Economic Aspects of "Love"

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Apr 26, 2011 5:33 am

blanc wrote:
I was a young adult in the seventies, buying my sub to spare rib and hopeful. The fem movement got turned against women, more lost more and gained less than the other way round, and it did so, I think,partly because the slogans were wrong. Who pays for children to be raised properly, is a better question than should there be wages for housework. Getting some kind of more equitable arrangement in answer to the childcare question would benefit men as much as women, equitable being the key word there. People respond better to ideas which will benefit them. Pragmatically, men won't care too much about women's issues if either they don't think they impact on them or if they can be persuaded that they're better off belittling them, similarly, though the author hits the nail on the head about exploitation of workers in 3rd world countries, linking this to the women's movement in developed countries won't help we the spoiled sisters, who don't have to go down the mines.



Now I think I understand what you're getting at, blanc, and I do agree. The Wages for Housework Campaign, while it certainly did link the struggle for post-patriarchal values to a generalized struggle for economic justice, was also to some degree advancing an agenda that might tend to divide as much or more than it unites, and this seems problematic today.

The rights of children does represent a broader platform on which to organize a campaign. While these campaigns were clearly the product of a certain situation in space and time, and clearly showed mixed results, I do think that by looking back with critical consciousness, it is possible to learn from this history.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby blanc » Wed Apr 27, 2011 4:28 am

The nature and purpose of work is a second, related, platform. What's it all for?
This from SM's post above
" Not that I consider work around the house to be work, mind" (which brought into my head a picture of Hitler and a couple of minions striding self importantly down a corridor, past a woman on her knees polishing the floor to a shine ), has been echoing round our homes for decades.
Is ten years spent raising a couple of kids to semi independence level in a passably clean home work or is it time off work? Who benefits? We've all been ducking that question.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Thu Apr 28, 2011 9:28 pm

Here is more from Selma James:

http://www.tribunemagazine.co.uk/2008/11/selma-james-–%C2%A0a-class-act-on-sex-race-and-power/

Selma James – A class act on sex, race and power

Sixty years after the publication of the women’s movement’s classic A Woman’s Place, Cary Gee talks to its author, Selma James, and asks where now in the struggle for female equality

by Tribune Web Editor
Monday, November 3rd, 2008



I am used to conducting interviews in the cool and orderly surroundings of a ministerial office or in the quiet intimacy of a hotel, so arriving at the somewhat chaotic Crossroads Women’s Centre in north London, a building which houses a proliferation of women’s groups, including Wages Due Lesbians and the English Collective of Prostitutes, takes some getting used to, as do the boisterous border collies that take up a position at my feet. But then their owner, Selma James, is no ordinary interviewee.

Born in Brooklyn in 1930, she worked in factories before becoming a full-time wife and mother. At the age of 15, she joined the Johnson-Forest tendency, the radical left movement, one of whose leaders was CLR James, the renowned writer, Marxist, cricket enthusiast and her future husband. At the age of 22, she wrote the classic A Woman’s Place.

As soon as she finishes the soup someone brings her for lunch, I ask her where a woman’s place is now. October 30 this week has been declared “Women’s No Pay Day” by the Fawcett Society. The pay gap between men and women in Britain is so large, claims the organisation, that women effectively work the final two months of the year for nothing. “The terrible thing is that the book is not completely outdated”, she says, while acknowledging that a woman’s place has shifted.

“When I wrote the book, women had to fight to go out to work. And men were ashamed to help around the home. Now men are more likely to ask women: “Why are you working?’ Fundamentally, men and women still lead separate lives.

Despite the fact that millions of women go out to work, it still comes down to housework. It’s a tragedy. The two sexes live lives where they deeply misunderstand each other. Women may be working in non-traditional jobs, but men are not. There may be 200 women in a company, but only two in the management. This does not change the nature of the division between the sexes.

It’s really a horrendous situation and an education for children. You do not have to tell a child where a woman’s place is. They see it – and have seen it from the moment their eyes are open. You’re not going to convince any child that we’re equal.”

James recalls her experiences of having to work to support her own son, who was born when she was just 17, her disquiet at having to rely on outside childcare and her first realisation that women needed financial independence.

“I met a woman who had collected all her children’s outgrown clothes and strung them on a line. I asked her why. She told me she was selling them, that if she didn’t get some money of her own she would go crazy. What she expressed was something deep within every woman’s experience.”

When James was again offered work outside the home, she reached the conclusion which has remained with her. “What was wrong with society was not that women were at home, but that men were not. If men worked less, the family would not be so fragmented.”

She is quick to dismiss any notion that this idea of family plays into the hands of conservative politicians. “Absolutely not. My proposal is not that one parent works while the other stays at home. Both parents should work outside the home and both parents should look after the children. The right wing is not saying this. Neither is the left. Nor are feminists.”

