Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Sun Dec 09, 2018 3:06 pm

Contact

Image


The entheogenic state leads to encounters that have taken the forms of UFOs, elves, dwarfs, fairies, demons and other mystical beings since time immortal. These encounters have been recorded in our folk customs in the forms of carnivals, circuses and the initiation rites of various secret societies and ancient Mystery Schools even when the use of entheogens had been forgotten. In modern times scientist have made remarkable observations of what individuals under the influence of entheogens have seen and in some cases have even brought back real world evidence to verify these encounters, such as Grof's conversation with the parents of a deceased young man whom had contacted one of Grof's patients during an LSD trip. According to the traditions of different secret societies and Mystery School as well as the entities themselves, they are bringers of a higher evolutionary state.

Image

But should we trust these claims?


http://visupview.blogspot.com/2010/10/contact.html
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Sun Dec 09, 2018 8:30 pm

Sex and drugs and rock n' roll, baby:


A Terrible Mistake: The Murder of Frank Olson and the CIA's Secret Cold War Experiments

H. P. Albarelli - 2009

...what seemed to attract the CIA's scientific attention was Crowley's use of drugs such as datura, called the “juice of the Vedic Soma,” and a hallucinogen sometimes called “Raziel's Sapphire”...
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Tue Dec 11, 2018 12:18 pm

The Future, Revisited: “The Mother of All Demos” at 50

By Andy Horwitz

According to tech writer John Markoff, in his 2005 book What the Dormouse Said: How the Sixties Counterculture Shaped the Personal Computer Industry, for the people gathered in the room that day, “[t]he relationship between man and computer had been turned upside down.”

So how is it that so few people outside of the tech sector have heard of Douglas Engelbart, except possibly — and reductively — as the inventor of the mouse? How could the man at the center of what has been retroactively dubbed “The Mother of All Demos” have fallen into such obscurity?

One part of the answer may well be Engelbart’s personality. By his own admission he could be single-minded, stubborn, and intense. He was a visionary, intent on designing human-machine systems to help people navigate complexity, who was himself often incapable of explaining his vision simply and clearly to others. He was notoriously uncompromising and prickly in pursuit of his vision, an advocate for collaboration who was not a good collaborator, known for ending discussions with, “You just don’t get it.”

Personality aside, part of the answer to his paradoxical obscurity may be the very success of his presentation itself. The “Mother of All Demos” was produced in part by Stewart Brand, publisher of The Whole Earth Catalog, producer of The Trips Festival (an outgrowth of Ken Kesey’s Acid Tests), and later founder of the WELL (Whole Earth ’Lectronic Link), one of the first online communities. In his 2014 book The Innovators: How a Group of Hackers, Geniuses, and Geeks Created the Digital Revolution, Walter Isaacson writes:

Thanks to Brand’s instincts as an impresario, the demo […] became a multimedia extravaganza, like an Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test on silicon […] unchallenged, even by Apple product launches, as the most dazzling and influential technology demonstration of the digital age.

This was a new type of presentation, produced by a new type of impresario at a moment of profound cultural change. Given the context — San Francisco in 1968 — one might consider “The Mother of All Demos” as akin to rock impresario Bill Graham’s contemporaneous concerts at the Fillmore Auditorium featuring Muddy Waters or Howlin’ Wolf. If Engelbart represents the mild-mannered but obstinate and complex computer engineer from the black-and-white world of postwar America, Stewart Brand represents the world that was coming into being: the avatar of a plastic fantastic future, a colorful, freewheeling, anti-authoritarian and anti-establishment iconoclast, an entrepreneurial showman to the core.

Brand’s “Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test on silicon” helped Engelbart demonstrate his vision, complex as it was. As a presentation, the “Mother of All Demos” is the opposite of complicated and difficult. It is easy to follow and mostly accessible, even to the layperson. And this is the direction the world was headed. Today, when people recall the “Mother of All Demos,” they remember it as a media event, a forerunner of flashy product launches and TED Talks, an intimation of the slick, media-saturated, hyper-marketed world to come — a world that doesn’t easily accommodate a man like Douglas Engelbart.

Born in Portland, Oregon, in 1925 and raised during the Depression, Engelbart was drafted into the Navy near the end of World War II, continuing to serve after the war was won. In 1945, stationed in the Philippines as a radar operator, he pored over whatever reading material he could get. It was here that he first encountered Vannevar Bush’s seminal essay from The Atlantic, “As We May Think.” Bush poses the question that would come to define postwar governmental research: after being so involved in the war effort, “what are scientists going to do next?” He asks, “Now, as peace approaches, one asks where they will find objectives worthy of their best?”

Bush’s answer to this question is, in part, computers. He anticipates the growing challenges of knowledge workers in a technologically advanced society and the need for new machines to support them, to free them from intellectual drudgery to pursue ever more sophisticated, higher-order thinking. He vividly imagines what that machine might look like:

Consider a future device for individual use, which is a sort of mechanized private file and library. It needs a name, and, to coin one at random, “memex” will do. A memex is a device in which an individual stores all his books, records, and communications, and which is mechanized so that it may be consulted with exceeding speed and flexibility. It is an enlarged intimate supplement to his memory.

One can imagine Engelbart musing upon Bush’s “memex” when he returns to civilian life and completes his education, including an MS and PhD at Berkeley. Bush’s “memex” is there in 1951 when Engelbart has a kind of existential crisis, wrestling with what his life’s work should be, and realizes that, “if in some way, you could contribute significantly to the way humans could handle complexity and urgency, that would be universally helpful.” Since he had lived through the great social cataclysms of the Depression and World War II, it makes sense that Engelbart would take up the mantle of science in pursuit of the public good and a better world.

And so, when Engelbart takes the stage in 1968, he is sharing his vision “to boost collective intelligence […] to collectively solve urgent global problems,” a vision of the future of computing that is deeply collaborative and dedicated to improving people’s lives. But it is only the narrowest part of his vision that actually catches on: a personal computer, made for individuals — and we are still living with the ramifications of this diversion.

Which raises the question: what happened?

It helps to look more deeply at the context in which Engelbart first presented his vision. The “Mother of All Demos” was jointly sponsored by the Advanced Research Project Agency (ARPA), The National Aeronautics and Space Agency (NASA), and the Rome Air Development Center (Air Force). But as the ’60s drew to a close, government funding for Engelbart’s research began to dwindle. In 1970, Xerox opened its famed research center, PARC, in Palo Alto, signaling a shift toward private sector funding. Bob Taylor, formerly of NASA and an early supporter of Engelbart’s, ended up managing the Computer Science Laboratory at Xerox PARC, where a number of Engelbart’s ideas continued to be explored — and realized — within the private sector. It was on a visit to Xerox PARC that Steve Jobs and Bill Gates discovered the GUI and the mouse, setting them on their respective paths as pioneers of the personal computer.

All technology is a product of its time; while specific material and conceptual elements of Engelbart’s work carried over — the mouse and keyboard, windowing, text editing — his wider vision of computers to support networked collaboration for tackling big, complex problems didn’t resonate with younger colleagues. This was the Bay Area in the aftermath of the ’60s, and mainstream society was seen as rigid and repressive, silencing free speech, stifling creative expression, and compelling conformity. Distrust of the government and of large corporations — the military-industrial complex — was widespread. The ’60s valorization of radical self-expression and personal freedom — in the form of social, sexual, and chemical experimentation — had enshrined the ideal individual as iconoclastic, anti-establishment, anti-authoritarian, and free. And it was this pivotal cultural moment that gave birth to the personal computer.

This new technology came to represent autonomy from the technocratic Establishment, from large mainframe computers located in a lab. A personal computer was yours — you didn’t have to get anyone else’s permission to use it. Whether you were a computer scientist at Xerox PARC or a hacker “hobbyist” in Menlo Park, it was believed that the PC revolution was going to transform society, education, creativity, and the world as we knew it, making each person, on his own terms, self-reliant and free.

In this shift, we see that the “Mother of all Demos” was at once the apex of Engelbart’s career, and the beginning of the end. He may have been onstage, but Stewart Brand was waiting in the wings. The American society that valued government-supported research for the public good was being replaced by the anti-government ideas and attitudes of the counterculture.

Part 2: Think Different

It’s January 22, 1984. On televisions across America, an athletic young woman with toned physique, white-blonde hair, and a look of fierce determination runs through a drab, gray, dystopian industrial landscape, pursued by the Thought Police. In red shorts and a white T-shirt emblazoned with the picture of a Macintosh, she races past lines of defeated, listless proles, some marching in unison, others seated in front of a massive screen featuring in close-up an ominous-looking Big Brother gravely intoning:

We have created, for the first time in all history, a garden of pure ideology — where each worker may bloom, secure from the pests purveying contradictory truths. Our Unification of Thoughts is more powerful a weapon than any fleet or army on earth.

Whipping the sledgehammer around her head like an Olympian winding up for the hammer toss, she launches it at the screen, which smashes to bits in an explosion of blinding light and smoke. The explosion generates a wind that blows through the hypnotized masses and, one infers, awakens them, setting off the revolution. As the dust settles, text scrolls past as a man’s calm, cultured, but persuasive voice informs us: “On January 24th, Apple Computer will introduce the Macintosh. And you’ll see why 1984 won’t be like 1984.”

Only three years earlier, almost to the day, Ronald Reagan famously announced, in his 1981 inaugural address: “In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.” In 1983, the term Yuppie, a snarky acronym for “Young Urban Professional,” entered common parlance. While “Yuppie” would become a catchall for anyone image-obsessed and aspirational, it was particularly aimed at the hippies who had “dropped out” in the 1960s and ’70s, only to drop back in in order to cash in. This type was personified by Jerry Rubin, former radical leader of the Yippie Party, who, in 1980, went to work on Wall Street as a stockbroker. The term “Me Generation” may be overly tidy journalistic shorthand, but it is useful for describing the experiences of the cohort that was born into the unprecedented affluence of the postwar period, which provided the safety and comfort to both question prevailing social assumptions and to pursue other values, such as individual creativity and self-realization.

So, while Apple’s “1984” ad is, on its surface, a jibe at IBM’s market dominance, it is also, more significantly, a repudiation of the conformist American society that arose in the immediate aftermath of World War II. The new world, Apple tells us, will be about empowering the individual.

