and buildings which fundamentally contradicts the very basis of the state and capitalism. There are certainly ways of approaching most struggles which will lead to an undermining of the status-quo, though some are certainly easier than others. What we must avoid is asking the powers that be to improve our lot for us, but actively make the necessary changes in our lives without seeking permission from the state or legal system.

(3) The struggle is based on our own interests as working class people: The struggles we involve ourselves in must also have a direct impact on our own daily lives if we are to be reasonably capable of interacting with others who are affected by the same issue in a principled and non-paternalistic manner.

(4) The struggle involves as diverse a population, in terms of race, gender, and sexuality, as possible: In order to combat racism, sexism, and heterosexism, we should seek to build egalitarian and non-hierarchical organizations across all identity lines. Of course, we must be conscious of doing so in a highly principled manner, and should seek to empower those who have suffered from exclusion, oppression, and discrimination because of their identity. Ultimately, however, unless we are able to come together in struggle and learn from one another, we will not be capable of overcoming institutional forms of racism and sexism.

(5) Potential for militancy and direct action: Probably our greatest strength as anarchists is our willingness to ignore legality and engage in militant direct actions. It is via these means that we will be able to prove ourselves effective in winning ground in the class struggle. Unfortunately, there seems to be a general misunderstanding of the term “direct action,” and what the difference between symbolic and direct actions is. To be absolutely clear, a direct action must directly accomplish our goals, thus defending working class people from evictions by blocking the police from getting into their residence is a direct action, whereas breaking the windows of Gap or Nike is generally purely symbolic.

Method of Intervention

(1) Formation of an anarchist issue-oriented organization: One of the most common problems encountered by anarchists who attempt to involve themselves in issue-oriented organizing is that they are quickly subsumed into the fold of reformist and hierarchical organizations, and become their grunt workers. Even those of us who are fortunate enough to find relatively radical, grassroots organizations to work within, we are almost always constrained by concerns of legality and public relations, and still find ourselves working towards reformist goals with reformist tactics.

Because of this, if we are to effectively intervene in specific instances of class struggle we need to form our own radical mass organizations. While it is probably not advantageous to use the term “anarchist” to publicly describe these organizations, as there is a lot of baggage associated with that term, the organizations should be run along anarchist principles (non-hierarchical, consensual democracy, federalism) and should have stated goals which are in line with revolutionary anarchism (self-management, community control of social wealth.) Ideally, non-politicized working class people will come to know about and have interest in our organizations because we are effective in real struggles. In this way the organizations we create should strive to supercede the original anarchist membership and become truly mass organizations.

(2) Direct Action: As alluded to above, it is our reliance on direct action that places us as anarchists in the unique position of being capable of making real and significant changes in our lives and the lives of all working class people. Thus, direct action must be an understood staple of the mass organizations we initiate.

(3) Secondary Coalitions: Far from thinking that we can, or should, win significant victories in isolation from the existing reformist or progressive organizations working on similar issues, it is imperative that secondary coalitions be formed with these groups. It is important to ensure that these groups know that we have the same general goals as they do (betterment of peoples’ lives), and that we are not interested in competing for membership with them, but that we have our own approach we want to try.

When at all possible we should strive to coordinate our efforts with these groups, as they often appreciate the presence of a more radical tactical force willing to take risks that they cannot.

(4) Large demonstrations: Rather than abandon the experience many of us have gathered over the past several years of large mass mobilizations, we should harness this tactic to fit our prioritization of local struggles. Furthermore, we should use these large demonstrations as an opportunity to engage in truly direct actions around the issues we are struggling around. While there is much to criticize in the anti-globalization “movement,” it is undeniably remarkable that we are capable of mobilizing hundreds, if not thousands, of radical militants to travel across huge distances to participate in these demonstrations. Rather than view this purely as the negative “summit-hopping,” we should also see in this great opportunity for inter-regional mutual aid. As we shift the focus of mass mobilizations from knee-jerk reactions brought on by the actions of the rich, to a calculated attack on the state and capital via our involvement in real struggles, we will end the validity of the criticism currently levied against mass mobilizations that they contradict local organizing. While radicals will still be traveling across great distances to participate in militant actions, they will no longer be removed from the community they are taking place in, and are therefore simply expressions of solidarity and mutual aid with revolutionaries in that city. This is still a necessary component of the overall struggle, as we currently lack the numbers required to engage in successful militant direct actions that will have lasting effects without converging from great distances onto one location.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Oct 06, 2013 8:34 am

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun Oct 06, 2013 10:58 pm

Allahu Akbar!

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Mon Oct 07, 2013 11:58 am

There is no such thing as a neutral educational process. Education either functions as an instrument that is used to facilitate the integration of the younger generation into the logic of the present system and bring about conformity to it,or it becomes “the practice of freedom,” the means by which men and women deal critically and creatively with reality and discover how to participate in the transformation of their world.

-- Foreword to Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Richard Shaull


http://blog.historyisaweapon.com/
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