So did an earlier generation of feminists miss the point? “They were making a different point. This was that there was a lot of talent among women and why weren’t they getting a piece of the action? I never believed in that, I believe we are all extremely talented and that to divide us between those who have talent and those who do not undermines any conception of equality in society. I cannot possibly be in favour of a few people moving up. Society is built on a very inhumane basis. I found that out long before the banks failed”, she adds with a wry smile. “All that happened when a few women moved up was an integration of the establishment. I certainly did not need Margaret Thatcher, although in some ways it was useful to show that a woman can be as much of a pig as a man.”

On the subject of the Iron Lady, James is less than forgiving. “Thatcher said there was no such thing as society and then built a society in her image. She trained young people in all sorts of ways to think as she did. And we are still paying through the nose for it. Boy, does she have a lot to answer for. When Thatcher dies, people will not say we have lost someone big. They will say we have lost someone deeply destructive.” Thatcher’s legacy, according to James, is to have created a generation of politicians in her own image. “The business of politicians now is to keep the lid on – and they do it in a variety of ways. They manage us. That’s their job. That’s all. They discourage us from going for the things we want. They offer cups of tea at crucial moments to prevent us from boiling over and I think Tony Blair was much better at it than Gordon Brown. Blair was also a much better liar than Brown and should have received an Academy Award for it. Hollywood missed out on a great talent.”

It seems the only politician in Britain James has any respect for is John McDonnell. She describes him as a good and, more importantly, an honest man. Most politicians indulge in “skulduggery, lying, and since Thatcher, they are thieves as well”.

James has lived in Britain since 1955 and says: “Throughout that time, you would never have believed that politicians would steal from the people, until 1979 when Thatcher came in. Of course, they stole in the colonies, but they were careful with what they stole.”

Given such a bleak diagnosis how can we possibly engage young people in politics? “Tell the truth’ says James. “When Hugo Chávez was elected, he told people the truth. Barack Obama does not tell the truth. He is a classic example of someone who told the truth when seeking the nomination, but stopped telling the truth when it was in the bag and he had an election to win. Chávez was trying to do something else. He wanted to change the world. I don’t think Obama wants to change the world.”

However, James is convinced that, while the United States might not be ripe for another revolution just yet, people all over the world over know a lot more than their politicians give them credit for. The bank crisis is just one example. And for the first time James is unable to control her anger.

“I sat here fuming, while bankers received huge bonuses for failing. And then the Government comes along and gives them more money. These people had been stealing and everyone knew they had been stealing.” Instead of bailing out failure James would rather have seen those responsible thrown into jail. “For stealing, you should go to prison. Especially when the people you have stolen from then have to give you more money to save the businesses you have bankrupted. Something is very wrong here. Instead the crooks are in the House of Commons or in the boardroom pocketing millions.”

However, James does not necessarily agree with “Nye Bevan’s idea of nationalisation”, claiming it’s not all it’s cracked up to be. But doesn’t money have to circulate somehow?

“Not necessarily”, counters James, who believes it is not too late to create a very different kind of economy. She talks with enthusiasm about the “eBay generation, bartering and ‘freecycling’. She recently managed to acquire a new fridge without money changing hands.

“Of course, it’s absurd to think the whole economy can be run this way, but there has to be a better way to organise things. Millions are starving, the people in charge are stealing and we are all going to lose our jobs and homes because of the mess they have made. We couldn’t do a worse job.”

James contends that politics is all about the abuse of power. “Politicians see who is weak and who is strong and whom they can use against whom. It has nothing to do with what they actually think about you. They ask themselves: ‘Are you strong? Can you make trouble? Do I have to give you something? Or are you weak and can I ignore you?’ Mothers and in particular single mothers are always weak. Mothers remain unwaged. That’s a deep weakness.” Nevertheless, James believes that her campaign for paid housework will become a political reality sooner rather than later and adds that she recognises a “palpable change” in women’s attitudes.

“In the 1960s, women determined to tell men where to get off. They decided to get a job and pay off their own mortgages. At some point in the 1990s, a lot of women grew very tired. They are literally exhausted and ask themselves: ‘What is all this in aid of?’ They have changed. They are not willing to give up independent money, but many are ready to give up the outside work.”

Wages for housework is a “no-brainer” for James. “You will find very few people with the courage to disagree, because it’s just so obvious. In a world being destroyed by war, it has to be right to invest in caring not killing.”

Despite this, James sounds a note of indignant fury when she talks about how members of the armed forces are treated. “You can not live knowing billions have been spent on arms and a young man dies because his helicopter was not properly kitted out. It is not important whether these tragedies occur through incompetence or stupidity.”