With its “1984” ad, Apple bottled the countercultural veneer of the collaborative “hacker” community and turned it into a product. The Macintosh performed a remarkable feat of triangulation, whereby an individual could realize his or her potential through self-expression using cutting-edge technology while also rebelling against authority — all by purchasing a luxury good. Fashionable consumerism as individual rebellion. By a kind of alchemical magic, Apple’s ad neatly and unobtrusively aligns countercultural ideas of individual liberty and anti-establishmentarianism with Reagan-era conservative notions of “individual responsibility” and “small government.” The culture wars notwithstanding, it doesn’t matter which side you think you are on: in the future everyone needs a computer.

The launch of the Macintosh captured a zeitgeist and established a value set for the tech sector, one that has been adopted widely throughout American society: “think different,” be iconoclastic, pursue your individual vision in spite of all obstacles, disrupt, innovate, dominate. Ironically, the ad’s rejection of the previous generation’s “groupthink” was, in effect, a rejection of Big Government — including the very federal programs that invested in tech research in the 1940s, ’50s, and ’60s, and sent a generation of people to college on the GI Bill, including Doug Engelbart. That world, Apple now declared, was obsolete.

Part 3: From Cyberia to Snapchat

While the PC business grew into a full-blown industry during the 1980s and early ’90s, a small but vibrant subculture of hackers persisted at the intersection of computers and psychedelic drugs. These mutant rebel children of Timothy Leary and William Gibson dreamed of living an impossible future in the present. Smart drugs, raves, zines, Survival Research Laboratories, Burning Man, and early iterations of virtual reality populated countercultural visions of a utopian anarchist society of cyberpunks and urban primitives living off the grid in self-sufficient solar-powered yurts — all connected by the internet.


Moor: https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/the ... mos-at-50/





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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Fri Dec 14, 2018 6:08 pm

http://www.parareligion.ch/dplanet/collect/ok1.htm

From: XXX
To: koenig @ cyberlink.ch
Date: February 1997
Brother Koenig;
I just wanted to say thank you for your excellent articles on the
caliphate OTO. I should tell you that I was initiated Minerval by K.D.
in 1978 and (essentially) told to "get out" by Mr. Heidrick in 1979.
It's a long story but suffice it to say I don't think they were
terribly happy with me when I said that I "wouldn't trust J**
with a burnt match" (he was, and for all I know, still is Grand
something or other in the order). In any event, some thoughts to be
considered or ignored as you see fit:
1.I recently aquired a copy of Mr. Duquettes book an Thelemic majick in
which he takes the attitude that initiatory "legitimacy" is not that
important as long as if feels right. In my experience, all of the OTOs
have been very insistant on the legitimacy of their clames and of the
importance of that legitimacy. That their tune has changed in this
particular says to me that they are not as confident in their own
"legitimacy" as they would have the world think.
2.Legitimate or not, they are not going to go away and I don't think
that that is a bad thing. They do teach the basics of cerimonial majick
to just about anyone who asks, and they do try to advance Thelema. I'm
not sure that I see a problem with there being McOTOs all over the
place (in fact, I find the idea rather intriguing).
...
The very first time that I heard of Grady McMurtry was when my best
friend at the time (circa October 1977) had Mr. McMurtry as an
overnight house guest in the apartment that he shared with his wife and
her daughter from another relationship. The next day, just before the
weekly Gnostic Mass, my friend came up to me and said something to the
effect that "last night a drunken old man came stumbling out of the
temple and urinated on" the baby. I am deliberately leaving out the
names as this (at least at the time innocent) child is in all
probability still around the order. I mention this not to drag a dead
man through the mud (my understanding is the McMurtry did yeoman work
taking care of Crowley in his later years), but because it set the tone
for the relationship between Mobius chapter (later LaShTal lodge) and
the "Grand" lodge in Berkley.
In the face of this kind of behavior at the top, K.D. (aka G.B.) strove
mightily to regain the orders dignity, but his common sense ultimately
forced him to take a position something to the effect that it doesn't
matter who is at the top, they can't give orders and act strictly as
conduits of energy. For almost a year and a half, this appeared to be
true.
In any event, Mobius chapter continued performing the Gnostic Mass on a
weekly basis, and after attending several, I became the usual Deacon
for roughly the next year. I did this without taking OTO initiation
until the autumn of 1978. It was just about this time that Mr. W** and
his protege Ms. L** started showing up (I understand that you've met
A**), LaShTal lodge was formed, and all of the scheming and infighting
began. Up until that time, Mobius chapter had a distinctly irreverent,
almost goofy, air about it that was what allowed us to pay the required
lip service to Mr. McMurtry (ie. how can you take yourself seriously
when your following a drunk?). As soon as an element that took itself
seriously entered the lodge, the lodge started to deteriorate.
The following April, I was initiated 1st degree by Mr. McMurtry (who
was reading the ritual directly out of Mr. Kings book, only the
password and grip were changed). In the following months, some of us
behaved badly (myself included possibly first on the list), some of us
behaved well, some of us kept our honor through the worst of it, some
us had no honor to lose, most of us continued to muddle through as best
we could.
The following summer, we had the dubious thrill of having Mr. G** as
a guest at a lodge meeting/Gnostic mass. The odd thing about this visit
is that to my knowledge, nothing significant happened. About a week
later we heard that we had "locked" G** out of the Gnostic mass. I
have to tell you that I don't know where he was, (I was at the mass)
but after talking to some of the other lodge members, my understanding
is that he was off putting white powder up his nose. When K.D.
apparently made our position clear to Mr. Heidrick, he recieved a
letter calling one of our lodge brothers (and my personal friend from
long before we were in the "OTO") a liar (it's interesting to note that
Mr. Heidrick later offered him his own encampment), and stating "J**
G** is not to be dismissed as a fool or an enemy, he is your superior
in the order". Mr. Heidrick then went on to tell us about how lousy our
attitude was and how poorly we had treated Mr. McMurtry (I still don't
know what he meant by this). After reading this, K.D. and the person
who had been called a liar asked me and several other lodge members to
write to Mr. McMurtry and express our opinions, I distincly recall him
saying that "silence is consent". I wrote in anger (if you attack my
lodge and my friend, you get my anger) and made damn sure that everyone
mentioned in the letter got a copy (I wanted to see what would happen
if everything was brought out in the open). About a week later, I got a
letter from Heidrick dubbing me a "sniveling intruder" (for doing what
his representatives - both my superiors in the order - asked me to do)
and politely suggesting that if I didn't like it, I should get out.
Oddly enough, I actually had more respect for the "OTO" at that moment
than I'd had for the better part of a year (ie. somebody finally said
what he meant and meant what he said).
Several people tried to convince me not to quit (K.D. in particular),
some (ie. W**) made some dire predictions about what would happen to me
without the protection of the order. Theres (much) more to the story of
course. I've barely touched on most of the wierder occurances but that
would would take up an entire book.
About a month after I quit, I got a letter from someone named D** (or
something like that). Brother D** began by telling me to "stick it up
your ass", and went on to tell me that I didn't know anything about
child rearing(?). Brother D** then went on to inform me that "Choronzon
will eat your soul". I sent a letter to McMurtry asking for an
explanation (the letter was on OTO stationary, the envelope had the
grand lodges return address on it). About a week later I got a letter
from Heidrick denying any responsibility (despite the admitted fact
that the letter was in response to my resignation letter, and was
printed on "OTO" stationary)
Just as a matter of my own curiosity, have other people had anything
like this happen to them?
>Question: Hadn't McMurtry a home of his own at that time? I heard he lived
>together with several people, e.g. Steve Grochochenski/Cosmos/Leonard
Stevenson.
I didn't make clear that I lived in the New York City area at the time
(and do so now). McMurtry was visiting in order to conduct initiations,
plug the order, and sample the local "Thelemic nuns". I don't know what
his living arrangements in the San Narcisco (please forgive the enlish
pun) area were .
The whole incident was, in retrospect, clearly a warning that we should
have heeded. I wonder if this incident is where the term "Ordo Templi
Disorientis" (I have got to stop making these awful puns!) came from.
>McMurtry did care nothing about Crowley. That's why
>Crowley died isolated in England. Karl Germer was refused entry to England,
>McMurtry would have been the only one with a passport to help Crowley. In
>vain. McMurtry said "I am busy with my wife".
You'll get no argument from me. I had heard differently from a member
of Grants OTO, but I did not verify the information.
>Today, Heidrick says that this is
>untrue and they "used" King's book only for rehearsals.
I believe the German term for this is "Dreck". If this were true, the
order would be guilty of intentional fraud, and enough people would
know about it that keeping it secret would be almost impossible.
>I admire your ability of impressive descriptions
You are too kind to my clumsy attempt at prose. I have attempted to the
best of my ability tell it the way I remember it and keep the
"disgruntled ex member" stuff to a minimum. If what I'm reading at your
URL is true, disgruntled ex members of the caliphate must be becoming
almost as much of a cliche as some of the current members.
>I often meet Mr Heidrick's fantasies. You should hear what he
>says about me.
I was very honored when Heidrick considered me enough of a pain in
derrier to take the time to insult a mere first degee.
The interested observer will notice a certain modus operandi here
regarding their reaction to any criticism. Rather than address the
criticism, they attack the critic. These attacks usually consist mostly
of the spreading of nasty and usually unverifiable rumors. Of course,
they do it to each other as much if not more than they do it to
outsiders. If I really am guilty of half of what I've been accused of,
I'm a pretty awful excuse for a human being (this may be true, but my
wife, friends, and co-workers don't seem to think so).
>it is to assume that Gr** maybe
>furnished some of that white powder to some of the "Caliphate" authorities
>and therefore was "needed".
I wonder if that was the "laudable means" Heidrick wrote of regarding
the way in which Mr. G** attained his office.
I personally have no objection to drugs per se, as long as the user,
not the drug is in control. I have had occasion to meet two members of
the "Grand Council", one was a drunk and the other a cocain addict.
Having had experience with both alchohol and cocain (as well as many
other substances), and having been able to put them down, I am not
impressed.
> K.D. did not agree with the special "treatment" that William
>Breeze (the current "Caliph") received by McMurtry.
And a great many other things. K.D. was the main reason I had anything
to do with this in the first place. Clearly, his vision of the OTO did
not jive with Heidricks, but there was no way we could have known that
at the time (we had very little communication and just about no help
from Berkely). With all that failed, and all that succeeded, I hold my
brother and superior to be blameless. My only regret is that I did not
keep in touch with him.
>>(ie. Wasserman) made some dire predictions about what
>>would happen to me without the protection of the order.
Nothing specific (that would have been entirely out of character), just
a general warning about how dangerous it can be if you are a low level
initiate without an order (he did not use these words, but that was the
general idea).
>I am very very much interested in to hear your comments on above mentioned
>correspondence with David Scriven --
I just started reading them this afternoon. I'll be happy to send you
any comments that I have after I've finished reading all of the
articles.
>and of course would like to hear some
>of the "weirder occurances" that you hinted at.
Well, there was the time that A.C. (not Alister Crowly) had entirely
too much Jack Daniels and spent the evening walking up to strangers and
yelling " WEREWOLF" in their faces. He showed up for initiation the
next night, badly beaten. This person is still in the order and from
what I understand, is a person of some influence. He actually is an
extremely interesting person to be with, but a little bit on the wierd
side.
Then there's the time my friends wife dissapeared for two weeks and was
found wandering around New York City in a daze. She was then
professionally diagnosed as psychotic and institutionalized.
Then there's the time that one of the peripherally interested people
was senselessly shot to death by a maniac with a gun while he was
walking down the street minding his own business. I do not know, but I
am told that they found the "Necronomicon" on his alter.
On the lighter side, there is the time I hit A.C. with a pie (pineapple
I believe) for rubbing my nose in my own failures.
There's quite a bit more, but it gets into the minutiae of too many
other peoples personal lives.
You'll be sorry you said that.
>McMurtry not helping Crowley.
>> You'll get no argument from me. I had heard differently from a
>>member of Grants OTO, but I did not verify the information.
>What did they say?
Only that McMurtry had helped out with the monetary end of things.
I don't really have that much to tell. Remember, I was in New York, not
California, so I don't know what McMurtry, Heidrick et. al. were doing.
Much of what I do know, I can't tell anyone because I learned it in
confidence, and a promise to a scoundrel is still a promise. I will not
sink to their level.
I apologise, I didn't mean to hint at anything, but I see why it came
across that way. All of the documents that I had seen until I visited
your site had supported their claim. Your site is like a gold mine for
OTO information that is not easily available elsewhere (at least not in
the U.S. and not in enlgish). I just couldn't believe that I'd found
such a gem.
I was just reading through your conversation with Heidrick and I came
across the following paragraph of some personal interest.
>Koenig:
># Heidrick learnt that my researches were going to be published and that it
># would not(!) turn out to his favour. I had a guest for one week at my
># home by the name of A*** . She was sent over to Europe
># to install an independent Grand Lodge. She saw some of my archive and
># yelled at me: "You have to whitewash your study" to the favour of
># Heidrick's version of history. I even have Heidrick's letter where he
># wanted to prevent a publication of the above event ('whitewashing story').
># Of course I don't whitewash anything, and no one in the world can prevent
># me from publishing what I know.
If you had A*** yelling at you (with that concrete borer voice of
hers), you have my sympathy. A*** and I used to know each other
entirely too well. She is an excellent example of everything that's
wrong with the caliphate. If I understand correctly, when you didn't do
what she wanted, she started slandering you. I'm shocked, shocked and
appalled (NOT). She did a pretty good slander job on me too (as a
matter of fact, most of the awful things that I've been accused of came
from her). She is in fact one of those "Thelmic nuns" that McMurtry was
sampling on his visits (that's how she became a IXth). It was my own
stupidity that she was (for lack of a better term) my girlfriend at the
time (I know, but I was young and as I say, stupid). I wonder if she
still lives in the personal hell that she confessed to me all those
years ago. Bless you for not whitewashing the story.
>>she told me that she was glad that McMurtry did not die from the act.
I believe she said something similar to me a few days later, however, I
was busy wrecking my chromasomes at the time, so it's hard to be sure
of anything that was said or what happened that day (lysergic acid
tends to make things even more cartoonish than usual).
Actually, Mr. Scriven sounds more reasonable than I had expected. Of
course, he also admits that he doesn't know what's going on. Of course
that brings up the problem of supporting something without knowing what
it is.
>I understood it in the way that "Caliphate"members also are AA members and
>vice versa. This guarantees control.
If this is so, then my status is a relatively interesting question. I
never resigned from the AA, and have never been informed that I was
expelled. My understanding when I became a probationer (which was
stongly reinforced when I became a 1=10) was that the two organizations
were entirely separate (despite signifcant overlap in the membership).
I think that what Heidrick must have meant was that the same
considerations should be taken into account before initiation into
either order is performed. I don't entirely disagree with this, but I
would expect more initiative and less moronic parrotting of the "party
line" from an initate of the AA (I am apparently alone in this).
>> mentioned B****** also somehwere in my correspondence with Scriven
>>(.../sabaz.htm). Haven't we already spoken about that? ...
Since it is not my place to "expose" anyones membership, unless this
has already happened without my intervention (Heidrick et. al.), I can
only discuss people you already know about. I knew only a few of the
people you mention by name in your various postings (ie. K.D., Mr.
Wasserman, Ms. L**), so most of what I can tell you would have to do
them. Exactly what I can say about them is a grey area, my personal
judgement being the sole arbitrator here. I realize that this is
probably not what you, as a journalist, want to hear, but that's the
way it has to be. I admire your work, and would be willing to provide
any help that I can, as long as it doesn't compromise my (clearly
warped) ethics, but that doesn't mean that I have anything useful to
contribute.
They never tried to limit my avenues of investigation, or restrict what
I could talk about regarding those investigations. K.D. once told me
that I could only be held responsible for what I learned during
initiation rituals and their associated lectures (if any). One of the
things that I don't think they liked about me was that I had a nasty
habit of insisting on knowing what would be involved in any ritual in
which I would participate (call me old fashioned, believe me I've been
called worse). Since I had (re) read Mr. Kings book prior to both "OTO"
initiations, and had reliable knowledge that the rituals presented in
the book were mostly accurate, all I can be held responsible for is
where the actual rituals differed from the published rituals.
When Heidrick first started hounding K.D. out of the order, he made a
repeated point of stressing the importance of the "beaurocracy of the
order". K.D. once said that the caliphate "is a political order that
uses majick".
I don't remember much about it (it was, after all over 17 years ago).
As I said before, I shall try to locate K.D., he could expound on that
subjet more authoritativly than I. I think he would be very interested
in your work, but I could be wrong (he may well want to forget his
"OTO" involvment). Our lodge had a reputation for not taking the people
running the order (or, for that matter, ourselves) very seriously, this
was generally frowned upon by the order brass. I believe that the
"G** incedent" was a deliberate setup so as to get K.D. out of the
way (they wanted Wasserman to be in charge in New York). I shall rat
through my vast pile of effluvia and see if I can dig up some
supporting documents (this will constitute a major excavation and may
take some time).
A few final thoughts:
K** called me to make all sorts of totally un-necessary aplogies when
he (and the rest of the lodge) quit the caliphate. In fact, they
emptied the lodge treasury to throw a "founders day" party (my roomate
and I being the guests of honor). This had to have been some time
before the old drunk finally did the decent thing, so I doubt that K**
would have been allowed vote or would have wanted to. K** was even more
disgusted with the whole thing when he left than I was when I left.
I'm tempted to say that you shouldn't put much stock in anything Ms.
B** says since she is (as you may have noticed) a loud **. Accuracy
never was her stong point, and it probably is taking unfair advantage
to beat the caliphate over the head with her verbiage (this does not
mean that she doesn't perform her actual function very well). On the
other hand, they did promote her to "high office" and therefore
endorsed her as a spokesperson for the order.
So much for the caliphate. I would like very much to discuss some of
the larger issues raised in your discussion with Mr. Scriven,
particularly the difference between a "Crowlyite" and a "Thelemite".
But that will have to wait for another email.
My oldest friend in the world always ends his emails with the below
stated quote. I can do no better than to follow so excellent an
example. Bye for now.
"The word is not the thing." — Alfred Korzybski
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Re: TOne cold night inantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TI

