Henry "Scoop" Jackson

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Henry "Scoop" Jackson

Postby Wombaticus Rex » Wed Jul 04, 2012 4:13 pm

Prepping for an essay.


history commons: http://www.historycommons.org/entity.js ... ry_jackson
wiki: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_M._Jackson

Via: http://www.seattlepi.com/news/article/P ... 111242.php

The road the U.S. traveled to Baghdad was paved by 'Scoop' Jackson

America's attack on Iraq started 65 years ago in the wooded curving inlets and gentle fog of Snohomish County.

At least that's one genealogy of the war, curling back through closed-door politics where so much of U.S. history happens.

Nineteen thirty-eight was the year Henry Martin Jackson, an ambitious 26-year-old Democrat from Everett fresh out of the University of Washington Law School, was elected prosecuting attorney for Snohomish County. As usual, few outside Washington state noticed the obscure local vote. But it launched a fateful political career, and ultimately led to the U.S. missiles, tanks and troops flung into Iraq last month.

Jackson rose rapidly from the Everett courthouse. Making a name for himself chasing bootleggers and gamblers, he shot on to Congress in 1940. He served five terms in the House, broken by a stint as a World War II GI, and by 1952, had gained the Senate, where "Scoop," as he was called, became a national force. A middle-of-the-road, pro-labor Democrat on domestic issues and an early champion of environmental causes, Jackson was chairman for nearly two decades of the Interior Committee (later Energy and Natural Resources) and sat on the Government Operations Committee and Joint Committee on Atomic Energy -- all major fiefdoms in dispensing federal money and wielding influence in politics and policy. One of Capitol Hill's more vigorous legislators, he was a main author and driving force of the legislation creating the Environmental Protection Agency, major wilderness preservation and other landmark acts.

With another local prosecutor raised to Senate power, King County's Warren Magnuson, Jackson also saw to it that generous appropriations and contracts were sluiced to his home state, especially the Puget Sound area. "Scoop" especially would be known scathingly in congressional corridors as the "Senator from Boeing" for being on-call to the corporate giant.

But it was in national security that Jackson's impact was deepest. The hawks' hawk, he was to the right of many in both parties. Not even the massive retaliation strategy and roving CIA interventions of the Eisenhower '50s were tough enough for him. Perched on the mighty Armed Services Committee as well as his other bases of power, he went on over the next decade to goad the Kennedy and Johnson administrations, urging the Vietnam War, fatter military budgets, stronger support of Israel in the Middle East and a more aggressive foreign policy in general.

It was then, 40 years ago, that Jackson began to be linked directly, if furtively, to some of the uglier and little-known origins of the war on Iraq in 2003. Overseeing the CIA's "black budget" for covert operations and interventions from a subcommittee of Armed Services, he was one of a handful of senators who gave a nod to two U.S.-backed coups in Iraq, one in 1963 and again in 1968. Those plots brought Saddam Hussein to power amid bloodbaths in which the CIA, exacting the price for its support, handed Saddam and his Baath Party cohorts lists of supposed anti-U.S. Iraqis to be killed.

The result was the systematic murder of several hundred and as many as several thousand people, in which Saddam himself participated. Whatever the toll, accounts agree that CIA killing lists comprised much of Iraq's young educated elite -- doctors, teachers, technicians, lawyers and other professionals as well as military officers and political figures -- Iraqis who would not be there to oppose Saddam's growing tyranny over ensuing years or to help rebuild or govern Iraq, as the United States now hopes to do, after the current war.

By 1969, Jackson was so prominent in military and national security affairs, and so at odds on those issues with many in his own party, that newly elected Republican Richard Nixon thought to name the Washington Democrat his secretary of defense, though the senator declined the job.

But Snohomish County's favorite son coveted the White House himself and was soon a sharp critic of Nixon's arms control and détente. Added to his cold warring was even greater zeal for Israel, a certainty that the United States should endorse the Israelis' own hard line -- absorbing the West Bank after its conquest in the 1967 Middle East War, the long-term subjugation of Palestine and an abiding hostility to Iraq and other Arab states.

As Jackson grew nationally prominent, he attracted the inevitable ambitious staffers and partisans boarding his coattails to advance both their own hawkish views and themselves. Among them was a recent graduate of the University of Southern California who was fanatic about amassing and projecting U.S. power, especially on behalf of Israel, and not least about his own strategic genius. The young New Yorker named Richard Perle became Jackson's chief assistant from 1969 to 1980.

I saw these origins firsthand working in the Senate in the early '70s after resigning from Henry Kissinger's National Security Council staff over the invasion of Cambodia. Seen from the inside, Jackson's Senate heft was considerable. Though a relatively small, unprepossessing figure as politicians go, he usually did his homework, could be incisive about important details his colleagues let slip and struck a shrewd balance between conviction and expedience. Much of his Capitol Hill power derived from his unique role, which he played well, as a northern Democrat with solid labor backing and other party credentials yet whose hard-line international view drew the support of many Republicans and the most conservative Southerners on either side of the aisle.

His belligerence also exerted (and still does) a kind of extortionist pull on liberal Democrats deathly afraid of appearing "weak" on national defense or in standing up to the Russians and anyone else. There was no question that "Scoop," from the mountains and straits of the far northwest corner of the continental United States, caught the unease and reflexive combativeness of much of America in dealing with a planet we knew so little despite our power. Still, in the '70s, a more worldly post-Vietnam moderation and sensibility in the leadership of both parties appeared to have passed Jackson by, leaving his chauvinism and foreign policy animus marginal, sometimes looking a bit crazed.

As for Perle, he was a pear-shaped, slightly fish-eyed man of self-consciously affected locution, the too-hungry, too-sly and too-toadying aide familiar in bureaucracies public and private. His views were patently uninformed, and he wore his conference-room warrior's zealotry no more gracefully than his expensive blue pinstriped suits. It seemed obvious that the bellicose policies he and Jackson embodied were not only wrong for America, but would also usher Israel into the ruinous isolation I and other admirers of its brave people most feared. "Scoop" & Co. would remain, I assumed, an extremist fringe. How wrong I was.

Jackson, of course, never got the White House. With big pro-Israeli money though stolid style, he lost the presidential nomination in 1976 to Jimmy Carter, who offered a fresh face in the national weariness in the wake of the Watergate scandal. But when Jackson died seven years later back in Everett, ending more than four decades on the national scene, he had spawned a cult following. There was always much less substantively than met the eye in the lavishly financed and much-propagandized neoconservative cabal taking power under President Reagan, and now again under George W. Bush. In any case, its throwback foreign policy was, and is, "Scoop" Jackson warmed over -- the red, white and blue, Israel-first, bombs-away dawn of an old era.

For his part, Perle missed a long-coveted chance to make presidential policy when Jackson stumbled in 1976. But the aide promptly moved on to the next coattails in classic, if banal, Washington, D.C., style. Relentlessly levering the system he learned under Jackson, he cultivated the media, courted politicians in both parties and used old allies in the politically potent pro-Israeli and military-industrial lobbies. By the Reagan '80s, he was an assistant secretary of defense, veteran of the now-venerated Jackson tradition of military expansion and a self-promoted strategist for a Republican president as comfortably as for a Democratic senator.

Whatever "Scoop" Jackson's mix of political principle and opportunism, Perle's politics were largely himself.

On the way up, Perle gathered his own disciples -- Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, Under-Secretary of Defense for Policy Douglas Feith and others who would go on themselves in similar fashion to become key officials in the current administration. Like Perle, who was appointed to chair the administration's influential Defense Policy Board, they're all longtime advocates, years before the Sept. 11 attacks, of pre-emptive American military invasions in Iraq and elsewhere and of implicit, if not open, support for the expansionist and repressive policies of their right-wing counterparts in Israel. By all accounts, their concerted influence was decisive in going to war in Iraq.

Grown wealthy in the revolving door between government and corporate plunder, Perle has drawn notoriety lately not only for his intimate ties to Israel but also for his connections to companies standing to profit obscenely from the war he's mongered. When Michigan Congressman John Conyers Jr. and Sen. Carl Levin began to prod Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld about the disreputable dealings, Perle angrily resigned March 27 from the chairmanship of the board, though he continues to sit as a full-fledged member of the pivotal body. Token resignation aside, it all reeks of the seedy conflict-of-interest "Scoop" once would have prosecuted in Snohomish County. But in the rest of their martial provincialism, Perle and his minions are Jackson's offspring.

By the way, Snohomish County's current prosecuting attorney, if you hadn't noticed, is a young woman named Janice Ellis. She seems dedicated to her job. But you can't tell where these county officials may go. Please let us know if Ellis begins to take an unusual interest in national security.