But James is no pacifist. She cites the example of a murderous elite operating in Bolivia, killing indigenous people for their own economic ends “because they have always done so” and says: “I think that killing these murderers would be entirely justified. The thing about killing is that if you are doing it for a good purpose, you don’t have to do a lot of it.”

She is in no doubt that, if the West had dropped food on Iraq instead of bombs, Saddam Hussein would have been removed by his own people without thousands of Iraqi lives being lost. “All we had to do was say: ‘Here’s the first instalment. Overthrow that son of a gun and more food will follow.’ If we didn’t want to kill the population, we should not have bombed them.”

Finally, James touches on the subject of race relations. As one half of a mixed marriage, these have played a major part in her life. She pours scorn on one police officer who was sacked for displaying a racist emblem on his uniform. “You’re not supposed to do that. You should at least wait until you’re off duty and not wearing a uniform before you beat the hell out of black people.” Stop and Search is, claims James a euphemism for “Stop and interfere with, stop and beat up, and sometimes something much worse.”

“No one is discussing the fact that the British National Party made inroads into the police and that sections of the police are clearly connected with the BNP. I do not want any member of a racist organisation in charge of law and order, in charge of children. Why are the BNP not vilified in the same way as child molesters?”

Without pointing the finger at new Tory Mayor Boris Johnson, James echoes Doreen Lawrence’s assertion that he is not the right leader for London. “I think schoolboys should play, not wield power over the rest of us. I do not think Johnson is fit to govern but I do not think he is unusual in that.

“Something in this country has disintegrated. We are trying to defend the indefensible. In our society, people are deeply unhappy, apart from those who have derived great financial benefit from it. But I don’t think even these people have much of a thrill in their lives. You can never be happy living in a prison.”

James believes all people in power are there “simply to keep us in order. They have no leadership, they have no standards and no principles.” So who should be in charge instead? Finally this remarkable woman runs out answers.

“I’m in the same position as everyone else. Whom do you vote for when everyone else is more or less the same? This wasn’t true when I came to this country in 1955. Then you knew the difference. Labour was on your side.”
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby blanc » Fri Apr 29, 2011 3:15 am

There is so much in that article which hits the nail on the head, yet 'wages for housework' doesn't seem like a winner to me. On every level, it would be mocked, twisted, exploited. Paying for a carer for children, with some greater package of child services to watch over this, might stand a chance. Yet, as of now, virtually no political party gives child welfare questions importance in their election brochures. Try looking for anything more than a vague commitment to education expressed as one or other version of a desire for change, usually framed as teacher bashing or assessment. Try looking for solid commitment to end child trafficking and prostitution, try looking for anything to ameliorate child poverty. Thin pickings.
Thatcher's govt made large scale arms dealing with under the board pay-offs to cabinet members and buddies a part of government. No wonder our political elite and their banking pals are more interested in waging war. To get them to drop food instead of bombs you'd have to get international agreement that x country couldn't buy food, then they could negotiate behind the scenes to send cans of baked beans in illegally for a large handout, and charge can openers at 60 million a drop.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Apr 29, 2011 5:03 am

Blanc, your critique makes a great deal of sense and highlights the fact that a real children's liberation movement has been practically non-existent as such, at least relative to the Women's Liberation Movement.

Here is a quote from the 80's:
My first response to the slogan 'Wages for Housework' was to see it as an extraordinarily good joke. I mean that as a compliment: a good joke is not something absurd or ridiculous; it is something that pleases by evoking the laughter of recognition - recognition of a truth that has often been thought but never so well expressed. Like 'the emperor's got no clothes on', 'Wages for Housework' was subversive and embarrassing and enraging and could not go unanswered.

Of course there were - and are - many answers. Supporters of male privilege are against wages for housework. But then they would be, wouldn't they? No-one welcomes the opportunity to pay for what they believe nature has decreed they should have gratis. But many feminists opposed wages for housework too, arguing, as Lisa Tuttle put it in The Encyclopedia of Feminism, that 'paying women for child-, house-, and husband-care simply reinforces the very traditions and prejudices that keep women in the home'.

The basis of the argument has not changed all that much since the 1970s, though times have. The UK political climate of the 1970s was such that, had Wages for Housework ever become a mass campaign (comparable with campaigns for equality laws, for example, or for the protection of abortion rights), the Government might have made a move in that direction. Indeed, it is arguable that they did: Child Benefit, introduced in 1976, payable to mothers and financed out of fathers' income tax, could be seen as a token wage for housework. But under Thatcherism the fight is on to protect what welfare payments there are: the foreseeable future is unlikely to bring about the introduction of any new ones.
More at: http://www.newint.org/features/1988/03/05/wages/