Postby American Dream » Sat Dec 15, 2018 7:45 pm

Image

Let’s Talk About Psychedelic-Induced Psychosis

DECEMBER 12, 2018|BY BRETT FELTY

One cold night in Tennessee, thanks to a heroic dose of very potent mushrooms, I got what I wished for. I heard it said once that most who seek God will cower in Her presence. Well, I didn’t cower; I panicked. The world around me dissolved into darkness. I thought I was waking up. No, I was dying. One thing was certain — there was no returning to whatever game it was I called reality.

I tried to confide in my girlfriend, but the frightened expression on her face only ushered in more paranoia, fear, anxiety. She turned to stone, and vaporized before my eyes. I grew convinced that I was in for a life of pills, white walls, guarded elevators, and double-paned windows. I flailed, drowning. Many paranoid hours later, I slept. And I awoke to a world that would never look quite the same to me.

Eventually, I regained my grounding. I shrugged off the weirdness, and decided to take a break from psychedelics. The memory of that night faded in my memory. But every now and then that feeling, that creeping, surreal, terrified feeling would sneak up on me, and I would be thrust full-force back into paranoia.



https://vimeo.com/269542995


As a psychedelic advocate, and someone who has personally found healing through those substances, I have a hard time talking about my own psychotic episode. I don’t want to fortify the old-school fear narratives, or scare off people who need help with my one “bad trip” story.

As a series of synchronicities stack up, I find myself sitting down with Shane six weeks later. He is not too long removed from the psychotic break he incurred from an ayahuasca ceremony, but he seems steady and grounded.

Over the course of our conversation, Shane tells me he’s not sure exactly what role psychedelics played in his personal development. He doesn’t want to sell them short, but he doesn’t want to fall victim to over-romanticizing them either. His hesitation is strangely refreshing. He’s hyper-aware of hyperbole, grounding his phrasing of things over and over, careful not to exaggerate. It feels practiced, deliberate. Eventually, the conversation turns to the details of his psychotic break.

“It was pretty exciting at first. I was open to it,” he recalls. “There was this [feeling] like, ‘am I a very special person?’” He pauses to chew his muffin, and his eyes drift briefly to the middle distance. “But there was a lot more fear.”