Via: http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/l ... on12m.html

Scoop Jackson's protégés shaping Bush's foreign policy

WASHINGTON — As legacies go, few elected officials from the state cast a longer shadow than the late Sen. Henry "Scoop" Jackson, who served 31 years in the Senate and launched two unsuccessful presidential campaigns.

But exactly how the popular Democratic senator from Everett is remembered depends on which part of his career you focus on: his passion for conservation or his reputation as one of the most strident Cold Warriors of either political party.

These days, it's mostly the latter, to the chagrin of some of Jackson's more liberal supporters.

But it's easy to understand why Jackson's hawkish views are suddenly in vogue: Many of the young aides who were drawn to work for Jackson in the 1970s because of his unwavering opposition to the Soviet Union now help shape the Bush administration's foreign policy.

At one time, these Jackson Democrats advocated building more nuclear weapons in an effort to hobble world communism. Many have since joined the Republican Party and rally around new foreign-policy buzzwords: "regime change."

"There is no question in my mind that the people who supported Iraq are supporting Henry Jackson's instincts," said Jackson biographer Robert Kaufman, a political scientist at the University of Vermont.

Peter Jackson, the senator's son, said some admirers of his father's position on foreign policy forget Jackson's efforts to preserve wilderness and enact environmental policies.

And tying the senator's vision too closely with the war in Iraq makes his son uneasy.

"It doesn't make me feel comfortable if it (the Iraq war) is being cast as the natural extension of that legacy," Peter Jackson said.

The list of former Jackson staff members reads like a who's who of foreign-policy experts.

• Richard Perle is an adviser to the Defense Department and considered a major influence on Bush administration foreign policy.

• Doug Feith is undersecretary of defense for policy at the Pentagon.

• Elliott Abrams, special assistant to the president focusing on Middle East affairs, worked as special counsel to Jackson.

Paul Wolfowitz, deputy secretary of defense and one of Bush's Iraq policy experts, never served directly under Jackson. But they had a long relationship that began when Wolfowitz, then a 29-year-old graduate student, helped Jackson prepare charts when the senator wanted to persuade fellow lawmakers to fund an antiballistic-missile program in 1969.

Elected to Senate in '52

Born in Everett in 1912, Jackson was elected county prosecutor before winning a seat in the House of Representatives in 1940.

A visit to the Buchenwald concentration camp after World War II cemented his lifelong advocacy of Israel and other Jewish causes. In 1949, he argued for the development of the H-bomb.

He was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1952, and supported the troop buildup in Vietnam. In 1978, he fought President Carter's decision to forgo deployment of the neutron weapon, which could kill people while causing little damage to buildings and other structures.

By the 1970s, Jackson was one of the last Democratic Party standard-bearers of a get-tough approach to the Soviet Union.

When President Ford announced he would not invite dissident Alexander Solzhenitsyn to the White House in 1975 for fear of angering the Soviet Union, Jackson and a group of other senators asked Solzhenitsyn to speak at an office in the Capitol.

Such positions often placed Jackson at odds with members of his own party.

After the war in Vietnam, many prominent Democrats said the country's troubles abroad were caused by American belligerence and paranoia. Throughout the 1970s, Republicans wanted to control the Soviet Union through détente.

But Jackson opposed détente, never wavering from his belief that communism was inherently evil and needed to be confronted by American power. He attracted a group of like-minded people to work for him.

"I wanted to work for Scoop Jackson. He was the last Democrat who embodied the high tradition of internationalism," said Charles Horner, a former aide who is now a scholar at the Hudson Institute, a conservative think tank in Washington, D.C.

"Bush is the embodiment of that tradition," Horner added.

Jackson ran for president in 1972 and 1976 but didn't make it past the primaries.

Many former Jackson staff members became disillusioned with the Democratic Party during the Carter administration and later supported President Reagan. As a group, they were known as the "neoconservatives," or neocons.

When Reagan presented Jackson's widow, Helen, with a posthumous Medal of Freedom in 1984, he said: "I am deeply proud — as he would have been — to have Jackson Democrats serve in my administration. I am proud some of them have found a home here."

Twenty years later, many of those Jackson Democrats are credited with helping devise Bush's war on terrorism and invasion of Iraq.

"The Rumsfeld Defense Department is as close to Jackson as any publicly identifiable group," biographer Kaufman said. He remembers a Henry M. Jackson Foundation dinner in Washington, D.C., three years ago attended by Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, Perle, Abrams and Wolfowitz.

Perle and Jeanne Kirkpatrick, former U.N. ambassador under Reagan, serve on the board of the Seattle-based Jackson Foundation, which provides grants to nonprofits and educational institutes.

Former House Speaker Tom Foley, who also worked for Jackson, and longtime civic leader Jim Ellis are also board members, as are Peter Jackson and his mother.

The official biography on the foundation's Web site notes Sen. Jackson was "an expert on nuclear weapons and strategic issues." But it devotes more attention to his conservation legislation and efforts to preserve wilderness areas including the North Cascades Park, Olympic National Park and the Alpine Lakes Wilderness.

Peter Jackson said Kaufman's biography, "Henry M. Jackson — A Life in Politics" (University of Washington Press, 2000), gave short shrift to his father's environmental record and emphasized his foreign policy almost exclusively.

When reading early drafts of Kaufman's book, Peter Jackson said, he bristled at Kaufman's repeated use of the phrase "evil empire" to describe the senator's attitude toward the Soviet Union. The words belonged to Reagan, not to his father, Peter Jackson said.

But Peter Jackson said he supported the war to oust Saddam Hussein and often defends Perle to those in liberal circles who consider him "the Prince of Darkness" — a warmonger and profiteer.

What legacy?

Scoop Jackson's greatest legacy, said his son, may be his steady convictions and his belief that, in foreign policy, the best politics is no politics.

Trying to guess what Jackson would say today is useless, he said. But he added: "My father would never grandstand or question someone's patriotism. Since he died, the debate has become shriller."

After thinking about his father's legacy for a few days, Jackson, a former speechwriter for Gov. Gary Locke, e-mailed a final thought:

"Intellectually, neocons are children of a common father, but what can the father do after a lowly few race off and elope with Republicans? Most Dads would sigh, lament their kids' poor taste, but love them anyway."

Namebase Biblio


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Willan,P. Puppetmasters. 1991 (221-2)

pages cited this search: 67
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Re: Henry "Scoop" Jackson

Postby Wombaticus Rex » Wed Jul 04, 2012 4:18 pm

Via: http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2002/de ... lianborger

Scoop Jackson's body is 20 years in the grave but his spirit goes marching on

One man more than any other can credibly claim the intellectual and political credit for the Bush administration's bellicose showdown with Iraq and its muscular new doctrine of pre-emption. This lynchpin politician is not a member of the government, not even a Republican, but a maverick Democrat senator who has been dead for nearly 20 years.

Henry "Scoop" Jackson is the common thread linking the hawk ideologues who have taken the driving seat since September 11.

Paul Wolfowitz and Doug Feith, the two leading strategists at the defence department, and Richard Perle, an unusual but influential Pentagon adviser, are all former Democrats who worked for Jackson in the 70s, and looked on him as their mentor.

Mr Perle still claims to be a registered Democrat, in honour of the late senator for Washington state, and Mr Wolfowitz has been known to describe himself as a "Scoop Jackson Republican".

This week President Bush put another Jackson protege, Elliott Abrams, in charge of White House policy in the Middle East.

Mr Abrams, who was convicted for misleading Congress about the Iran-contra affair (money secretly raised by selling arms to Iran sent to the contra guerrillas in Nicaragua), remains fiercely loyal to the source of his anti-communist zeal.

He recently argued that the Jackson's "insistence on a 'moral realism", combining American power with principled support of human rights and democratic allies, helped to prevent disaster during America's post-Vietnam crisis of detente, malaise, and the Brezhnev Doctrine."

Another acolyte, Frank Gaffney, runs the centre for security policy, a rightwing thinktank which has served as an incubator for the emerging themes of Bush foreign policy since September 11: the assertive use of military power, an aggressive pre-emptive approach to emerging threats, and uncompromising support for the Likud party and its policies in Israel.

"Jackson's influence is more powerful now than when he was alive," said Charles Horner, who worked beside Mr Perle on the senator's staff, in his "bunker" - Room 135 in the Senate office building, from where they fought against detente and the peaceniks in their own party.

A well-founded nation

Mr Horner, now a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, another Washington crucible of conservative ideas, said: "For the Democrats in the 70s the ideas of the anti-war movement transmogrified into an attack on national security.

"There was a lot of stridently anti-American rhetoric, with America demonised as a force for evil."

In contrast, Jackson and his followers insisted that the US was a "well-founded nation" which could be a force for good in the world if it was not afraid to use its strength.

From Room 135 "Scoops Troops" fought every international arms control treaty that came the Senate's way, successfully blocking ratification of the Salt2 treaty until it was buried by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Jackson also pushed for trade sanctions against Moscow until it allowed the emigration of Soviet Jews: a policy he saw as the perfect marriage of hard-nosed diplomacy and moral principle.