Given the context in which the Wages for Housework Campaign arose in the 70's it must be seen as a challenge to the agenda of the (male-dominated) orthodox Marxist parties that traditionally had held great sway in organizing left wing opposition, as in particular in Italy:
But how did we get into an economic system of evaluation that refuses to account for, and truly recognize the real value of women's unpaid work? Basically, the system of accounting for value was defined by bourgeois men who wished to evaluate the growth of wealth in the nation state. Economists like Adam Smith started out by separating moral, aesthetic and use "value" from "market" value. As Marilyn Waring points out in her detailed book of feminist economics, If Women Counted, "If Adam Smith was fed daily by Mrs. Smith, he omitted to notice or to mention it. He did not, of course, pay her. What her interest was in feeding him, we can only guess, for Adam Smith saw no 'value' in what she did." From the banks to the United Nations, economists ever since have evaded admitting their own self-interest, and continued to judge the market as the source of value.

Even Marx himself said little about women and their work (outside of some specific factory references), and particularly little of domestic work. Let's not forget he too had a wife and a female servant. In places Marx approaches the problem but cannot put his finger on it. "The worker...gives himself means of subsistence to keep up his working strength, just as a steam engine is given water and coal, and a wheel is given oil. So the workers' means of consumption are pure and simple means of consumption of a means of production, and the individual consumption of the worker is a directly productive consumption" (Marx in Lotta Feminista, p.261).

Though Marx doesn't see it or can't bring himself to speak it, this consumption is based on work of some specific kind. As Lotta Feminista, a class struggle group out of Italy in the 70's, said "This work [Marx misses] is housework. Housework is done by women. This work has never been seen, precisely because it is not paid" (p.261).

Housework re/produces the commodity of labor power. It is transformed into the wages of the current or future worker and as such is commodified, produces an exchange value rather than simply the utility or use value of labor.

Yet the exchange value is cashed not by the houseworker but by the bearer of the labor power that the houseworker has reproduced. There is an assumption that the wage, the price paid by the boss for labor power, includes a payment for the costs of reproduction. If the worker is to bring their labor power to work everyday then they must be able to renew that labor power, with food clothing and shelter, at an acceptable level to allow them to keep working at an adequate capacity.

The problem with this assumption of course is that the payment is made to the worker, the bearer of the labor power commodity, rather than to the people, usually women, who have done the bulk of the work necessary to re/produce the commodity labor power.

Marxist economics have tended to focus on the exchange value of commodities, including labor power. This is why the labor involved in producing use values, or utility, because it is not the primary focus of capitalist economies, is often overlooked or relegated to a secondary status. Because women's work in the home is not openly sold on the capitalist labor market has generally been excluded from Marxist analyses, or relegated to the realm of non-commodity production. The aim of Marxist critique of political economy has been explicitly to analyze capitalist commodity production and exchange, so women's work, and the various realms of non-commodity production more generally, have been obscured.

But obsession with productive work can eclipse the central issue of the productivity of housework or domestic labor. Workers must give themselves means of subsistence to keep up their working strength (material, psychological, emotional, intellectual).

For Lotta Femminista it was no accident "that theoretical obsession with productive work has never touched on the productivity of housework" (p.261). Workers' struggles over pay at the moment of production in the factory/workplace have regularly "failed to include the reproduction of working strength and the absence of pay which mystified that reproduction" (Lotta Feminista, p.262). Unfortunately, workers' movements responded to Lotta Femminista with accusations of class splitting, "interclassism" and "corporativism."

"One part of the class with a salary, the other without. This discrimination has been the basis of a stratification of power between the paid and the non-paid, the root of the class weakness which movements of the left have only increased" (Lotta Feminista, p.262). This has led to calls for "wages for housework." Pay for housework, or domestic work, is a revolutionary and strategic demand for the working class as a whole.
More at: http://nefac.net/node/1247
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby blanc » Sat Apr 30, 2011 4:49 am

Whilst it is true that female labour goes uncounted, that women (in general) occupy a lower rank in the pecking order or class division system, the position they hold and the mores governing their exploitation is closely related to the economics of population. Right now, the idea that there are too many people in the world looms large. I question this, but recognise this as a minority position. How childcare would become more valued in a culture which has devalued reproduction of its population is an open question. Wars since WW2 have changed in character and ethos. Now they are fought with relatively small numbers of men, at a distance, and more overtly for profit motives. The 70s feminists were still relating to the aftermath of WW2.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sat Apr 30, 2011 5:15 am

Yes- and there is no reason to expect a more just order to be instigated from above, by ruling elites. If positive change is to come it will be initiated at popular levels, not from above.