Once the fear crept in, there was no shaking it. It kept him awake for days on end. The delusions of grandeur took on terrible heft, the paranoia became oppressive, and every detail of reality seemed organized into an urgent, high-stakes mission. Dreamlike entities popped into his waking life. He grew convinced that things were after him, plotting to coax forbidden knowledge from his head.

“Once the fear and the paranoia infested this manic state, it really was able to hijack the whole system somehow. It started to feel very threatening, not just to me, but to the people around me,” Shane said.

Synchronicities stacked up. The impossible burden of god-consciousness laid upon him like a steel blanket; he felt personally responsible for all the bad things in the world. He worried that his inability to sort through his anxiety might result in nuclear apocalypse.

He repeats these paranoid fantasies with a lightness of tone now, comfortably removed from it, aware of the absurdity. But vestiges of the experience linger. “This experience still creeps me out sometimes, the experience of life, [but] the synchronicities I experience now are much more to the fun side, more like ‘maybe this means I’m on the right path.’”


More: https://www.psymposia.com/magazine/psyc ... psychosis/
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Wed Dec 19, 2018 5:26 am

https://abeautifulresistance.org/site/2 ... episode-13

ANGIE SPEAKS, EPISODE 13

THE HISTORY AND POLITICS OF RAVE CULTURE

As Margaret Thatcher’s reign ushered in the current neo-liberal order and dismantled the old consensus in the United Kingdom, a Dionysian counter-culture of revelry arose in the chaos, bringing with it self-organization, independence, and an embrace of pleasure.

Angie examines the birth of Rave Culture, the state repression that came against it, its political possibilities, capitalist subversion of its revolutionary potential, how the left can learn from it, and what might come next.

(17 December, 2018 / 23 minutes)



https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jk-Te0VxvYA


ImageAngie Speaks is an Anarchist, Leftist, video series with a creative and mystical flair! Angie blends together the historical, the artistic and the esoteric in a fun and accessible way that highlights the importance of the subjective and creative aspects within leftist thought.
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby JackRiddler » Wed Dec 19, 2018 5:50 pm

JackRiddler » Sun Dec 09, 2018 8:19 pm wrote:

https://www.rt.com/news/445896-ukraine- ... -veterans/

http://www.rt.com

‘Like denying the Holocaust’: Ukraine makes post-WWII nationalist fighters as privileged as war vets

Ukrainian parliament has passed a law, which gives Nazi-collaborating nationalist fighters, who fought against the Soviet Union after the end of World War II, the same status as the people who fought against Nazis during the war.

Ukraine’s current nation-building effort puts it at odds with other nations because Kiev seeks to glorify different forces that wanted an independent Ukrainian state, regardless of what crimes they may have committed. The most awkward legacy comes with the radical Ukrainian nationalists, who were active in the first half of 20th century.

They started by targeting Polish officials in what is now western Ukraine with a campaign of terrorism. Later they sided with Nazi Germany during World War II hoping that Adolf Hitler would make Ukraine independent, but then turned against him after their expectations proved wrong.

Both in collaboration with the Nazis and as an independent force the nationalists conducted mass killings of Poles and Jews. After the war they found support from the CIA and waged a guerrilla war against the Soviet authorities until they were quashed in the mid-1950s.

This week the Ukrainian parliament passed a law, which extends the honorable status of a war veteran, to additional members of OUN-UPA – the nationalist organization and its military wing. Previously only those who fought against the Nazis were granted the privilege on par with soldiers and officers of the Red Army. But under the new legislation the anti-Soviet guerillas will be considered war veterans too.

“This law is denial of the Holocaust, a falsification of history, a gesture of contempt to their country, its people and European [values],” Eduard Dolinsky, a prominent Ukrainian Jewish activist said, lashing out at the 236 MPs, who voted for the bill.

Dolinsky, the firebrand critic of Ukraine’s glorification of OUN-UPA, leads the Ukrainian Jewish Committee, a Kiev-based Jewish advocacy group with international recognition. He often blasts the latest move by Ukrainian authorities to elevate the mass murderers on his Facebook page.

With laws like this modern Ukraine takes upon itself responsibility for the war crimes, which those units had committed,” he pointed out. “Those crimes have no statute of limitations, so the victims of those crimes and their heirs may sue Ukraine in international courts for damage.

Earlier Ukrainian MPs filed a motion to honor Stepan Bandera, the leader of OUN, by bestowing an order of Hero of Ukraine on him. The nationalist leader briefly was given the highest Ukrainian award by President Viktor Yushchenko, but the decision was overturned by a court.
We meet at the borders of our being, we dream something of each others reality. - Harvey of R.I.

To Justice my maker from on high did incline:
I am by virtue of its might divine,
The highest Wisdom and the first Love.

TopSecret WallSt. Iraq & more
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Fri Dec 21, 2018 1:02 pm

Shortparis
ПАСХА

On 17 May 1991 a musician called Sergey Kuryokhin and a reporter named Sergey Sholokhov carried out an audacious hoax live on Russian television. Kuryokhin, despite being a relatively popular musician, piano player, composer, artist and film actor, passed himself off as a political historian on the talk show Pyatoe Koleso (The Fifth Wheel). Via a series of interlinked logical fallacies mainly (though notably not always) played with a very straight bat - including lengthy references to the anthropologist Carlos Castaneda, MIT and the reclusive father of the Russian space programme, Konstantin Tsiolkovsky - he ‘proved’ that Lenin was a mushroom.

His argument, boiled down to its bare essence, was berserk. He ostensibly said that Vladmir Lenin was in the habit of eating psychedelic mushrooms which gave him a pre-cognitive hallucination of the October Revolution and acted as inspiration for the actual event. Furthermore he claimed that eventually his fly agaric fungus habit caused him to turn into a mushroom himself… and a radio wave. As implausible as the lie was, once viewed in full, the hoax, can be judged as masterful. The constant appeals to authority, the pile on of bewildering technical jargon just before each logical fallacy appears, the many references to documentary ‘evidence’, the setting (in this case a library crammed with books) and the kind of misdirection worthy of a stage illusionist (watch Kuryokhin answer the phone half way through the segment).

By the end of the clip, the two Sergeys are barely attempting to conceal their mirth - after all, what they are saying is utterly insane. But their laughter, coupled with a lead in clip of Kuryokhin conducting an ensemble of prog rock guitarists with wild abandon and the sheer implausibility of the story itself, was not enough to stop a reported 11 million viewers from taking the programme at face value. It would be easy to claim that the Russian public were gullible but really this was, in temporal and spatial terms, a perfect storm of hoodwink. 1991 was the height of glasnost and perestroika and the role and nature of the Russian media was in great flux. The grip of Soviet censorship had just relaxed for the first time in living memory, and incredible revelations about the country’s recent history were now a daily occurrence, but generally speaking the only real context for Russian television was still one of trust and absolute authority. (The above story doesn’t seem so far fetched when you remember that Lenin was all but deified after his death as a secular saint... a secular god even... and that the abolition of human mortality itself and the resurrection of all comrades, the great leader included, was actually part of the Bolshevik plan.)

If you’re laughing at this point, perhaps you should be doing so uneasily. The people who believed this hoax (or, perhaps, to be more accurate, the people who found themselves dismayed that they even had to entertain such a bizarre proposition) were no more gullible than the huge numbers of people who fell for Panorama’s spaghetti tree hoax, Orson Welles’ radio dramatisation of War Of The Worlds or the Brexit Leave campaign. (Although it should be said, one of these three media events was not a deliberate attempt to mislead large numbers of people.)


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http://thequietus.com/articles/24274-sh ... bum-review
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby JackRiddler » Fri Dec 21, 2018 1:14 pm

JackRiddler » Wed Dec 19, 2018 5:39 pm wrote:
JackRiddler » Sun Jun 10, 2018 12:44 pm wrote:.

Well indeed, but hyperbole is sometimes appropriate. Anyway, there are like 45 threads currently concerned with ideological projections of something labeled "Russia," the enemy of the world, the controller of Trump, the decider of U.S. elections, the sole cause of wars in Syria and the Ukraine, the divider of an otherwise harmonious American political scene, the coddle-object of "Putin fans," etc. etc. So one on Kiev can be withstood.

As in the Baffler article, talking about the reality of the current Kiev regime - yet another former Soviet-bloc kleptocracy run by an oligarch, whitewashing history, and with the added bonus of deputizing literal Nazis to act as death squads - seems to be impossible for U.S. writers unless they somehow also declaim that even the counter-evidence to this mess being due to a "Russian" plot is, in fact, evidence of the opposite, since of course them Russians be very devious.

Now I'm going to post an article from Newsweek and the summary of a report from nothing less than the pro-"Euromaidan revolution" Freedom House...

I see the recent Newsweek article was actually edited to delete the former sub-head, which found a way to blame Russia for anti-Russian Ukrainian fascists. (How? Because those terrible Russians report on the exact same Ukrainian right-wing threats as Newsweek, but they do so while being Russian, thus deriving benefit from making the Ukrainian fascists and their enablers look bad. Sneaky Russians! Wait, that also describes the problem with RT, especially when it's playing to the left... they keep saying true things not reported in the U.S. press, but they do so while being Russian!.)


http://www.newsweek.com/ukraine-under-t ... als-962062

Ukraine has a growing problem with far-right extremists, a new report revealed Wednesday.

Far-right extremist groups have existed on the margins of society since Ukraine’s independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. But a new report by Washington, D.C.-based think tank Freedom House suggests that these groups have recently become more active and are hurting the country’s fledgling democracy. Far-right extremists still lack the popular support needed to be a meaningful force in organized politics, but law enforcement officials in Ukraine are allowing them to threaten civil society groups and operate with impunity, according to the report.

“In the last few months, extremist groups have become increasingly active. The most disturbing element of their recent show of force is that so far it has gone fully unpunished by the authorities," according to the report, written by Kiev-based historian and political scientist Vyacheslav Likhachev. "Their activities challenge the legitimacy of the state, undermine its democratic institutions, and discredit the country’s law enforcement agencies.”

941363768
Activists of the far-right Ukrainian National Corps Party rally as they take part in the 'March of power for the Ukrainian future without oligarchs' in the so-called 'Government ward' in the center of Kiev on April 3, 2018.
SERGEI SUPINSKY/AFP/GETTY IMAGES



And just to twist up the people who see the Ukrainian 2014 events as some kind of exclusively Soros color-revolution job, here is the report... from Freedom House.