To bring that day closer, and in the name of melding foreign policy with moral principles, Jackson fought for and won trade sanctions on Moscow for its refusal to allow the mass emigration.

His beliefs, and much of his staff, were gratefully taken up by Ronald Reagan in 1980, with Jackson's blessing.

Before that the Democrats, not the Republicans, had the reputation of being the war party. Woodrow Wilson took the reluctant country into the first world war, and Franklin Roosevelt did the same in the second. Harry Truman took the anti-communist struggle to Korea, and the Vietnam war was pursued first by John Kennedy and then Lyndon Johnson.

Jackson, who arrived in the capital as a young congressman in 1941, "came to believe that you have to confront evil with power", as Mr Horner put it, and saw himself as upholding a Democratic tradition which married social support for civil rights and equality at home with unflinching military support for democracy abroad.

His instincts were honed into a political ideology with the help of Dorothy Fosdick, daughter of a New York priest and famous pacifist, Harry Fosdick, who served as Jackson's foreign policy adviser for 28 years. Today's grey eminences behind the "war on terror" were once young apprentices under her supervision.

As his party turned against the Vietnam war, Jackson formed a faction called the Coaltion for a Democratic Majority, intent on steering the leadereship away from detente, pacifism and isolationism.

He sought the party's presidential nomination but lost to relative pacifists both times, first George McGovern and then Jimmy Carter, whose presidency he then pilloried bitterly in the Senate.

He had minimal stage presence, and his ascetic personality - he did not drink, listen to music, follow sports or pursue hobbies - had little popular appeal. When Robert Redford visited his offices Jackson had no idea who he was.

Jackson died in 1983 and therefore missed the collapse of communism he had long predicted, but his former disciples are united in the belief that he, as much as Ronald Reagan, helped the US to "win" the Cold war. They see him as the light guiding the evolving Bush security doctrine, and they should know: they are directing it.
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Re: Henry "Scoop" Jackson

Postby Wombaticus Rex » Sun Jul 08, 2012 10:27 am


Via: http://www.historylink.org/index.cfm?Di ... le_Id=5516

Big thanks to Kit Oldham, this is great stuff.

Jackson, Henry M. "Scoop" (1912-1983)

Henry M. (Scoop) Jackson was one of the most successful and powerful politicians in the history of Washington state. Jackson was born and died in Everett, Snohomish County, the rough-edged industrial port on Puget Sound north of Seattle, where he lived in the house where he was born for much of his life (when Congress was not in session). At 28, Jackson entered the United States Congress as its youngest member. He remained there the rest of his life, serving under nine presidents. Jackson never lost an election in Washington, winning six terms in the House of Representatives and six in the Senate, often by record margins. Jackson was the quintessential "Cold War liberal." He was an outspoken and influential advocate of increased military spending and a hard line against the Soviet Union, while supporting social welfare programs, civil rights, and the labor movement. Together with Warren G. Magnuson (1905-1989), with whom he served in the Senate for 28 years, Jackson used his legislative skill and seniority to win the state unprecedented influence in the nation's capital. He guided landmark environmental legislation that greatly expanded wilderness areas and national parks in Washington and across the country, managed the bills that granted statehood to Alaska and Hawaii, and sponsored the law that turned surplus military bases into parks in Seattle and elsewhere.

Raised in Everett

Henry Martin Jackson was born on May 31, 1912, in the home of his parents Peter and Marine Jackson at 3602 Oakes Street in Everett. Both parents were immigrants from Norway. Peter Jackson was born Peter Gresseth, and changed his name when he immigrated. He met Marine Anderson at the Lutheran church in Everett, where they were married in 1897.

Henry was the fifth and last of the Jackson children. He had three sisters -- Gertrude, Agnes (who died before Henry was three), and Marie -- and one brother, Arthur. Gertrude, the oldest, 14 when Henry was born, was particularly close to Henry. It was Gert who gave young Henry the enduring nickname "Scoop." The name came from a comic strip character, a newspaper reporter who got others to do his work for him, which reminded Gert of her little brother's ability to avoid chores. Gertrude, who taught at Everett's Garfield Elementary School for many years, helped pay Henry's way through college and law school. She was an enthusiastic campaigner when he ran for office, and advised him throughout his political career. Neither Gertrude nor Marie married, and both lived in the Oakes Street house until their deaths some months apart in 1969.

In junior high and high school, Jackson participated on the debate team and told classmates he hoped to be a senator some day. He went to college and law school at the University of Washington, graduating from law school in 1935.

A Crusading Prosecutor

Jackson returned to Everett and worked for the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA) while waiting for his bar exam results. His relief work made him an enthusiastic supporter of the New Deal policies of Franklin D. Roosevelt (1882-1945) and a lifelong believer in the ability of government to improve people's lives. At FERA, Jackson developed a close friendship with John Salter, a natural political strategist who played a key role in his early career.

In 1936, having passed the bar, Jackson went to work for Lloyd Black, a well-known Everett attorney and Democratic politician. Black, who became a superior court judge in 1937, encouraged Jackson when the 26-year-old lawyer considered running for Snohomish County prosecuting attorney in 1938.

The Democratic incumbent, Al Swanson, had a drinking problem and was widely blamed for the corruption that flourished in post-Prohibition Snohomish County, where illegal drinking, gambling, and prostitution establishments operated openly. Jackson's successful campaign, which Salter managed, relied on door-to-door canvassing by a corps of largely youthful volunteers, Jackson's sister Gertrude foremost among them. In office, Jackson garnered publicity as a crusading prosecutor, running pinball machines out of the county and leading well-publicized raids against bootlegging and gambling establishments.

Youngest Member of Congress

Two years later, a new political opportunity arose. Mon Wallgren, the popular Everett jeweler who represented Washington's Second District in the United States House of Representatives, gave up his seat to run for the Senate. Salter managed Jackson's campaign for the House seat, relying again on young volunteers and door-to-door campaigning, as well as on advertisements touting Jackson's prosecutorial success -- "Vote for a Man Who Has the Courage of his Convictions" (Kaufman, 30). Jackson beat five opponents in the Democratic primary, and won the general election in the Roosevelt landslide. In January, 1941, taking Salter as his administrative assistant, the 28-year-old Jackson became the youngest member of the United States Congress.

World War II dominated Jackson's first two terms in the House of Representatives. Draft age and single, Jackson felt political pressure to join the army, which he did, as a private. However, he spent only a few months on active duty before the president required Congressmen to either leave active duty or give up their seats. Like many but not all West Coast politicians, Jackson strongly supported the wartime policy of removing Japanese Americans from their homes to internment camps, a constitutional abuse which has subsequently been generally regretted.

The 1946 election brought the closest of the 13 straight victories that comprised Jackson's electoral career. A backlash against the Democrats led to Republican gains across the country. Jackson held his seat with 53 percent of the vote against the same Republican he had easily defeated in the three previous elections, but Republicans won every other House of Representatives race in the Pacific Northwest.

In the House, Jackson staked out positions he would hold throughout his career. On domestic, especially economic, issues he was resolutely liberal, a strong supporter of the New Deal and the Fair Deal of President Harry Truman (1884-1972). In part inspired by the example of Norway and other Scandinavian countries, Jackson advocated for national health insurance and publicly owned power systems. On foreign policy, he backed the Truman administration, which saw the Soviet Union as the primary post-war threat to American interests, and sought to "contain" the growing "Communist menace."

Into the Senate

In 1952, Jackson decided to take on Republican Senator Harry P. Cain and announced his candidacy on his 40th birthday. Cain had entered politics as a liberal Democrat. As Mayor of Tacoma, he was one of very few western politicians who opposed Japanese internment. Cain then joined the military, and while serving as a paratrooper in Europe, won the Republican nomination in the 1944 Senate race, losing the general election to Warren Magnuson. Two years later, in the 1946 Republican landslide, Cain won the Senate seat that Mon Wallgren had given up to run for governor in 1944, defeating Wallgren's appointed successor Hugh Mitchell. In the Senate, Cain allied himself with "red-baiting" Republican Senator Joseph McCarthy (1908-1957), established an erratic record, and was widely considered to be among the least competent senators.

Jackson fiercely attacked Cain's performance. Cain responded by using McCarthy-style tactics against Jackson, even bringing McCarthy to Seattle to campaign for him. It did not help Cain. Salter assembled a strong staff that ran an innovative media campaign. Washington's senior senator, Warren Magnuson, who had served with Jackson in the House before winning his Senate seat, lent his support and staff to Jackson's campaign, establishing a pattern of cooperation between the two that would last throughout the 28 years they spent in the Senate together. Despite another Republican landslide, headed this time by Dwight Eisenhower (1890-1969), Jackson handily defeated Cain.