There is a place where those interests which may sometimes be seen as separate- those of workers, women and youth to name but a few- all converge in to what could potentially be a larger agenda for broad social justice. It is in the interest of the dominant classes to see that we don't unite, that we don't find that common struggle...
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sat Apr 30, 2011 11:57 pm

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/archives ... 890587.ece

Putting the 'estate' in 'honourable estate'
ANTONELLA GAMBOTTO
From Saturday's Globe and Mail
Published Friday, Jul. 08, 2005


Marriage, a History: From Obedience to Intimacy, or How Love Conquered Marriage
By Stephanie Coontz
Viking, 432 pages, $36


Stephanie Coontz assures us that every sexual arrangement regarded as unprecedented is old hat. Extramarital leg-overs and illegitimate births? Once far more common than they are today. Stepfamilies? Historically, the commonplace result of high death rates and remarriages. In certain periods, divorce rates have outstripped our own. Even same-sex marriages have been sanctioned in some cultures. Nothing new under the sun.

For the last few years, Coontz, a U.S. journalist and historian, has served the Council on Contemporary Families, a collective of scholars and practitioners who compare research. Her fifth volume of social history, Marriage, a History, exposes the origins of an institution misunderstood as a kind of genetic holding pen. "The story that marriage was invented for the protection of women is still the most widespread myth about the origins of marriage," she writes. "According to the protective or provider theory of marriage, women and infants in early human societies could not survive without men to bring them the meat of woolly mammoths and protect them from marauding sabre-toothed tigers and from other men seeking to abduct them."

While regularly recycled to justify the sexual choices of alpha males such as Donald Trump, the "protective" theory of marriage fails to conform to prehistoric reality. It is, Coontz explains in her plain, unhurried prose, "simply a projection of 1950s marital norms onto the past. The male/female pair was a good way to organize sexual companionship, share child rearing, and divide daily work ..... marrying a good hunter was not the main way that a woman and her children got access to food and protection."

The origins of marriage were, in fact, pragmatic. From the earliest civilizations, the economic functions of marriage — and not the romantic — were most important to the middle and lower classes; the upper classes were interested primarily in its political potential. Coontz reports: "One of its crucial functions in the Paleolithic era was its ability to forge networks of co-operation beyond the immediate family group or local band. Bands needed to establish friendly relations with others so they could travel more freely and safely in pursuit of game, fish, plants, and water holes, or move as the seasons changed."

For thousands of years, marriage performed the functions of today's markets and governments, organizing the production and distribution of goods, creating political, economic and military alliances, and co-ordinating the division of labour, as well as orchestrating rights and duties concerning everything from sexual relations to inheritance. Passion was seen as improper within marriage, a kind of perversion or aberration.

As civilizations evolved, marriage became more complex and stratified, a means for the elite to hoard or accumulate resources. Coontz elaborates: "Propertied families consolidated wealth, merged resources, forged political alliances, and concluded peace treaties by strategically marrying off their sons and daughters ..... making the match a major economic investment by the couple's parents and other kin."

Amor vincit omnia? Defying stupid, callow or opportunistic parents in Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries carried severe social consequences: estrangements, the disowning and disinheriting of children; even the neighbours were encouraged to join in. "Villagers might also engage in ritual harassment of the offending couple. These rituals, called charivaris, or 'rough music,' were boisterous, obscene, humiliating and sometimes painful ways to punish people who violated community norms."

Such norms have always been a movable feast. In the Middle Ages, women were considered little more than fatty vats of concupiscence (Gregorian reformers defamed them as "harlots"), but in 1698, British philosopher John Locke presented a radical argument: Marriage should be a contract between equals.

Idealization of female chastity promptly followed. By the 19th century, wives and mothers had been effectively desexed by a coy and vicious sentimentality. Historians argue that such ideals were a front, a justification for male dominance at a time when overt patriarchy and absolutism were unacceptable.

Plus ça change. Two Canadian researchers recently posited that in societies with high degrees of gender equality, birthrates fall until the culture collapses and is replaced by a society that restricts women's options in order to encourage higher fertility. Nice try, guys. Studies show that the more traditional the marital roles, the greater the sense of entrapment. Gender scripts create discord. Coontz notes: "The definition of men as providers and women as dependents [lays] the groundwork for outright resentment on both sides."

The definition of marriage is expanding to include the transcendence and self-fulfillment previous generations sought in religious revivals. Asserting the worth of the individual (as opposed to the inherited wealth or political advantage), love-based marriage celebrates both tenderness and freedom of choice. The evidence? As of 2002, "more than two million working fathers were providing the primary child care in their families while their wives were at work."

Marriage, a History is not the product of a sensibility as succulent as that of another social historian, Simon Schama, but it is a reliquary of critically important facts. Read it.