And while not mincing on the details, the report is packaged to underplay the impact. So it is repeatedly said Russians are exaggerating this (really?) and that the Ukrainian fascists on the street are not popular, they are not going to win elections. But clearly they have free rein to go around terrorizing, beating and killing people, even cops, without consequences. In other words, they are already in power, or occupy a sphere of power separate from the state without challenge from the state. And on the front, as is not covered here, they are the shock troops and death squads.


https://freedomhouse.org/report/special ... -democracy

FREEDOM HOUSE

Special Reports

Far-right Extremism as a Threat to Ukrainian Democracy
Vyacheslav Likhachev, Kyiv-based expert on right-wing groups in Ukraine and Russia

Far-right extremism represents a threat to the democratic development of Ukrainian society. The brief provides an overview of the activities and influence of the far right, differentiating between groups that express radical ideas but by and large operate within a democratic framework and extremist groups, which resort to violence to influence society.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Far-right political forces present a real threat to the democratic development of Ukrainian society. This brief seeks to provide an overview of the nature and extent of their activities, without overstating the threat they pose. To this end, the brief differentiates between radical groups, which by and large express their ideas through peaceful participation in democratic processes, and extremist groups, which use physical violence as a means to influence society.

For the first 20 years of Ukrainian independence, far-right groups had been undisputedly marginal elements in society. But over the last few years, the situation has changed. After [really? they weren't there during?] Ukraine’s 2014 Euromaidan Revolution and Russia’s subsequent aggression, extreme nationalist views and groups, along with their preachers and propagandists, have been granted significant legitimacy by the wider society.

Nevertheless, current polling data indicates that the far right has no real chance of being elected in the upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections in 2019. Similarly, despite the fact that several of these groups have real life combat experience, paramilitary structures, and even access to arms, they are not ready or able to challenge the state. [Except insofar as they are already integrated into it at the front and serving a repressive agenda on the ground in the capital.]

Extremist groups are, however, aggressively trying to impose their agenda on Ukrainian society, including by using force against those with opposite political and cultural views. They are a real physical threat to left-wing, feminist, liberal, and LGBT activists, human rights defenders, as well as ethnic and religious minorities.

In the last few months, extremist groups have become increasingly active. The most disturbing element of their recent show of force is that so far it has gone fully unpunished by the authorities.
Their activities challenge the legitimacy of the state, undermine its democratic institutions, and discredit the country’s law enforcement agencies.

Given the increasingly worrying situation, Ukrainian society, law enforcement agencies, and other state bodies as well as the international community should take effective measures to counter far-right extremism in Ukraine.

INTRODUCTION

Over the last few years, Ukrainian far-right groups have become a subject of attention in the media and the international community. The interest partly originates in the dramatic events the country has undergone, namely the 2014 revolution and the ongoing war. But it has also been bolstered by the scandals surrounding the presence of these groups in public spaces and that of members of the armed forces who propagate radical views and use radical symbols. Russian propaganda exaggerating ultranationalist tendencies in modern Ukraine has also had an impact on the perception of these trends.

Despite the abundance of articles and television dispatches, the field lacks high-quality analytical research on the Ukrainian far right, making it difficult for foreign observers to understand the place of these groups in Ukraine’s political system, the threat they pose, and the future of such movements. This brief will attempt to define what we mean by far-right extremist and radical groups in the modern Ukrainian context; list the main groups belonging to this field, summarize the specifics of their ideology, political strategies, and future prospects; and formulate a general picture of the threat they pose to the democratic development of Ukrainian society.

DEFINITIONS OF RADICALISM IN UKRAINE

The borders of right-wing radicalism in modern Ukraine are blurred because it exists within a political system where party lines fail to neatly follow ideologies. They are also blurred because of current historical events, which have compelled a turn to the legacy of the early 20th century Ukrainian nationalist movement. After the war began in 2014, Ukrainians felt a genuine threat to Ukrainian sovereignty and the existence of the Ukrainian state. This prompted a return to the symbols and rhetoric used by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) in the first half of the 20th century, which were previously exclusively associated with far-right and extremist groups. These symbols have become acceptable recently and are being used by a wider portion of society, including people in positions of authority and the elite. At the same time, attempts to revive the ideology of the historical OUN in a modernized form are extremely rare. [No doubt in the same way that open expressions of Nazi ideology are fairly rare in the American alt-right, that's kind of the idea behind rebranding, nothing new in the history of these kinds of groups.] Instead, this revival materializes in the use of symbolic elements such as the red-and-black flag and individual slogans. A significant part of the population (if not the majority) today associates these with the struggle for independence, rather than with a radical ethnocentric or xenophobic ideology.[1] [Disturbing mass idiocy. No, wait, success for anti-communist freedom propaganda.]

Out of the wide spectrum of political forces that can be described as nationalist, this brief will focus on groups that are defined not only as right-wing radicals but also as extremists[2]. The brief thus separates groups that express radical views on the reorganization of society, which can nonetheless be peaceful in nature and expressed through law-abiding participation in democratic processes, and extremist groups, which reject democratic principles and resort to force to influence society and political processes. The main way to determine if a group is extremist is by its attitude to political violence: groups that systematically direct physical violence against groups they oppose, glorify historical instances of terrorism and ethnic cleansing, and openly and aggressively propagate hate are included among the extremist ones. [As if there can be a clear line in a fluid ecology of groups rebranding, mutating, recombining and splitting, often merely covering the two functions under different names - exactly as many such movements have done in the past.]

Based on the above criteria, the following political parties qualify as extremist nationwide: the All-Ukrainian Union Party ‘Svoboda’ (led by Oleh Tyahnybok, the party achieved 4.71 percent of the vote during the last parliamentary elections and has six MPs in the Verkhovna Rada); the National Corpus (headed by Andriy Belitsky, who during the last elections participated as an independent candidate and became an MP); and the Right Sector (led by Andriy Stempitsky, the party received 1.8 percent in the last elections; its one representative in the Rada, Dmytro Yarosh, has already left the party). These three parties are currently in negotiations to run together ahead of the upcoming elections. All are nationwide parties with representation in almost every region of the country, and with youth and sports groups as well paramilitary and cultural movements connected to party structures. Sometimes these groups and movements attract members who are more radical than the party’s mainstream, activists who specifically focus on the use of force.

Besides the parties, significant number of extremist groupings, with a few dozen to a few hundred activists, also exist. In some cases, they do not have recorded membership, reflecting a sort of subculture environment. These small groups do not seek to participate in elections but remain visible in the public sphere because of their aggressive propaganda and illegal actions. According to our definitions, they include the OUN Volunteer Movement (Волонтерський Рух ОУН), the Brotherhood (Братство), C14, the Carpathian Sich (Карпатська Січ), the Social-National Assembly (Соціал-національна асамблея), the UNA-UNSO (УНА-УНСО), Tradition and Order (Традиція і порядок), Revenge (Реванш), the Revolutionary Right Forces (Революційні праві сили), and others.

POLITICAL REPRESENTATION OR STREET POLITICS

Due to the far right’s limited success and in some cases unwillingness to participate in official politics, it has recently taken to focusing on strengthening its organizational structures, propaganda, and “street politics.” This latter often consists of violent actions and aims to aggressively impose these groups’ political and cultural agenda on society. In its overwhelming majority and with the exception of right-wing political parties, these activities are not connected with elections, but with the forceful imposition of their views on a number of topics—including on the role of LGBTI, ethnic, and religious groups, and cultural movements—on society.


Demonstrations of Far Right Groups in Ukraine
Photo by Aleksandr Volchanskiy

Extremist groups perpetrate ideologically motivated violence to suppress and eliminate any force that they believe does not have the right to public representation in society. Their actions are aimed at “cleaning” the public space of everything that they regard as harmful to the nation or unacceptable in the context of the ongoing war. The targets of their aggression are organizations that defend the rights of the LGBT community as well as political opponents, who for the most part support left-wing politics. Far-right as well as radical groups accuse them of being pro-Russian or of supporting separatism. [God that's depressing. LGBT getting shit from everyone as usual. Here they have to be called pro-Russian!] The obviously hypocritical nature of their accusations is evidenced by numerous cases where nationalist extremists have attacked war volunteers and fighters under the pretext of "separatism.”

Violence (usually in the symbolic form of vandalism) has less frequently been directed at institutions and monuments associated with national minorities. Recently, however, additional targets have been added to the list of objects that inspire right-wing xenophobic attacks. In addition to memorials to the victims of the Holocaust, which have been targeted in the past as well, these include objects associated with recent political debates or conflicts such as the Polish military cemeteries in Volhynia, memorials of Hungarian national and cultural heritage in Transcarpathia and, of course, buildings belonging to the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate.

Nowadays, such attacks occur much more often[3] than five or ten years ago, as shown in the data on antisemitic vandalism attacks gathered by the Association of Jewish Organizations and Communities of Ukraine. According to incomplete calculations, in the first three months of 2018, extremist groups tried to disrupt 12 different events (this is aside from individual attacks they carried out against political and/or cultural opponents) and attacked a variety of objects and events. Among the incidents that have occurred since the beginning of 2018 are:

The disruption of a lecture on the Holocaust in Lviv in January, which involved throwing a smoke bomb into the room;

A homophobic attack on visitors to the office of the Queer Home Kryvbas in Kryvyi Rih in February, as well as disrupting a lecture on the LGBT movement in Kharkiv;

Also in February, an attempt to disrupt the presentation of a project aimed at overcoming discrimination against the Roma community in Lviv;

Several attacks on demonstrators on March 8 marches devoted to gender equality in Kyiv, Lviv and Uzhgorod;

An attempt to disrupt events held in conjunction with Docudays, a human rights film initiative in Kyiv in March, and subsequent attacks on event participants;
In April, a number of violent incidents involving the Roma community in Kyiv, including physical and arson attacks.[4]

While direct physical violence was not deployed in all of the above-mentioned cases, extremist groups have managed to restrict the rights and freedoms of Ukraine’s citizens; in particular, the right to peaceful assembly and freedom of speech. Law enforcement agencies have either failed to stop the attackers or banned the event on the grounds that they cannot guarantee the security of its participants. In some instances, they detained the participants themselves attacked at the event. Hence, wide swathes of society and the media generally either tolerate or do not notice the violence perpetrated by these far-right, extremist groups, who are actively undermining the government's monopoly on violence. [Again, undermining or actually extending it? How do these people even kill cops and get away with it? Who's the protection on the inside? Biedermann and Brandstifter? Official by day, hood by night?]