As a freshman senator, Jackson got his first taste of national publicity when he played a subsidiary role in the Army-McCarthy hearings where Joseph McCarthy met his downfall. While repudiating McCarthy's tactics and his grossly exaggerated allegations, Jackson, along with other Democrats, criticized the Eisenhower administration for what they considered insufficient spending on defense against the Soviet Union, particularly on intercontinental ballistic missiles. Jackson's avid support for nuclear weapons brought the first -- but not the last -- challenge from the left wing of his own party, when Seattle peace activist Alice Franklin Bryant unsuccessfully opposed him in the 1958 Democratic primary. By the late 1950s, Jackson was labeled the "Senator from Boeing" by some who disapproved of his constant support for more weapons systems.

In 1958 Jackson used his position as chair of the Interior Committee's Subcommittee on Territories to lead the fight for the successful bill granting statehood to Alaska, a cause that Jackson, Magnuson, and other Washington politicians had long supported, but which was opposed by various powerful interests. The following year, Jackson managed the bill that made Hawaii a state. At the 1960 Democratic convention, Jackson was a leading candidate to be John F. Kennedy's vice presidential choice, but Kennedy ultimately selected Lyndon Johnson, the Senate Majority Leader from Texas and a key Southern ally.

Marriage and Family

For Jackson, 1961 brought not only the inauguration of Kennedy's New Frontier, but a major personal change. At 48, the senator was still considered one of the capital's most eligible bachelors, although Jackson, conservative and conventional in his social life, was certainly not known for a playboy lifestyle, as were some single colleagues such as Magnuson. Jackson met 28-year-old Helen Hardin, a receptionist in the office of New Mexico Senator Clinton Anderson, in early 1961, and they married on December 16, 1961.

They had two children, Anna Marie in 1963, and Peter in 1966. The Jacksons had a home in Washington, D.C., but in Everett they continued to live, as Jackson had all his life, with his sisters in the Oakes Street house where he was born. They acquired their own home in Everett in 1967, when Jackson purchased the mansion at 1703 Grand Avenue that in his youth had been the home of a leading banker. This home is now listed on the National Register of Historic Places.

Environmental Protection

Jackson became chair of the Senate's Interior Committee in 1963, and in that position shepherded passage of much of the significant environmental legislation of the 1960s. The Wilderness Act of 1964 protected 9 million acres of wilderness land, and created the procedure for protecting additional land by designating it as wilderness. Other bills established national seashores and protected wild and scenic rivers. In 1968, Jackson won passage of bills creating North Cascades National Park in North Central Washington and Redwood National Park in California.

In many ways, Jackson's most far-reaching contribution was the 1969 National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), which required preparation of an Environmental Impact Statement assessing potential impacts to the environment before any federal project was approved, and which became a model for similar legislation in Washington and other states. Neither Jackson nor anyone else foresaw that the Environmental Impact Statement requirement would become a powerful tool for those seeking to halt, delay, or modify projects they considered harmful to the environment, and Jackson subsequently had mixed feelings when his bill was used to oppose projects such as the I-90 Freeway and the Alaska oil pipeline that he supported.

At the time, the environmental achievements of the 1960s were overshadowed by the increasingly bitter national debate over the war in Vietnam. Following President Kennedy's assassination, President Lyndon Johnson (1908-1973) and the advisors he inherited began to escalate American combat involvement in Vietnam. Jackson, like Kennedy and Johnson, saw Vietnam as a key Cold War battlefield, and he remained a dogged supporter of the administration's Vietnam policy even when many other Democrats began calling for an end to American involvement.

Fort Lawton and the ABM

Jackson, along with conservative southern senators, pressured the administration to develop an anti-ballistic missile (ABM) system that was supposed to protect American targets from a nuclear missile attack. Johnson agreed, and Fort Lawton, a military base in Seattle, was selected in 1967 as one of the ABM locations. This triggered a storm of protest from constituents that put Jackson in a bind. Seattle residents were looking forward to having under-utilized Fort Lawton become a park, and they feared the ABM installation would make the city a prime target for attack. Jackson tried to defuse the opposition by convincing the Army to move the ABM site across Puget Sound to Bainbridge Island and Port Gamble, but residents there were equally opposed.

When Richard Nixon (1913-1994) succeeded Johnson as president in 1969, Jackson persuaded him to place ABM missile sites in lightly populated areas, thus keeping them from Puget Sound altogether. By then many senators, including Magnuson, opposed the ABM, but Jackson led the fight to preserve the program, winning close votes in 1969 and 1970.

With Fort Lawton safe from the ABM, Jackson sought to mollify his Seattle critics by making the surplus military installation available for a park. He pushed through the Federal Lands for Parks and Recreation Act, which made surplus federal land in metropolitan areas available for parks at little or no cost to local authorities. Cities across the country used the act to acquire federal property as parks. However, Jackson's position triggered another controversy over Fort Lawton. Northwest Indian leaders who wanted to reclaim the site as an Indian cultural center were angered by Jackson's apparent decision to give the property to Seattle. In 1970, Indian activists and supporters "invaded" the fort and staged a sit-in to highlight their demands. They were soon removed but the controversy continued until a compromise, which Jackson helped broker, gave most of Fort Lawton to Seattle as Discovery Park, on condition that 20 acres be leased to United Indians of All Tribes, who opened the Daybreak Star Cultural Center there in 1977.

A Primary Challenge

In 1970, as in 1958, Jackson faced a challenge from his own party. Aided by some national anti-war figures, left wing Democrats mounted a concerted attack on Jackson in the 1970 primary. Their candidate was Carl Maxey, a lawyer and civil rights leader from Spokane, who fiercely denounced Jackson's support for the war and military spending. Maxey was one of the first African American politicians to run for statewide office in Washington. The Maxey forces won some victories in party conventions, but Jackson retained his popularity with voters and racked up record margins over both Maxey and his subsequent Republican opponent, Charles Elicker.

Jackson opposed the policy of detente with the Soviet Union that Nixon pursued. He did, however, endorse Nixon's efforts to improve relations with the Communist government of China. In sharp contrast to his position on the Soviet Union, Jackson came to believe that maintaining closer diplomatic and trade ties was the best approach to China. Between 1974 and his death in 1983, Jackson made four official visits to China, where he was warmly welcomed by Chinese leaders.

Jackson also had a close relationship with Israel and its leaders. By the 1970s Jackson was the leading Congressional supporter of increased military aid to Israel. He co-sponsored the Jackson-Vanik amendment, which responded to Soviet restrictions on emigration of Jewish Soviet citizens to Israel by linking increased trade between the U.S. and Soviet Union to lifting emigration restrictions.

Running for President

In 1972, Jackson launched the first of his two attempts to win the Democratic presidential nomination, but managed to win only the Washington state caucuses. In 1976, Jackson mounted a better prepared attempt at the nomination. He was the early frontrunner, and won several primaries, but dropped out of the race after losing the crucial Pennsylvania primary to Jimmy Carter (b. 1924). His campaign was dogged by the hostility of the Party's left wing and by allegations of illegal contributions by Boeing and other elements of the "military-industrial complex."

The elements that made Jackson the most successful vote-getter in the history of the state did not work as well in the national primaries. Unremarkable at best as a public speaker, Jackson was an excellent one-on-one campaigner, with a remarkable ability (assisted by detailed notes) to remember voters' names and important personal information. Over the years, he and his staff built up numerous political connections throughout the state. Community leaders, newspaper writers, and average voters all referred to Jackson simply as Scoop, and felt a personal connection to him. Jackson was not able to make the same connection with voters across the country in the short time-frame of the presidential primaries.

Neoconservative Legacy

Jackson's hard line on the Soviet Union and his strong support for Israel made him a favorite of an increasingly influential group of formerly liberal but strongly anti-Communist intellectuals and politicians who came to be known as the neoconservatives. Many neoconservatives who supported Jackson's presidential bids gravitated to Ronald Reagan (1911-2004) and the Republican party after Jackson's defeats. Among these were Richard Perle, a longtime Jackson staffer who worked under Dorothy Fosdick, Jackson's top foreign policy adviser, and Paul Wolfowitz, another member of the Jackson circle, both of whom went on to play prominent roles developing Middle East policy in the George W. Bush administration.

Jackson presaged Reagan's foreign policy when he openly opposed Jimmy Carter's attempts at expanding detente with the Soviet Union. Jackson, who had only reluctantly supported arms control treaties negotiated by Kennedy and Nixon, repudiated the SALT (Strategic Arms Limitations Talks) II Treaty that Carter negotiated, and led the Senate forces that prevented its ratification. Jackson was not sorry when Carter lost to Reagan, although he was saddened that the Reagan landslide defeated many Democratic senators, including Magnuson, leaving the Senate in Republican control for the first time since early in Jackson's first term.