Antonella Gambotto is the author most recently of Eclipse: A Memoir of Suicide.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby blanc » Sun May 01, 2011 3:40 am

Stephanie Coontz assures us that every sexual arrangement regarded as unprecedented is old hat. Extramarital leg-overs and illegitimate births? Once far more common than they are today. Stepfamilies? Historically, the commonplace result of high death rates and remarriages. In certain periods, divorce rates have outstripped our own. Even same-sex marriages have been sanctioned in some cultures. Nothing new under the sun.


I'm reading a little more about the history of Europe circa 1100, particularly as concerns the royals. In addition to a culture of personal violence, using women and children as barter, or hostage, rape, extra_marital affairs, annulments on spurious grounds with papal permission would seem to have been far more normal than love matches. At what point in history, I wonder, did populations become gullible and manipulable to exploitation? And decide that affiliation to their ruler was in their interest, despite the deplorable character of the individual and most of his coterie, and despite the rabid exploitation of their labour to provide for almost incessant warring with his close kindred over lands they worked? More importantly, what's the key to unlocking a more critical, more genuinely self interested approach to citizenship?
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun May 01, 2011 5:36 am

Some- but not all- of the key to "what went wrong" may be found in Llloyd DeMause's The History of Child Abuse.

Perhaps also the kind of trauma associated with "Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome" amongst people in the African Diaspora has more relevance for people of European descent than commonly considered.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby blanc » Sun May 01, 2011 2:19 pm

Not sure I could throw out Lévi-Strauss's baby with the bathwater on the basis of the assertions in the first article, and feel that the sort of social darwinism it seems to posit hasn't much going for it. The post traumatic syndrome associated with slavery is an interesting point. An interiorisation of inferiority following conquest and subjection, leading to a sort of stockholm syndrome on a grand scale, passing down through the generations?
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Sun May 01, 2011 4:38 pm

I think I agree with you about the DeMause article, blanc. In my view, he makes a valid point about the presence of child abuse throughout various cultures and throughout history but then he overgeneralizes and adds on questionable scholarship. The core point about lots of abuse and trauma in our history holds true.

And yes- the "interiorisation of inferiority following conquest and subjection, leading to a sort of stockholm syndrome on a grand scale, passing down through the generations" sounds about right.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue May 03, 2011 11:29 pm

Just found this:

“The Battle of all* Mothers (or: No Unauthorised Reproduction)”

Madame Tlank


mute vol. 2 no. 9, 2008.

Well Jeff, … the fact is that you have the luxury of knowing that you will never ever ever ever EVER be faced with the government bossing you around like a child, simply because you have a parasite living in your body.

– The Law Fairy, Feministing.com

By now people have forgotten what history has proven: that ‘raising’ a child is tantamount to retarding his development. The best way to raise a child is to LAY OFF.

– Shulamith Firestone, The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution, 1970

In what follows I wish to consider the effects of recent UK health and social policies on women and their children who are labelled ‘at risk’.[1]

The ‘difficult’ (i.e. poor) parts of the population have often served as the playground for experiments in socio-biological control by the state and its affiliates. Historically, these experiments have affected women differently from men, whether because of the role ascribed to them, (e.g., their exploitation in wartime industries, or the use of rape as a strategy of warfare) or because of their physical make-up (as in the testing and developing of modern methods of contraception on women in occupied territories, in prison or on social benefits).

State intervention tends to concentrate on those women who cannot afford invisibility, i.e. those who cannot buy their way out of dependence on state administered medical and social ‘services’.[2] Women are often more visible than men to government agencies because of their physical capacity to reproduce. Professional medical involvement is required for, amongst other things, contraception, prescriptions, abortions, sterilisations, antenatal check-ups, giving birth, postnatal treatment, hysterectomies, and menopausal issues, smears and breast-cancer checks, etc. Thus most women’s physical reproductive capacity remains under medical control throughout their lives.[3]

In most countries with a semblance of a social-democratic welfare system, many women register with some form of state agency if they are about to have or have had children, in order to get at least some financial support in the form of child benefits. In the UK 94 percent of lone parents claim benefits; most lone parents are women.[4] Once registered with the state as a ‘claimant’ for survival purposes, many mothers are obliged to sign up for training or ‘support’ programmes (i.e. social experiments) of one kind or another, as proof of their willingness to ‘integrate’ into ‘economic activity’ and to make sure their children do likewise, miserable dependency notwithstanding. Those who refuse risk losing financial support. ‘Social integration’ services in the UK target ‘hard-to-reach’ families, requiring that those who would prefer to remain as invisible as possible be identified and made available to state and private institutions. Arm’s length private charity initiatives ‘help’ mothers back to work, while youth teams monitor their children to make sure they don’t offend, and blame the mother if the kids turn delinquent anyway.