The increasing use of street politics by the right-wing groups, including illegal activity, can be interpreted, in part, as an attempt to influence the sociopolitical climate in Ukraine by those who do not have sufficient and legitimate tools to do this. After unsuccessfully competing in the 2014 parliamentary elections, the ultranationalists are extremely poorly represented in the Ukraine’s parliament, particularly when compared to the previous parliament where Svoboda held 37 seats. Moreover, those elected in majority districts, such as Andriy Biletsky and Dmytro Yarosh, pay almost no attention to the task of law-making and rarely attend parliamentary sessions.

Current polls show that the far right is unlikely to win more seats in the upcoming presidential and parliamentary elections. According to the latest data gathered by the authoritative Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, out of all far-right parties, only Svoboda has any chance of passing the 5 percent barrier required to gain seats.[5] As of February, the party was supported by 2.3 percent of all respondents (and 5.8 percent among those with a party preference). This represented a drop in Svoboda’s ratings—in September 2017, 7.1 percent of those certain to vote had said they would vote for Svoboda. Other right-wing radical parties register even less support. The Right Sector polls at around 0.5 percent and the National Corpus at 0.2 percent. Although a hypothetical bloc of nationalist parties could claim some kind of representation in parliament, at present it is difficult to imagine that the right-wing radicals are capable of uniting. Their ideological differences are too great, as are the ambitions of their individual leaders. [All this is a relief. What is often attempted in such cases is a coup d'etat. They obviously have a network supporting them within the state.]

Thus, it can be assumed that the ideological violence and the radicalization of attitudes toward the current government—which, for example, the Right Sector officially regards as a "regime of internal occupation"[6]—is to some degree a consequence of the lack of effective and, in the far right’s opinion, legitimate means available to them to influence the processes taking place in society. From this premise, it follows that the defeat of the far right in next year’s elections will only exacerbate the street violence currently carried out by extremists.

A THREAT TO THE DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIETY

There is no doubt that right-wing nationalism and extremism in modern-day Ukraine poses a threat to the democratic development of society. Organizations that hold far-right views reject democratic values (such as freedom of expression, freedom of assemblies, equality, etc.), yet actively use the opportunities that democracy offers. Aside from the transformations society is undergoing, the actions of Ukraine’s far right are particularly concerning for several reasons.

First, the place of right-wing organizations in society has changed after the 2014 Euromaidan Revolution. Despite not having decisive influence on the events of the revolution and the defense of the country in the face of Russian aggression,[7] [that's the mantra, yes] the far right has managed to achieve a certain degree of success by “riding” the patriotic wave. [as with the effort to separate "far-right" from "extremist," here is one to distinguish between good and bad nationalism] Nationalist-radical symbolism and rhetoric in the public sphere has become legitimized. In the absence of alternative traditions, society used the symbolic language of nationalist organizations of the mid-20th century to express their desire for independence, both during the protests, and following the outbreak of the war. Furthermore, as a result of an aggressive PR campaign executed in the context of Russia’s aggression, the far right has ceased to be perceived as marginal groups consisting of largely antisocial adolescents. The members of these groups have taken advantage of the opportunity provided by the war and created a new, attractive image for themselves as "true patriots” and “defenders of the fatherland.”[8]

With a few exceptions, this legitimization has failed to convert to electoral popularity and successes for nationalist and radical groups. Yet, the presence of radical leaders in the media has sharply increased and their societal perception has changed. Far-right activists actively use social networks, which makes it possible for them to freely disseminate the most radical demands and aggressive language. Right-wing public events enjoy considerable media attention thanks to the participation of a few but well-disciplined and motivated activists as well as the use of fireworks. The public legitimization of nationalist symbolism and rhetoric has provided even the most radical groups with a largely benevolent or at least neutral media reception[9]. Before the war, the leaders of these marginal groups received little interest, while today they comment on a wide range of issues in mainstream media.

Second, partly due to this legitimization by society, and in part because of their participation in the war, a gradual rapprochement has taken place between some far-right forces and the state, and primarily Ukraine’s law enforcement bodies. This rapprochement has been bolstered by the need to integrate the volunteer military formations—set up by nationalists at the start of the war—into the country’s existing structures. There has also been a degree of mutual interest between the two sides and the entente has not been confined to the war zone. One of the most striking appointments—though not the only such example—was that of a former neo-Nazi activist from Patriot of Ukraine Vadym Troyan, who received a high-ranking position in Ukraine’s national police in March 2016. Previously known for his racist statements, Andriy Biletsky, the head of the Azov battalion, has also been promoted to lieutenant colonel. Although media assertions that Interior Minister Arsen Avakov is closely linked to the National Corpus and its paramilitary wing, National Druzhina, are exaggerated, there is no doubt that that Biletsky had used Avakov's patronage and had been elected to parliament in a single-mandate district with his support.

During confrontations between right-wing groups and law enforcement bodies, the police show unacceptable passivity when it comes to preventing or suppressing unlawful activities, investigating incidents, and bringing perpetrators to justice. For example, the Svoboda party activists who threw grenades during a rally outside parliament in 2015, killing four national guardsmen, have not yet been convicted. One of the latest examples of the authorities’ tolerant attitude was on display in February 2018, during clashes in Kyiv following a hearing of a case involving Odessa’s mayor, Gennadiy Trukhanov. After the hearing, National Druzhina activists and members of other radical groups attacked police officers using gas cartridges and even firearms. The officers reacted rather passively; one activist, who shot and wounded a police officer, has yet to be taken into custody.

Finally, the place of violence in Ukrainian society has changed, and right-wing radicals have played an important part in this transformation. The idea of what is permissible and acceptable has completely transformed. Tens of thousands of people have personally suffered trauma from the events of the revolution and the war, and currently suffer from PTSD. Hearing about the war in the news and its social consequences on the streets of cities throughout Ukraine has become part of the everyday reality for the whole country. Easy access to weapons has changed and increased the nature and extent of illegal business seizures and other violent actions in Ukraine’s general economic and political struggle. The far right has found a home for themselves in this context. Moreover, they have a competitive advantage in the market of paid-for thugs. Known popularly as “titushki,” these people often come from sports clubs and are used to attend protests, to protect commercial interests, or to seize properties sometimes under the guise of being genuine activists. Unlike regular thugs, they can mobilize additional support with the help of radical propaganda and lend an ideological purpose to an exclusively commercial dispute.

This atmosphere has created favorable conditions for right-wing radicals and extremists, despite not being attractive as an electoral option. It has also left the state and society very vulnerable to their expansion. Radical groups no longer have to worry about societal or government reactions when it comes to recruiting members, they also face few restrictions when it comes to spreading their ideas. Effectively, they exist in an environment characterized by lack of accountability and impunity.

CONCLUSION

Far-right radicals and extremists at present can claim neither significant parliamentary representation nor any plausible path to power in Ukraine. However, their street activities are having a serious impact on everyday life and societal development in the country. Particularly worrying is their use of violence in an attempt to restrict the expression of views they consider unacceptable in Ukraine.

This danger should be soberly assessed. The first step is to establish better monitoring of illegal and extremist activities of the far right on an ongoing basis. It would also be extremely useful to undertake an in-depth mapping of ultranationalist groups.

Additionally, those interested in the democratic development of Ukraine, including human rights activists and experts, should draw public and media attention to the real and existing problem of far-right extremism. Civil society should form a broad coalition in support of groups and activists who are being attacked by the far right. Regardless of people’s attitudes toward the ideologies of groups attacked by radicals, they have the right to freely express their opinions.

At the same time, society and the state should make significant efforts to ensure that the activity of extremist groups does not circumscribe the rights of other Ukrainians to peacefully assemble, associate, and express themselves freely. The state and law enforcement bodies need to genuinely ensure freedom of assembly and effectively prevent attempts by far-right groups to disrupt public events. In cases where they commit extremist acts, it is essential to investigate the incidents and bring the perpetrators to justice. This also needs to be applied to those who have already committed violence.

Finally, it would be counterproductive to repress these groups and drive radical ideas underground. Past experience demonstrates that for many a gradual deradicalization and evolution towards more moderate right-wing views is a real option.

[1] Poll conducted by the sociological group Rating in September 2017 http://ratinggroup.ua/research/ukraine/ ... rainy.html

[2] Radicalisation, extremism and terrorism: Words matter, EPRS, 12 July 2016 https://epthinktank.eu/2016/07/12/radic ... ds-matter/

[3] Association of Jewish Organizations and communities of Ukraine http://www.vaadua.org/elektronnyy-infor ... nshinstv-v

[4] A significant portion of these incidents is highlighted in: Гриценко А. «Зиг хайль, смерть п..рам»// UPDATE. 22 марта 2018 http://update.com.ua/istorii_tag924/zig ... goda_n3948

[5] Support of political parties and leaders: February 2018// Kyiv international institute of sociology. March 19, 2018. http://www.kiis.com.ua/?lang=rus&cat=re ... page=1&t=2

[6] The national program of Right Sector: https://pravyysektor.info/novyny/progra ... tverdzheno

[7] Likhachev V. The “Right Sector” and others: The behavior and role of radical nationalists in the Ukrainian political crisis of late 2013 – early 2014// Communist and Post-Communist Studies. Volume 48, Issues 2–3, June–September 2015. P. 257-271; Likhachev V. The Far Right in the Conflict between Russia and Ukraine – Russie.Nei.Visions, No 95, Ifri, July 2016 https://www.ifri.org/sites/default/file ... _final.pdf

[8] “Люди, які вразили Україну,” [“People who amazed Ukraine”], TCН, 2014 http://tsn.ua/special-projects/people2014/

[9] “Ukraine underplays role of far right in conflict,” BBC News, 13 December 2014 http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-30414955


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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Sun Dec 23, 2018 10:35 am

A World Untethered From Truth
with Gary Lachman, Author of "Dark Star Rising"



https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7xtsKwZH2e0

Gary Lachman became intrigued with the Mysteries and New Thought while performing as the bass guitarist for the band 'Blondie'. He lived in Manhattan at the time, the center of the New Thought movement, and took a deep dive to the heart of the phenomona. This led to writing 20 books on the topic including The Politics of the Occult. His new book, Dark Star Rising: Magick and Power in the Age of Trump, examines how our global cultures became untethered from 'reality and truth' to allow the rise of classic strong-men into positions of leadership around the world. Gary explains the link between the occult influences on Mussolini, HItler, Reagan, Putin, Dugin, Bannon and Trump - all of which are based on "creating our own reality."
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Sun Dec 23, 2018 11:18 am

Image
scenes of initiation into the Eleusinian Mysteries

And now we shall briefly consider the 1960s, the first modern psychedelic era. It is here that rock 'n' roll's ties to the ancient Mysteries were first made manifest. An underground culture centering around hallucinogens had been developing on the sly in the United States since the early 1950s. By the time the 1960s rolled around it had become a full on lifestyle for some. And rock 'n' roll was the only music capable of capturing the spirit of this lifestyle.