End of an Era

Magnuson's defeat, and the Democrats' loss of Senate control, ended a lengthy era in which Jackson and Magnuson teamed to give Washington unprecedented influence in the U.S. Senate. The two senators had very different temperaments, and were not personally close, but they shared a dedication to serving their constituents. Both were skilled legislators and had powerful chairmanships, Jackson on the Interior Committee and Magnuson on Appropriations. "Scoop and Maggie," as they were known, repeatedly brought the state its share and then some of federal expenditures. Ironically, one of their highest profile battles on behalf of Washington interests, the unsuccessful 1971 effort to continue funding for Boeing's controversial supersonic transport (SST), was one of the few major legislative defeats that either senator suffered.

Henry Jackson easily won his sixth Senate term in 1982, defeating Republican Douglas Jewett with 69 percent of the vote. Jackson turned 71 in May 1983, but was known for his healthy lifestyle and appeared vigorous and fit. As a result, his sudden death on September 1, 1983, was a shock. Perhaps fittingly, his final public appearance was a press conference in which he denounced the recent downing of Korean Airlines (KAL) Flight 007 by a Soviet jet. In the evening Jackson suffered a ruptured aorta at his Everett home and died within hours despite intense efforts to save him.

Governor John Spellman (b. 1926) appointed former governor Daniel Evans (b. 1925) to Jackson's seat, and Evans defeated Congressman Mike Lowry in a subsequent special election to complete Jackson's term. In the months and years that followed his death, Jackson received many honors. A Trident submarine and the new federal office building in Seattle were named for him. The University of Washington renamed its School of International Studies in his honor, and a private foundation was later organized to promote his legacy. Congress, under the provisions of the Wilderness Act Jackson helped pass, designated more than 100,000 acres in the scenic Cascade Mountains of eastern Snohomish County and western Chelan County as the Henry M. Jackson Wilderness. The Port of Seattle Commission also voted to rename Seattle-Tacoma International Airport for Jackson, but quickly retreated due to protests from Tacoma.

Thus, Henry M. Jackson's work survives in much groundbreaking progressive legislation, in an empowered environmental movement, in numerous public improvements throughout and beyond Washington state, in the current influence of policy makers he mentored, and in the ultimate collapse of the Soviet Union's Stalinist government and the opening of post-Maoist China. He would have much to be proud of were he alive today.

Robert G. Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson: A Life in Politics (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2000); Peter J. Ognibene, Scoop: The Life and Politics of Henry M. Jackson (New York: Stein and Day, 1975); William W. Prochnau and Richard W. Larsen, A Certain Democrat: Senator Henry M. Jackson (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1972); Byron Acohido, "Scoop Calls Downing of Jet an Outrage ...," The Herald, September 1, 1983, p. 2-A; Mark Funk, "Sen. Jackson, Everett's Favorite Son, Is Dead of Heart Attack at 71," Ibid., September 2, 1983, pp. 1 & 8-A; Jim Muhlstein, "Medics Worked Intensely to Save a Big Man," Ibid.; "Milestones Were Many in Henry Jackson's Career," Ibid., p. 2-B; Mike Barber, "500 Gather at Daybreak Star to Honor Northwest Indian Leader," Seattle Post-Intelligencer, July 21, 2000, Website accessed August 6, 2003 (http://seattlepi.nwsource.com); "Henry M. Jackson Wilderness Area," The Wilderness Information Network, Website accessed July 10, 2003 (http://www.wilderness.net/ nwps/wild_view.cfm?wname=Henry%20M%2E%20Jackson)

By Kit Oldham, August 19, 2003
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Re: Henry "Scoop" Jackson

Postby Wombaticus Rex » Sun Jul 08, 2012 11:27 am

Via: http://content.lib.washington.edu/jacksonweb/essay.html

Essay: A Legacy of Public Service

Warren Magnuson and Henry Jackson began their careers in an era when the economies of the world were in deep depression. Both were of Scandinavian parentage, heirs of the progressive reformist tradition that has marked Washington State politics. That tradition embodied ingenuity and tenacity, openness to broad involvement in government (direct legislation, woman suffrage) to government intervention in economic and social development, and to a political system responsive to issues and personalities rather than to party. Both endorsed President Franklin Roosevelt's leadership in creating programs to relieve the effects of the Great Depression, and they were known as "New Deal Democrats" throughout their careers. Their tandem representation of Washington State is remarkable both for its length and for the breadth of their interests in Congress. What follows is a summary view of their activities during forty years of unparalleled change.

Henry Martin Jackson was born in 1912 of immigrant Norwegian parents, Peter and Marie Jackson. In Everett, his hometown teachers and friends remember him as a good student with early ambitions to become president or a U.S. senator. His father was a concrete mason, and in the constrained economy of the time, young "Scoop" (as his sister Gertrude nicknamed him) delivered newspapers to add to the family income. He briefly attended Stanford University, then worked his way through the University of Washington to a law degree.

While awaiting the results of his bar examination in 1935, Jackson served as a caseworker in a Snohomish County relief office. During his second year as a lawyer with a private firm in Everett, Jackson and his friends mounted an innovative door-to-door campaign that culminated in his election as Snohomish County prosecutor in 1938. His insistence on strict enforcement of gambling and liquor regulations secured his reputation for integrity and yielded yet another nickname, "Soda Pop," an allusion to his sparing use of alcohol.

In 1940, Jackson ran for the Second Congressional District seat vacated when Mon Wallgren sought election to the Senate. Campaigning as a supporter of New Deal programs and publicly owned utilities, Jackson defeated five other Democrats in the primary and his Republican opponent in November. Jackson's first committee assignments in the House conformed with his interests in fishing, small business, and flood control. He enlisted in the army in 1943, but was recalled to Congress after basic training, in 1944. Jackson joined a fact-finding mission which witnessed the horrors of Buchenwald a few days after its discovery by allied forces. Visiting Norway after its liberation, he observed the repatriation of Red Army soldiers captured by the Nazis. "I recall how reluctant most of those Russians were to go back to Russia," he later noted. "They knew they'd have even less freedom there." These firsthand encounters with totalitarian systems and the wartime occupation of his ancestral homeland were reference points for Jackson's view that government was responsible not only for the provision of social and economic justice but also for the adequate defense of its citizens. "The first priority is survival. I feel we can do both," he said.

Postwar Adjustments

The tensions and irritations that followed the death of FDR and the end of the war in 1945, including shortages of housing and consumer goods and inflation, were acute in Washington State. The population of the state grew by more than a million after 1935, and while the housing boom spurred the lumbering and construction industries, the major issue was jobs. Thousands of returning servicemen discharged from military service stayed in the state to take advantage of the GI Bill. Moreover, defense contractors laid off workers as they struggled to make the transition to peacetime pursuits.

Senator Magnuson and Representative Jackson supported Truman administration efforts to redirect the economy. But voter discontent with the slow pace of reconversion extended into the 1946 elections. Jackson's personal popularity among the predominantly Scandinavian fishermen, loggers, and dairy farmers of his district enabled him to survive. He won reelection to his third term, the only Democrat elected from the Pacific Northwest. The election of a Republican Congress, however, reopened many questions about New Deal reforms and the extent of federal involvement in state and local affairs and in the regulation of private enterprise.

Power to the West

One of the great disputes of twentieth-century U.S. history has been waged among public and private purveyors of electricity. In Washington State, the idea of building an irrigation and reclamation dam at Grand Coulee had been around since the turn of the century. Columbia Basin development advocates, such as Rufus Woods of Wenatchee and Albert Goss of the Washington Grange, joined forces with public power proponents, such as Sen. C. C. Dill and Homer Bone to boost the project at state and federal levels. FDR backed with action his own view that public power projects served to moderate the cost of electricity. His support for the Bonneville and Grand Coulee dams and his authorization of McNary and four dams on the lower Snake River in 1945 laid the foundation for a comprehensive hydroelectric, navigation, reclamation, and flood-control program in the Columbia Basin. But the Bonneville Power Administration (BPA) and the federal power concept were under attack in the Congress after 1947, and appropriations to complete Columbia Basin projects were withheld.

In the wake of the great Memorial Day flood of 1948 and the power shortages later that year, as well as his own reelection, President Truman revived proposals for a Columbia Valley Authority (CVA). Magnuson introduced the legislation in the Senate, and Jackson in the House, in 1949. Backed by agricultural, labor, and public power groups, they argued for the revenues and regional productivity benefits accruing from such a multipurpose system. "The Columbia Basin project is good for the nation as a whole," noted Magnuson, "the biggest bargain since Seward bought Alaska." But a system similar to that in the Tennessee Valley was not to be. Congress did approve the River and Harbor Flood Control Act of 1950. The act authorized projects in sections of the nation besides the Pacific Northwest and included plans for Chief Joseph, The Dalles, and John Day dams. Although the CVA idea faded, the role of the federal government in Washington State power and resource development remained central to the work of the Pacific Northwest congressional delegation in future years.