Under recent UK policies – the new GP’s contract (2004), the Children Act (2004), Every Child Matters (2004), the gradual privatisation of the NHS and social services – frontline services have been cut while a general patient/‘client’ database is built up. The cuts, which limit the availability of services, effectively force patients to assent to the data-sharing, lest (already scarce) treatment be withheld.[5] The claimant’s claim is turned against her ever more directly, making her responsible for conditions imposed by economic factors and by the institutions themselves, which attempt to ‘cure’ the problem by ‘educating’ her to change her behaviour so she no longer fits the ‘claimant’ profile. The criteria used for such profiling are often discretionary, with ever-changing parameters used to measure each ‘case’ as if it were self-contained. Such an approach systematically refuses to acknowledge the socially structural, institutional reasons for the deterioration of lives within the non-asset owning, working and claimant class (henceforth ‘dependent class’).[6]

Mechanisms of this kind exist to varying degrees, always complicated and qualified by local factors, in most of the ‘developed’ world. As the examples already mentioned suggest, the process is at an advanced stage in the UK, where medical and social ‘services’ have undergone continuous transformation under the Labour governments since 1997. Here the rhetorical signposts along the way are ‘risk’, ‘responsibility/empowerment’ and ‘prevention’. In practice, the key elements are computerised control and data collection, along with funds poured into training the poor to ‘help themselves’. In what follows I will use a few examples from UK institutions to consider the effects of these policies on the women and children directly concerned, with particular attention given to encroachments upon the ‘unofficial’, independent and increasingly illegalised reproduction strategies of the dependent class. The result will not be an exhaustive or systematic survey, but an exposure of the perverse logic running through the cases described which seems to be taking hold ever more widely as capital attempts to transfer the cost of reproducing labour power downwards onto labourers.[7]


Continues at: http://caringlabor.wordpress.com/2011/0 ... roduction/
"If you don't stand for something, you will fall for anything."
-Malcolm X
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue May 03, 2011 11:45 pm

Race, Poverty, and Reproductive Rights

Reproducing Patriarchy: Reproductive Rights Under Siege
by Pam Chamberlain and Jean Hardisty
The Public Eye Magazine - Vo. 14, No. 1

In the case of abortion, the various sectors of the anti-abortion movement treat all women equally. No matter what race or class, women should not have abortions. But in the larger sphere of reproductive rights-the rights to conceive, bear, and raise children-pro-life strategists apply a double standard. Middle and upper class white women should bear children and stay at home to raise them. Single, low-income women (especially low-income women of color), and immigrant women should limit their childbearing and should work outside the home to support their children.

Even a cursory examination of the right's policy agenda demonstrates that, when the focus is changed from abortion to broader reproductive freedom, the right applies race and class criteria that distinguish between the rights of white, middle-class women and low-income women of color. The right has viciously attacked welfare mothers for their "sexuality" and immigrant women for bearing "too many" children.34 In its worldview, "excessive" childbearing by low-income, single women causes poverty. To eliminate poverty, it is necessary to prevent that childbearing.35

Right-wing activists reserve their most vicious attacks for these groups of women, promoting negative stereotypes of low-income women of all races as dependent, irresponsible, prone to addictions, and inadequate mothers.36 They use these stereotypes to inflame public opinion against all sexual behavior that lies outside the narrow parameters of right-wing ideology.

The right advocates policies that discourage childbearing by depriving low-income women of the means to support a child. In the 1990s, using stereotypes such as the "welfare queen," the right successfully promoted the 1996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act, the "welfare reform" bill. As part of that policy initiative, the right has sought to discourage women on welfare from becoming pregnant by punishing them when they bear children. This form of punishment known euphemistically as a "family cap," which is increasingly popular with state legislatures, denies any increase in payments to women who become pregnant or give birth to a child while on welfare. Another right-wing policy that discourages or prevents childbearing by low-income women mandates or encourages women to use Norplant, Depo-Provera, or the newest form of contraception, contraceptive vaccines such as quinacrine.

These policies designed to control the child-bearing of poor women are but the latest in a series of practices that date back to the eugenics movement of the 19th century, which promoted, racial theories of "fitness" and "unfitness." During this time of a significantly declining birth rate within the white population, politicians and eugenicists raised the specter of white "race suicide." The eugenics movement, which was adopted briefly by the birth control movement in the early 20th century, advocated a higher birthrate for white, middle class, "fit" women and a lower birthrate (aided by birth control) for poor women, especially poor "unfit" women of color and immigrant women.37

The best-known method of denying a woman her right to have children is sterilization abuse. Sterilization is a medical procedure that, like abortion, often is experienced differently in low-income communities of color and in middle-class white communities. Historically, doctors have made it difficult for white women, especially middle-class white women, to choose to be sterilized: insisting, for example, that they come back a second time after they have taken time to "think about it." The attitude of the same medical professionals toward women of color and poor white women has been dramatically different. In these instances, many doctors have long encouraged the procedure, sometimes sterilizing these women without their consent through manipulation or actual deceit. By 1968, for example, a campaign by private agencies and the Puerto Rican government resulted in the sterilization of one-third of Puerto Rican women of childbearing age. A similar campaign in the 1970s resulted in the sterilization of 25 percent of Indian women living on reservations.38