"The initial breeding ground for the large-scale use of psychedelics was the social and artistic fringe areas associated with the beat phenomenon. For some years prior to the emergence of LSD as a street drug, the number of people whose lives were influenced by psychedelics had been slowly building to a critical mass, until they became visible on both coasts as distinct communities. The most significant expression of the new psychedelic lifestyle was centered in the Haight-Ashbury district of San Francisco. It was in the Haight that the cultural rebellion fueled by LSD happened so vividly and with such intensity that it attracted worldwide attention...

"By 1965, Haight-Ashbury was a vibrant neobohemian enclave, a community on the cusp of a major transition. A small psychedelic city-state was taking shape, and those who inhabited the open urban space within its invisible borders adhered to a set of laws and rhythms completely different from the nine-to-five routine that governed straight society. More than anything the Haight was a unique state of mind, an arena of exploration and celebration. The new hipsters had cast aside the syndrome of alienation and despair that saddled many of their beatnik forebears. The accent shifted from solitude to communion, from the individual to the interpersonal. The new sensibility was particularly evident in musical preferences. The sound of the in-crowd was no longer folk or jazz but the bouncing rhythms of rock and roll that could incite an audience to boogie in unison almost as a single organism.

"Music happenings were a cornerstone of the cultural revival in the Haight, providing a locus around which a new community consciousness coalesced."

(Acid Dreams, Martin A. Lee & Bruce Shlain, pgs. 141-142)


Image

Consider the heavily ritualistic nature of these 'musical happenings'.

"No affair in the Haight better illustrated how far these rock events had strayed from conventional entertainment than the Trips Festival staged by Ken Kesey and the Merry Pranksters in January 1966. 'The general tone of things,' Kesey advertised, 'has moved on from the self-conscious happenings to a more jubilant occasion where the audience participates because it's more fun to do so than not. Audience dancing is an assumed part of all these shows, and the audience is invited to wear ecstatic dress and to bring their own gadgets...' This was a wide-open three-day LSD party with just about every sight and sound imaginable: mime exhibitions, guerrilla theater, a 'Congress of Wonders,' and live mikes and sound equipment for anyone to play with. Closed-circuit television cameras were set up on the dance floor so people could watch themselves shake ans swing. Music blasted at ear-splitting volumes while Day-Glo bodies bounced gleefully on trampolines. At one point Kesey flashed from a projector, 'Anyone who knows he is God please go up on stage.'

"Jerry ('Captain Trips') Garcia, the lead guitarist of the Grateful Dead, one of the bands that performed at the Trips Festival, tried to put his finger on what made these events so special:

What the Kesey thing was depended on who you were when you were there. It was open, tapestry, a mandala --it was whatever you made it... When it was moving right, you could dig that there was something that it was getting toward, something like ordered chaos, or some region of chaos... Everybody would be high and flashing and going through insane changes during which everything would be demolished, man, and spilled and broken and affected, and after that, another thing would happen, maybe smoothing out the chaos, then another... Thousands of people, man, all helplessly stoned, all finding themselves in a room of thousands of people, none of whom any of them were afraid of. It was magic, far-out beautiful magic."
(ibid, pgs. 143-144)


Image
Kesey's Trip Festival,a 20th century Mystery festival?

Note the remarkable similarities between these happenings and the most sacred rituals of the ancient Mysteries. In both cases, the initiate undergoes a transcendental experience in which their perception of reality is shaken to its very core. Drugs, theater, visuals, and especially music were just as crucial to the ancient Mysteries as they were to the modern happenings. But ultimately, it was the music that would ensure that the psychedelic counterculture, and thus the ancient Mystery traditions, would spread far beyond certain bohemian enclaves along the East and West coast.

That musicians would be so instrumental in reviving the traditions of the ancient Mysteries was inevitable. There is some indication that musicians, specifically wandering minstrels, preserved certain traditions of the Mysteries in their songs during the Middle Ages.

"The Awenyddion, the popular minstrels, may indeed have disguised their secrets by a pretense of being possessed by spirits, as the Irish poets are recorded to have done by buffoonery, and they may have induced these ecstasies by toadstool eating..."[/size]
(The White Goddess, Robert Graves, pgs. 77-78)


Image
Medieval mushroom eaters?

Thus, the psychedelic minstrel is hardly a modern invention. Given the occult topics that many acid rock (more on this in just a moment) outfits incorporated into their music, as well as the highly ritualistic atmosphere of their concerts, one could argue things had finally come full circle. The wandering minstrels of the Celtic nations preserved traditions of the ancient Mysteries, including the psychedelic sacrament, in their poems at the dawn of Christianity. These references were thoroughly hidden as not to draw the ire of Church officials. As the centuries passed, the deeper meanings of these songs and poems were lost and confused, eventually morphing into the traditional Irish and British folk music of later eras. This music was brought by immigrants (most notably the Scots-Irish) to America in the seventeenth century, where is was merged with similar traditions in African folk music. By the mid 20th century, psychedelics and the ancient Mysteries had been rediscovered and reincorporated into popular music (i.e rock 'n' roll), leading to the first Psychedelic era, which was essentially a re emergence of the ancient Mysteries.


Psychedelia in Diabolus Part I
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Thu Dec 27, 2018 9:37 am

Describes brutal torture.


SKINNER v. STATE

Court of Criminal Appeals of Oklahoma.
Gordon Todd SKINNER, Appellant v. The STATE of Oklahoma, Appellee.

No. F-2007-1101.
Decided: June 11, 2009



FACTS

¶ 2 Even a careful review of the record in this case leaves unanswered many questions about what exactly happened to eighteen-year-old Brandon Green, beginning over the Fourth of July weekend in 2003, at the hands of defendant Gordon Todd Skinner (“Skinner”), and with the assistance of his co-defendants Krystle Ann Cole Skinner (“Cole”) and William Earnest Hauck (“Hauck”).3  It is even more unclear why it happened.

¶ 3 What is fairly clear, however, is that Green joined Skinner and Cole, who were staying at the downtown Tulsa Doubletree Hotel, in early July of 2003.4  Skinner was known for hosting gatherings at this and other locations, where illegal psychedelic drugs would be given out, often his own concoctions and often as part of a pseudo-religious ceremony that Skinner would lead.   Green was expecting to party with Skinner and Cole and to prepare for some kind of business venture with Skinner, which involved harbor dredging work in the Caribbean.   Green considered Skinner to be his “friend” and referred to Cole, whom he had been dating for a few months, as his “girlfriend,” even though she had apparently just married Skinner.   Cole had previously been involved with Skinner, but she had recently been trying to “get away” from him, with the help of Green, because Skinner was so violent and controlling.5

¶ 4 It is also clear that on July 3, 2003, at the request of Skinner, Green drove from Tulsa to Oklahoma City to pick up Bill Hauck, whom Green had not met previously, and bring him back to the hotel.   Hauck was a truck driver and had a long history of working for and with Skinner, and he expected to be involved in the dredging venture.   Hauck had his own room on a different floor and was in and out of the hotel and Skinner's rooms over the next five days.   Meanwhile Cole remained in and around the adjoining 14th floor rooms during this same time.   The exact extent of Hauck and Cole's willing participation in the subsequent kidnapping and torture of Green at the hotel was a matter of some dispute at trial, but there was no dispute among the testifying witnesses who were there at the time-Green, Hauck, Cole, and later Kristi Roberts-that Skinner was very much running the show.6  On the other hand, Hauck and Cole freely admitted that they did nothing to try to stop Skinner and that they made no effort to get Green any kind of help, even though they could see his injuries and hear him moaning in pain and begging for help.7  Nor did they contact law enforcement authorities or anyone else on Green's behalf.

¶ 5 Brandon Green remembers that on July 4, 2003, he voluntarily ingested several of what Skinner described as “the Eucharist,” believing that the Catholic communion wafers that Skinner provided would be laced with LSD, as on previous occasions when Skinner had given them to Green.   Green expected that the wafers would cause him to “trip,” but instead he was rendered completely unconscious.8  Green testified that his next memory was of waking up naked on the hotel bathroom floor, with his hands, legs, and mouth duct-taped, and with Skinner standing over him, kicking him in the groin area as hard as he could and saying, “You should never have touched my fiancée;  you should never have touched my fiancée.” 9  Green remembers that he eventually passed out during this assault and that when he woke up, Skinner was kneeling over him with a hypodermic needle, injecting something into his penis.   Green's comprehension then got “extremely blurry,” and he has very few clear memories of the incredible torture that he was subjected to over the next four days at the Tulsa Doubletree and then at a Houston area motel after that.

¶ 6 Evidence presented at trial established that the torture at the Tulsa hotel included numerous and repeated injections by Skinner into Green's penis, testicles, buttocks, and other parts of his body, with the apparent dual purpose of permanently disabling and disfiguring Green sexually and of keeping him in a prolonged state of unconsciousness, while he was being physically, sexually, and emotionally assaulted by Skinner.10  Skinner also brutally punched and kicked Green in the genitals, lifted Green's unconscious body up off the bed by grabbing him at the base of his genitals,11 and wrapped a phone cord about Green's penis, put his foot on Green's stomach, and jerked until he heard “the cartilage snap.”