Science and the Federal Government

Besides continuation of such public projects as housing and flood control, Truman's postwar domestic agenda included unification of the armed forces through the Department of Defense, the formation of the Atomic Energy Commission, and promotion of research in each of those areas through the creation of the National Science Foundation.

After the first atomic bombs were dropped on Japan in 1945, Congress supported international cooperation for future development of atomic energy. The reactor at Hanford produced plutonium for Atomic Energy Commission uses, and Representative Jackson became interested in the military and peaceful applications of the atom, including its potential for generating electricity. He won appointment to the Joint Congressional Committee on Atomic Energy in 1948. After the USSR detonated its first atomic bomb in 1949 and prospects for international cooperation receded, Jackson advocated expansion of military research, including the hydrogen bomb program. "If strength is the road to peace, then let's not waste a minute getting strong," he reasoned. "If peace comes, we can dismantle our atomic warheads and use the same material to run machines, treat cancer, fertilize the soil and for dozens of other productive jobs.”

Truman's proposal for a National Science Foundation (NSF) grew out of the federal research experience of the 1930s and wartime. It was a direct successor to the Office of Science Research and Development that FDR created in 1941 to coordinate and protect research with military applications. As a new member of the Commerce Committee, Senator Magnuson introduced legislation in 1945 for government-funded science research and education. Testimony from scientists during Commerce Committee hearings on this measure underscored his belief that sophisticated research and international cooperation in the emerging Cold War era would not be adequately advanced by isolated government laboratories and private industry. Arguments about the propriety of federal support of research, the administrative structure of the agency, patent rights, and the loyalty-security issue took years to resolve. After the National Science Foundation was established in 1950, NSF grants became the engine for a broad national program of basic research and for the training of succeeding generations of scientists.

Magnuson and Jackson supported President Truman's "Fair Deal" agenda in other areas as well. Congress enacted the Displaced Persons Act, which liberalized immigration, provided for low-income and rural housing and slum clearance, raised the minimum wage to 75 cents an hour, and increased Social Security benefits and extended coverage to ten million additional people. Magnuson and Jackson also endorsed Truman's foreign policy initiatives, including the Marshall Plan, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) alliance, and U.S. involvement in the defense of South Korea.

The 1950s

Recriminations about the 1949 triumph of the communists in China, the stalemate on the Korean Peninsula, and the rearmament of the United States in response to the Cold War became key factors in the elections of 1952. The bipartisan consensus on foreign policy faltered amid charges that "communist subversives" and "twisted thinking New Dealers" undermined national security. The electorate chose Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower to clean up "the mess in Washington" while in "the other Washington" Rep. Henry Jackson unseated Sen. Harry P. Cain. A former mayor of Tacoma and paratrooper during the Second World War, Cain charged that Jackson's record showed he was incapable of understanding the seriousness of the communist threat at home and abroad. Running on the slogan "Jackson will make a great U.S. senator," the Snohomish County Democrat relied on volunteers (Scoop's Troops) to pass out literature emphasizing his twelve-year record. Against Cain's charge that he was soft on communism for voting against a permanent House Un-American Activities Committee, Jackson posed his abilities as a lawyer that enabled him to fight communism without destroying individual liberties. His role on the Joint Atomic Energy Committee and his proposal for an atomic plant at Hanford to power industrial development of the Tri-Cities area were important aspects of Jackson's campaign. The general prosperity occasioned by consumer demand and expansion of defense appropriations to meet Cold War needs helped Jackson, and combined with his vigorous campaign on both sides of the Cascades, he won the Senate seat by a comfortable margin in a generally Republican year. President Eisenhower's victory resulted in slim GOP majorities in the Congress. The junior senator from Washington gained assignment to the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. His posting to the Committee on Government Operations and its Subcommittee on Permanent Investigations brought Jackson to national attention. Its chairman. Sen. Joseph McCarthy, had been making broad accusations since 1950 about government agencies harboring communists. He subjected alleged subversives to intense investigation but failed to substantiate his charges. Jackson opposed such unproductive investigations and joined his Democratic colleagues in protesting McCarthy's tactics. Public opinion turned against McCarthy after millions witnessed his televised attacks on the loyalty of army personnel, and in 1954, the Senate voted to censure him. The attitudes that sustained anticommunist crusaders like McCarthy, however, became part of the fabric of U.S. politics. Meanwhile, Magnuson had become chairman of the Senate Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce after the Democrats regained control of the Senate in 1955. He also chaired the Independent Offices Subcommittee on Appropriations that reviewed the activities of such agencies as the Federal Communications Commission, Federal Power Commission, Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC), and the Veterans Administration. Magnuson's positions gave him great influence in matters important to Washington State development, from fishing and merchant marine affairs to ports, aviation, and inland waterways. He steered shipping and shipbuilding for Pacific military projects to Puget Sound. When Washington cattlemen were threatened with increased freight rates, he intervened with the ICC. When the Highway Act of 1956 authorized a vast system of interstate highways, Magnuson made sure that Washington State's ferry system was included.

Magnuson and Jackson worked to diversify the state's economic base during the Eisenhower years, when the administration sought to limit federal spending through its partnership programs with private industry and local governments. Their actions included obtaining appropriations to continue federal hydroelectric and reclamation projects authorized in previous years. They helped build cooperative relationships among private and public agencies that produced dryland port and irrigation districts. They used their influence in Congress to produce more-available bank loans, price supports, and import/export legislation responsive to the fishermen, orchardists, cattlemen, wheat ranchers, and lumbermen of Washington. Both senators responded to the economic development needs of Alaska because of its importance to the Washington State economy. They supported the initiatives of territorial representatives in building the Alaskan infrastructure of utilities, schools, and housing. As chairman of the Interior Subcommittee, responsible for territorial affairs, Jackson introduced statehood legislation for both Alaska and Hawaii in 1955. During the next four years, he worked to overcome bipartisan objections based on defense and racial issues. Southern congressmen feared that admission of Alaska would lead to admission of Hawaii, another racially diverse state, upsetting the civil rights balance in the Senate. Both states were admitted to the union in 1959. In the shift to Democratic control of the Senate in 1955, Jackson gained reassignment to the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy and moved to the Armed Services Committee. He became known for his advocacy of bipartisan foreign policy, speaking and writing often on defense and NATO affairs. Jackson supported the continued presence of U.S. troops in Europe. Moreover, he endorsed Eisenhower's strategy of deterrence, in part, through air power, and backed Adm. Hyman Rickover in development of atomic submarines. In the mid-1950s, Jackson worked to accelerate the U.S. intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) program. Soviet "firsts" in the space race, beginning with Sputnik in 1957, seemed to bear out his warnings that the U.S. missile program was lagging. Congress moved to close the technological and scientific "gaps" by creating NASA and by enacting the National Defense Education Act in 1958, making money available for improvements in science, mathematics, and foreign language programs. Similarly, at Atlantic Assembly meetings, Jackson advocated scholarship programs for exceptional students from NATO nations to foster scientific and technical education and the study of Asian and African languages.

The post-Sputnik years convinced Jackson of the need for more effective U.S. leadership in world affairs. In 1959, when he became chairman of the Government Operations National Policy Machinery Subcommittee, he and his staff studied the policy-making areas of the executive branch as they related to national security. Besides producing reports on the National Security Council, the State Department, and the Atlantic Alliance, the committee's studies helped shape Jackson's views on arms control, defense, and foreign policy.

The 1960s

Senator Jackson's growing reputation led to his emergence in 1960 as a contender for the vice presidency. Candidate John F. Kennedy, however, chose Senate Majority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson, who, he believed, improved Democratic chances in the South in his close race with Richard M. Nixon. Jackson was named chairman of the Democratic National Committee. The election of Kennedy, the first president to have come of age during the New Deal, seemed to signal a new era of reform.

From their positions on Senate committees, the Magnuson-Jackson team advanced the interests of Washington State during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. When Bangor, on the Kitsap Peninsula, was chosen as the base for Polaris submarines, Magnuson's legislation for assistance to communities impacted by federal employees helped build schools and housing. As the children of the baby boom moved from elementary school to secondary school to higher education ages, the senators supported initiatives for federal assistance.

The senators also encouraged expanded Western power generation and interregional cooperation. As a member of the Interior Committee, Jackson worked with the Washington Public Power Supply System (WPPSS), the BPA, and administration officials to conclude the Columbia Storage Power Exchange agreement with Canada in 1963. The treaty ensured firm power capacities of downstream U.S. dams and allowed the sale of power throughout the Pacific Northwest and California through the west coast interties authorized by Congress in 1964. FDR's vision of slack-water navigation from Astoria to Clarkston became a reality as appropriations for the Lower Snake dams to complete that "new Northwest Passage" speeded up during the 1960s. Magnuson and Jackson also backed such projects as the giant third powerhouse at Grand Coulee that expanded the capacity of existing dams.