Such a history of sterilization abuse (which is still practiced in other countries, with US public and private complicity) shapes the consciousness of many women of color. Especially among Native American and African American communities and in Puerto Rico, the history of sterilization abuse represents a major legally-sanctioned human rights violation.39 Some doctors still encourage sterilization for women in low-income rural areas, especially on Indian reservations and in pockets of rural poverty across the US mainland and in Puerto Rico, despite rules issued in 1978 by the Department of Health, Education and Welfare restricting sterilizations performed under programs receiving federal funds.40 The committed efforts of Helen Rodriguez-Trias of the New York City-based Committee to End Sterilization Abuse (CESA) and other activists have not been successful in convincing the larger women's movement to expand its concern with reproductive rights much beyond the issue of abortion.41

Aware of the history of sterilization abuse and racial repression in the United States and in other countries, many people of color are suspicious of the contemporary pro-choice movement. Some see abortion as a vehicle for genocide within their communities. The right has taken full advantage of the wedge that such a history of sterilization abuse (and the overall failure of white feminists and other progressives to confront it) has driven between the pro-choice movement and many people of color. The right's leaders and politicians sometimes court people of color by appealing to their perceived opposition to abortion. They claim to be the allies of these communities by pointing to "shared values" on abortion and other social issues. The right has used this recruitment strategy repeatedly over the last two decades. Just two examples are the Christian Coalition's courtship of African Americans in the mid-1990s with its now-defunct Samaritan Project and, more recently, the predominantly white conservative evangelical men's organization, the Promise Keepers' outreach to men of color under the theme of "racial reconciliation."

While low-income women have argued that they are denied the right to bear children and the means to raise them, their cause has not been near the center of the pro-choice movement. Further exacerbating the tension between the pro-choice movement and poor women is the occasional appearance within the movement of the right-wing argument that abortion is beneficial to society because it will limit the number of women and children on welfare. This argument attempts to win support for abortion rights by portraying welfare recipients as undesirable. Although pro-choice advocates rarely use such arguments any longer, such positions have left a heightened level of distrust of the pro-choice movement among some women of color.

In the late 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, reproductive rights activists - predominantly from communities of color- attempted to expand the scope of the pro-choice movement to include the right to have children, a right to quality reproductive health care and access to authentic economic opportunities that would enable women to raise and support children.42 Other activists, such as the Committee on Women, Population, and the Environment (CWPE), drew attention to the threat posed by the population control movement to the reproductive rights of women of color, especially those living in Third World countries.43 Others, such as Byllye Avery of the National Black Women's Health Project, Marlene Fried and her colleagues at the Civil Liberties and Public Policy Program at Hampshire College; and the women of the Reproductive Rights Network (R2N2), have called for the predominantly white women's movement to resist more actively the elimination of access to abortion by the Hyde Amendment and other factors affecting low-income women.44 But too often the pro-choice movement has used the lens of middle-class white women - those most likely to have access to other reproductive rights - to defend abortion rights as if they represented all reproductive rights.

The right has been extremely successful in keeping the primarily white and middle-class women of the pro-choice movement and their male allies pre-occupied with responding to the escalating strategies of the pro-life movement. These have included legal challenges in state and federal courts, feverish activity in state legislatures, a proliferation of "crisis pregnancy centers," and the increase of clinic violence. The right has successfully created a "box" for low-income women- they must renounce their sexuality altogether by neither bearing children nor having an abortion. Abstinence, the opposite of their perceived promiscuity, is the approved right-wing choice. Because the right, with the acquiescence of the voting public, has successfully shredded the social safety net, it is increasingly unlikely that women of color and poor women will be guaranteed the means to bear and raise children. Without that means- in other words, without control of their reproductive lives- even the preservation of legal abortion does not guarantee all women's reproductive rights and reproductive freedom.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby blanc » Wed May 04, 2011 4:04 am

Recent state moves to ensure women’s active participation in adjusting themselves and their lives to capital’s needs are no more than a pioneering experiment in what is shaping up to be a full frontal assault on the dependent class.


Just read the Tlank article so far. Its always nice to see someone taking potshots at the lab/con double-speak.

I bolded 'the dependent class' because this is surely an idea right out of its feudal roots; a whole class of people infantalised and made dependent on their overlords, with the post modern nuance that with application and effort they can remove themselves from this state, buy their freedom as it were, and become a part of the structure which subjected them. By taking over the children of this dependent class, we touch base with the roots of slavery.
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