¶ 7 Kristi Roberts testified at trial that she met Green, Skinner, and Cole earlier in 2003, that she had taken psychedelic drugs provided by Skinner, including “the Eucharist,” and that she had a “very close friendship” with Skinner.   Roberts testified that she stopped by the hotel during the early morning hours of July 2, 2003, but then did not return to the hotel until late evening on July 5, after being picked up by Hauck in Green's car.   After chatting with Skinner and Cole, Roberts discovered Green lying on the bed in Room 1411 “in a sedated state.” 12  Skinner and Cole told her that Green had “tried to keep up with [Skinner] taking the Eucharist.”   Roberts left again that night and did not return until the next night.

¶ 8 When Roberts arrived on July 6 and asked where Skinner and Green were, Cole directed her to Room 1411, saying, “It's not as bad as it looks.”   Roberts found Green lying on the bathroom floor, with duct tape around his head and face, his hands duct-taped to his feet behind him, and with a “KFC” cup over his penis.   Roberts testified that Green was very upset, “tripping really hard,” and that when she finally got the duct tape off his mouth, he was talking but not making a lot of sense.13  Roberts testified that Cole told her that Green had “gotten into something” (the green liquid) and that Roberts should wear socks on her hands and not touch any of the substance that was on Green.

¶ 9 Roberts testified that as she gave Green a bath, he started saying that “his balls were hurting” and that Skinner had “shot him in the balls.”   Roberts could tell that Green was in a lot of pain and could see that his testicles were very swollen and that his penis was injured.   She got Green back into bed and tried to comfort him and to convince Skinner and Cole to take him to a hospital, but they refused, saying that Green had injured himself during a “bad trip.” 14  As Green became more lucid over the next few hours, he started telling Skinner that he “was sorry he slept with his girlfriend” and that he “thought that they were friends.”

¶ 10 Green begged Roberts to find out if Cole was involved in what was happening to him;  so Roberts went down to the lobby with Cole for a few minutes to talk to her.   By the time Roberts returned, Green was laying on the bed drooling, no longer able to speak, and Skinner told her that he “just gave him something to put him to sleep.” 15  After sitting with the now-“sleeping” Green for a while, to make sure that he was still breathing, Roberts left and went to sleep in a different room on the 15th floor.   When Roberts woke up the next morning, Cole told her that Green had left and was probably going to the police.   Roberts testified that she believed Green had left on his own, since he was no longer in Room 1411 and his car keys had been taken from the place where she had hidden them in that room.   Roberts “assumed everything was going to be fine,” after Green recovered from his trip.

¶ 11 Earlier that same morning of July 7, 2003, Skinner determined that Green needed to be moved out of Room 1411, because a housekeeper had discovered that they were using that room (without paying for it) and had seen Green on the bed, and also to get Green away from Roberts.   Skinner directed Hauck and Cole to move Green, then barely conscious, to Hauck's room on the eighteenth floor and to tell Roberts that Green had woken up and left the hotel.16  Skinner then ordered Hauck, Cole, and Roberts to clean up the fourteenth floor rooms, which they did.   After that Skinner sent Roberts off with his luggage to get him a room at another hotel, and she did not return to the Doubletree.   Skinner gave Green further injections in the new room, in order to keep him from “waking up.”

¶ 12 On July 8, 2003, Skinner hatched a plan that Green's body would be totally shaved and then dumped in a remote area of Texas.17  Skinner told Hauck to cut Green's long, blond, curly hair, which he did.   Skinner then sent Hauck to find a large wardrobe box and a bellman's cart.   Hauck testified that when he returned, Green's head had been completely shaved and that Skinner and Cole were also shaving his legs and eyebrows.18  Hauck testified that after they finished, Skinner poured alcohol and Epsom salt on Green's body, claiming that it would destroy DNA evidence.19  After Skinner gave Green an additional injection to keep him “out,” they dressed him, put him in the box, put the box on the hotel cart, rolled the cart out to Green's own car, which was parked in the hotel parking lot, wrapped him in a blanket, and then buckled Green's limp body into the front passenger seat.   Skinner directed Hauck to drive to the Houston area, where Skinner would join them later, and gave Hauck an additional syringe to use on Green, in case he started waking up on the way.

¶ 13 Hauck testified that he never injected Green with anything, but that when Green started to wake up during the trip, Hauck hit him twice on the face and that Green “was in enough of a weakened condition [that] it knocked him out.” 20  Hauck testified that they arrived at a motel in the Houston area during the early morning hours of July 9, that when Green started waking up again, he tied him down to the bed in the room, and that they were joined by Cole and Skinner that afternoon.   Green was held in this room until the evening of July 10, 2003.   During this time Skinner gave him additional injections to keep him unconscious and ordered Hauck to give Green oral antibiotics, claiming that it would help heal the injection marks.

¶ 14 During this time Skinner also prepared a foul-smelling “tea,” which he both forced Green to drink and injected him with, causing Green to vomit violently.   Both Hauck and Green testified about a particularly disturbing thing that Green vomited up, which had little worm-like things inside it, and that Skinner claimed was a “parasite sack.” 21  In addition, and at the direction of Skinner, Green's eyes were covered and he was told that if he took the covering off, his retinas would be burned.   Skinner then pretended to be a Swedish doctor, who had come to “help” Green, but who actually tormented him and put suppositories and perhaps other things in Green's anus.22

¶ 15 Late in the day on July 10, Skinner directed Hauck to take Green and dump him, along with his car, in a deserted area in rural Texas, where it would be unlikely that Green would be found or get help quickly.23  Cole was directed to follow Hauck, who was driving Green's car, and to bring Hauck back after he had dumped Green.   Green was given a final injection by Skinner before they left.   Cole and Hauck stopped at a convenience store on the way to buy some water and chocolate candy to leave with Green, since they knew that he had not had any food and only limited fluids since the whole ordeal began.   They then drove to an area along a highway outside of Texas City, Texas.   Hauck testified that he decided to leave Green in a field along the highway, which was “between a busy county road and a busy interstate,” because he believed it would give Green “the best chance.” 24  Hauck then placed Green, still nearly catatonic, on a blanket on the ground next to the car, leaving the keys to the car and the food and water inside, with the doors locked.25

¶ 16 Green testified that his first memory that night was of hearing his car door open and being picked up by Hauck, “like you would a little baby,” and being placed down in the grass, and that he was so grateful that he was going to be allowed to sleep.   When Green woke up later that night, Hauck was gone.   Green crawled to his car, only to find that even though his car keys were visible on the driver's seat, all the doors were locked;  and he wept.   The next morning Green began the long, painful crawl to the highway, since he could hear traffic.   Green testified that he would crawl a few feet and would then pass out, before waking up to crawl a few more feet, that he used his shoes as a pillow, and that he brought along the blanket he had found in the grass.26

¶ 17 Green's naked and nearly lifeless body was found along the Texas highway by Texas City police officer Neal Mora, around 8:00 a.m., on July 11, 2003.   Mora testified that he wasn't sure what he was seeing at first, that Green had a blanket around his lower half, and that he was “very weak and just completely, completely pale.”   When he looked more closely, Mora could see numerous cuts on Green's head and bruising all over his body.   Mora commented that Green looked “pretty horrific.”   Green was taken to the Mainland Medical Center in Texas and put in the intensive care unit.

¶ 18 At trial the jury was shown a video of Green, which was taken at the hospital within a few hours after he was found.27  The jury was also shown pictures of Green's battered body, including extensive bruising and ligature marks from being tied up and his incredibly swollen, discolored, and damaged genitals.   Green testified that he spent about a week in the hospital, during which time his lung collapsed due to the trauma he had endured.   He noted that he was unable to walk even when he was released and that he remained in a wheelchair for months.   In addition, Green testified that even though it had been nearly three years since the ordeal, he continued to need weekly medical care and that he had constant pain and nerve damage in his groin area and a large mass in his left testicle.   Green noted that he had done a lot of research, including parasite research, trying to figure out what exactly Skinner had injected him with, because he had suffered from numerous illnesses since the kidnapping and been unable to fully recover.   In particular, Green testified that despite his concerted efforts to “man up” since the kidnapping, he remained unable to put on weight or gain muscle mass.28

ANALYSIS

¶ 19 In Proposition I, Skinner asserts that his convictions in the current case must be reversed and dismissed because they were obtained in violation of binding immunity agreements that he entered with the federal government.   More specifically, Skinner maintains (and has maintained since shortly after the filing of this case) that the State of Oklahoma is prohibited from prosecuting him for the violent crimes committed against Brandon Green in July of 2003, because he received a grant of immunity from the federal government in October of 2000, which was renewed in January of 2003 when he testified in a federal drug and money laundering case in Kansas.29  Skinner maintains that the current State prosecution was irreparably tainted by a number of “federal contacts,” including the following:  (1) Skinner's prior work with federal DEA (Drug Enforcement Administration) agents included introducing them to Cole, who was a key witness in the current case;  (2) most of the key witnesses in this case, including the victim, had some prior contacts with the DEA; 30  and (3) Green and his father approached the DEA in late July of 2003, regarding Skinner's crimes against Green (hoping for a federal kidnapping prosecution and the potentially higher penalties that might result).   In essence, Skinner maintains that any witness with any links to the DEA, including the victim, could not be used as a witness against him and also that even the prosecutor in this case was irreparably tainted due to contact with federal DEA agents.31


https://caselaw.findlaw.com/ok-court-of ... 51267.html
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Fri Dec 28, 2018 9:05 pm

Thomas Hatsis - Demonizing The Psychedelic Sacred


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P_s-BJHVup4


During medieval times a certain kind of spiritual rite was practiced among village shamans in Western Europe. This practice involved using what we today would call “entheogens” and involved falling into a deep trance, meeting with fertility goddesses, and dispensing wisdom from beyond the veil back to the community. We today popularly call the entheogens used to achieve this form of worship a “witches’ ointment” or “ ying ointment.” Around the early 1400s, Church authorities saw a problem with this kind of spirituality and demonized the experience as a trip to the Devil. In my talk, I unravel the journey these entheogenic ointments took to become the legendary “witches’ ointment” of popular imagination.

Filmed at Breaking Convention 2017 - 4th International Conference on Psychedelic Consciousness University of Greenwich London, June 30th-July 2nd 2017

https://www.breakingconvention.co.uk
American Dream
 
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The Quest

Postby American Dream » Sun Dec 30, 2018 10:23 am

American Dream
 
Posts: 19946
Joined: Sat Sep 15, 2007 4:56 pm
Location: Planet Earth
Blog: View Blog (0)

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