But concern about the ecological and fiscal costs of hydroelectric projects mounted. To meet the long-term power demands of the West, Senator Jackson's proposal for a dual-purpose reactor at Hanford was approved by President Kennedy. WPPSS became the managing partner with the Atomic Energy Commission to add the steam plant, and by 1966 the new production reactor began contributing to the Northwest power pool. Although the project was plagued with difficulties after 1971, Jackson spoke with pride of the effort: "There we literally did beat swords into plowshares and provided jobs."

The industrial and agricultural development of eastern Washington through dams and reclamation also provided residents and tourists with recreational facilities. Travel and tourism became a major industry, and Magnuson and Jackson endorsed state promotional programs from Westport to Walla Walla. When the citizens of Seattle hosted a world's fair in 1962, Magnuson obtained a $10 million subsidy to boost the Century 21 Exposition. The Pacific Science Center, centerpiece for the fair's "Man in Space" theme, showed off both the latest NASA triumph and the Washington aerospace industry. Magnuson also backed the 1974 world's fair in Spokane that promoted his perennial interests in Pacific Rim trade and environmental protection.

Within the month after the world's fair closed in October 1962, however. Senator Magnuson almost lost his bid for a fourth Senate term. His opponent was a neophyte politician, a thirty-two-year-old minister from Snohomish County whose youth and vigor inspired an enthusiastic corps of volunteers. Richard G. Christensen used television extensively, and advertisements showed him speaking to an empty rocking chair to depict both Magnuson's age and his refusal to debate. Magnuson embodied the old-style, cigar-smoking, pork-barrel political insider rather than a member of the New Frontier, and his bachelor life-style and reputation as a hard-drinking man seemed out of place to many voters. Beyond those factors, however, the election took place within days of the Cuban missile crisis and the threat of nuclear war played into the hands of the resurgent New Right, which decried Magnuson's liberal record. Eastern Washington voters supported Christensen, as did organizations that disapproved of Magnuson's work for such federal programs as Medicare. The senator's forty-eight-thousand-vote victory resulted from his traditional strength in urban western Washington, where labor, education, and maritime organizations heavily supported him.

Commerce Committee

The election of 1962 convinced Magnuson and his staff of a need to make changes to increase his effectiveness and visibility as chairman of the Senate Committee on Commerce. He added enterprising staff members to help him and other committee members identify and develop approaches to issues. Magnuson encouraged junior and minority party subcommittee members to develop workable bills and accommodated their concerns in final legislation as much as possible. "We seldom pass a bill in the Commerce Committee that isn't pretty well agreed upon," he noted. Although some senators objected that Magnuson's integrative approach "compromised" their legislation, most realized the value of the chairman's insistence on taking a unified committee to the Senate floor. His mastery of Senate rules and deference to the divergent views of his colleagues resulted in an unusually effective committee. During Magnuson's tenure - the longest continuous chairmanship in Senate history (1955-78) - more than two hundred measures he introduced became law. The Commerce Committee's work during this period resulted in such legislation as that creating the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the Communications Satellite Corporation, Amtrak, Conrail, and the Department of Transportation.

Magnuson and his staff made consumer protection a central concern of the Commerce Committee. In 1966, he created and became chairman of a new Consumer Subcommittee. The Dark Side of the Marketplace, a book Magnuson wrote with Jean Carper in 1968, aimed to raise public awareness of the need for protection of the consumer's economic welfare, health, and safety. Such protection, he emphasized, also served the interests of responsible businessmen. Among the many consumer measures passed as a result of subcommittee work were regulations on flammable fabrics for children's sleepwear, truth in packaging and labeling, generic drugs (to lower the cost of antibiotics), cigarette labeling and advertising, toy and auto safety, improved product warranties, packaging for poison prevention, and drinking water safety. He also helped create the Consumer Products Safety Commission (1972) and the Agency for Consumer Advocacy to represent citizens before federal agencies and courts.

Magnuson and his Commerce Committee staff also brought fresh approaches to his traditional interest in fisheries and maritime policy. The general course of his activities followed on the National Academy of Sciences oceanography report of 1959, which recommended an ambitious program of ocean exploration rivaling the federal effort in space science. Magnuson interested the maritime construction industry in his ideas and took testimony from marine and fisheries scientists scattered among federal agencies and universities. These efforts culminated in enactment of the Marine Resources and Engineering Development Act of 1966, which provided coordination of research, education, and planning for future oceanographic development. Magnuson also sought ecological safeguards through regulations on toxic substances and oil tanker construction and through prohibition of oil ports on Puget Sound. Long a proponent of measures to preserve and enhance North Pacific fisheries, he sponsored the bill that established the two-hundred-mile fishing jurisdiction in 1977.

Interior Committee

Concern about conservation of natural resources preoccupied reformers at regular intervals in U.S. history—from the establishment of the National Park Service in 1916 to the New Deal's extensive soil and water management programs. Wilderness preservation and conservation forces found support in the Kennedy-Johnson administrations for new programs to solve the nation's growing ecological problems. Finding a balance between environmental concern and economic development became a major task for the Senate Interior and Insular Affairs Committee. Jackson's tenure on this committee began in 1953. He served as its chairman from 1963 to 1980 and helped guide a wide range of environmental protection bills through Congress. The Wilderness Act of 1964 set up a system for designating wilderness areas on public lands. It was followed in 1965 by the creation of the Land and Water Conservation Fund to buy and develop land for preservation and recreation. Additions to the Olympic National Park, wildlife refuges, and public-access facilities in parks were provided by the fund. Jackson responded to the persistent efforts of such Washington advocates as the North Cascades Conservation Council to forge the compromise that established the North Cascades National Park in 1968. That same year, he sponsored, with congressional colleagues, the National Wild and Scenic Rivers Act and the National Trails Systems Act. A program that provided city youths with jobs in the nation's parks and forests resulted from the Youth Conservation Corps Act of 1970. This measure depended on the persistent legislative teamwork of Jackson and Washington Congressman Lloyd Meeds as well as on the appropriations strategy of Magnuson and Julia Butler Hansen.

The landmark National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA), which also was a Jackson-created bill, established environmental protection as a priority. The act required all government agencies to consider the impact of proposed programs on the environment and to seek any needed protective alternatives. Legislation of such sweeping character as NEPA was not easily passed. Timber, ranching, and mining interests and agencies such as the Corps of Engineers and the Atomic Energy Commission argued that efficiency would be hampered by such close regulation.

The preoccupation of the Interior Committee with energy issues after the embargo imposed by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries in 1973 was indicated by its title change to the Energy and Natural Resources Committee in 1977. Jackson's ability to achieve bipartisan consensus was demonstrated by the passage of the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act of 1977, after hearings and attempts that spanned the previous decade. His reputation as an arbiter, as well as his credibility as an advocate for Alaskan development, helped in the mediation of the land claims of Alaska natives (1971) and in passage of the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act (1980).

Influential Advocates

Washington's senators were often called "the gold-dust twins" or the "senators from Boeing" because the legislation they initiated or supported often directed federal monies to Washington State. Their reputation for backing programs in the national interest, as well as their accumulated seniority, were factors in the deference accorded Magnuson's economic development programs and Jackson's programs for national defense. Both were consensus seekers known for their ability to build coalitions supportive of their bills.

Both were active in Democratic party affairs and were friends and advisers to presidents. Magnuson played poker with FDR, whose affectionate use of the nickname "Maggie" was widely adopted by others. He went fishing with Harry Truman and swimming with John Kennedy. President Lyndon Johnson, who began his congressional career with Magnuson on the House Naval Affairs Committee in 1936, was best man when Magnuson married Jermaine Peralta in 1964. While both senators supported the domestic reforms of the 1960s, Kennedy and Johnson drew on Magnuson's unique position and reputation to pass civil rights legislation. Lunch-counter sit-ins and freedom riders in Southern states focused national attention on the drive to desegregate public facilities. As a result, the public accommodations section was introduced as a separate bill to ensure hearings in Magnuson's Commerce Committee rather than in the Judiciary Committee, known as "the civil rights graveyard." The strategy produced a public accommodations section that Congress adopted as part of the Civil Rights Act signed by President Johnson on July 2, 1964.

Jackson's advice on defense and foreign policy was sought by both Democratic and Republican administrations. While both senators were proponents of a bipartisan approach to global affairs, their contrasting views were illustrated by their positions on the Vietnam War and China. Magnuson endorsed a strong U.S. naval presence in the Pacific and such alliances as Southeast Asian Treaty Organization (SEATO) and Australia-New Zealand-United States alliance (ANZUS) to contain communism and maintain trade. After the Vietnam conflict escalated to involve more than half a million U.S. troops, and his old friend LBJ decided not to seek reelection in 1968, Magnuson joined those advocating a negotiated U.S. withdrawal.

Jackson initially stood by LBJ in his conduct of the war as a means to check the domination of Southeast Asia by the Chinese and Soviets. As a member of the Armed Services Committee, he endorsed the bombing of North Vietnamese military targets until the South Vietnamese could defend themselves. He believed in "going for the jugular," because the Korean experience had shown the American people would not support a protracted war. As the war dragged on, he advocated a mutual cease-fire and a negotiated settlement; in 1968, he privately advised the Johnson administration against sending more U.S. troops. Jackson continued this stance with President Nixon while supporting Nixon's effort to "Vietnamize" the war and withdraw U.S. ground troops. Jackson declined Nixon's invitation to serve either as secretary of defense or as secretary of state. In 1972, he lost the party's nomination for the presidency to Senator George McGovern, a leading opponent of the war.

Magnuson's experiences in China as a young man and in the Pacific theater during World War II helped him realize the implications of U.S. domestic policy in international affairs. In 1943, he sponsored legislation repealing the Chinese exclusion laws, which were used by the Japanese to illustrate U.S. prejudice against its Asian ally. After the Chinese communists conquered the mainland in 1949, the United States recognized the nationalist government, which had retreated to Taiwan Magnuson, however, advocated nonstrategic trade and cultural relations with the mainland Chinese as early as 1956. His overture was politically unpopular, but he maintained his belief explaining, "We can't keep four hundred million people behind an economic bamboo curtain forever just because we don't like the policies of their government.”

By 1969, the shifting alliances of the Cold War era and the geopolitical importance of China had convinced Jackson that closer U.S.-China ties were crucial to U.S. efforts to promote world stability. He agreed that the Chinese could help end the war in Southeast Asia and applauded President Nixon's visit to China in 1972. In July 1973, Magnuson led the first U.S. congressional delegation to the People's Republic of China in nearly twenty-five years. Jackson made four official trips to China between 1974 and 1983. Throughout the 1970s, Jackson led discussions regarding normalization of relations, and the two nations finally exchanged ambassadors during the Carter administration in 1979. Magnuson and Jackson were instrumental in arranging many business, educational, and community contacts between the Pacific Northwest and the People's Republic of China and became revered figures in China.

Arms Control and Human Rights

The ideological rivalry between the U.S. and the Soviet Union was complicated by nuclear weapons, and negotiations in search of a solution to the arms race became a fixture of foreign policy. In the aftermath of the Cuban missile crisis in 1962, President Kennedy and Premier Nikita Khrushchev resumed long-stalled discussions on nuclear testing and formally signed a treaty the following October. The treaty banned atmospheric, ocean, and space testing of nuclear weapons while permitting underground testing. In the course of debate on ratification, Senator Jackson led those who favored the treaty contingent on administration assurances that U.S. testing and monitoring capabilities would be maintained and improved. His floor speech endorsing the treaty helped ensure ratification of the Limited Nuclear Test Ban Treaty.

In 1969, the two nations again entered arms control negotiations. Phase one of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT I) concluded in 1972 when President Nixon and Secretary Leonid Brezhnev signed a treaty limiting antiballistic missile (ABM) systems and a five-year interim agreement on the limitation of strategic offensive arms.

During the Senate ratification process, Jackson voted with the majority to ratify the ABM treaty. He supported the interim agreement, but only after the Senate had agreed to his amendment directing the president to achieve equality in levels of intercontinental forces in all future agreements.

As part of the relaxation of tensions, the two nations also began to normalize trade relations that had languished since 1951. Senator Jackson, a critic of the Soviet Union's violations of the human rights of its citizens, emerged as a leader of the opposition to the restoration of its most-favored nation status unless it met certain conditions. In 1972, Jackson introduced an amendment to the Trade Reform Act that denied most-forced nation status to countries that denied their citizens the right to emigrate freely. Jackson targeted the amendment in part at the "education tax" on Soviet citizens that was designed to stop the exodus of talented individuals. Jackson's linkage of human rights to a favored trade status touched off two years of debate that was complicated by Soviet encouragement of the attack on Israel by Egypt and Syria during Yom Kippur in 1973.

Jackson supported close ties with Israel after its formation as a separate state in 1948. Soviet intervention in the Middle East confirmed Jackson amendment supporters in their doubts about detente. Henry Kissinger, Nixon's secretary of state, argued against trying to influence Soviet internal affairs. A compromise was reached allowing the president to waive the requirements of the amendment when an individual nation moved substantially toward freer emigration. The Jackson-Vanik Amendment became law in 1974.

The Jackson amendment and the resulting debate about human rights, preferential trade, and the role of Congress in foreign policy were issues in the 1976 presidential campaigns. Jackson won the Massachusetts and New York primary elections but withdrew from campaigning after losing to Jimmy Carter in Pennsylvania. As president. Carter endorsed the concept of the Jackson-Vanik Amendment. Following Carter's negotiation with the Soviets of the SALT II agreement, Jackson again led the skeptics, criticizing the lack of reductions in ICBMs and the failure to respect the principle of equality of strategic forces. With the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, Carter withdrew the SALT II treaty from Senate consideration.

Health Care

For Magnuson, the post- Vietnam era was a time to do rear-guard battle on the health-care front. Magnuson's first bill as a new representative from Washington State in 1937 was a cancer research bill cosponsored with his mentor. Senator Homer Bone. The National Cancer Institute established by passage of that legislation was an innovation. It embodied the idea that research into noninfectious disease was within the purview of the federal government and advanced the role of U.S. Public Health Service research by means of fellowships, private investigators, and medical schools. The wartime experience with battle casualties and draftees revealed the need for better national health care, and Congress passed the National Institutes of Health (NIH) bill introduced by Senators Magnuson and Lister Hill in 1948. Heart disease and mental illness were added to cancer as "dread diseases" to be conquered by the Public Health Service. In 1950, more institutes were added, and Magnuson's work for the National Science Foundation included a Medical Research Division to coordinate grant activities with the NIH.

During the next decade, Magnuson helped devise an effective network of activists and health professionals who countered opposition and exploited opportunities to further their cause. The Korean War validated Magnuson's advocacy for involvement of Veterans Administration hospitals in research and education. The development of a poliomyelitis vaccine by NIH researcher Jonas Salk proved the importance of biomedical research to millions of parents. The health-care lobby also helped pass the Medicare and Medicaid programs over the objections of those who feared "socialized medicine."

Magnuson's ability to influence health legislation increased when he became chairman of the Appropriations Subcommittee on Labor-Health, Education, and Welfare in 1969. In opposition to Nixon administration budget cutters, he sponsored and helped guide through Congress new programs for rural and children's health-care. In 1973, he stopped Nixon's campaign to close the nation's Public Health Service hospitals. During these years, Magnuson became known as the "most-vetoed senator."

Magnuson took his arguments for increased health-care appropriations to the public with the book How Much for Health?, co-authored with Elliot A. Segal in 1974. The book served as a summary of the current state of the nation's health-care system and as a guide for future action, including the need for better food safety, lead-based paint regulation, and fire prevention. Magnuson's efforts on behalf of national programs did not overlook Washington State. Besides keeping open the Public Health Service Hospital, he obtained matching funds for the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center in Seattle and endorsed appropriations for clinics such as those on the Puyallup and Lummi Indian reservations. In 1978, the Board of Regents of the University of Washington named the Health Sciences Center in Magnuson's honor, an acknowledgement that his support for biomedical research and education was vital to its many programs in the Pacific Northwest and Alaska.

End of an Era

Senator Magnuson rose to his most powerful positions during his last three years in the Senate. In 1978, he became chairman of the Appropriations Committee while also serving on the Budget, Science, and Transportation committees. As the senior member of the majority party, he was third in line for the presidency in the otherwise largely ceremonial role of president pro tempore of the Senate in 1979-80. He continued to work on issues he considered to be in the long-term national interest: no-fault auto insurance, health-care insurance, and fisheries conservation.

But it was his position as appropriations chairman that claimed most of his time. President Carter's campaign pledge to balance the federal budget by 1980 received Magnuson's support. Magnuson expressed his determination to impose discipline on appropriations through increased oversight, confident that he and subcommittee heads could trim programs and critique spending requests. In response to queries about his new "frugal hand," Magnuson replied that he was a "closet conservative when federal spending is the issue." Budget cutting was popular in many states at the time. After Washington State voters limited revenue collections by passing an initiative in 1979, Magnuson introduced a bill tying federal spending to the gross national product. However, Magnuson was as generous as ever in assisting the Pacific Northwest in calamities of the moment. He engineered appropriations for new Hood Canal and West Seattle bridges (both accidentally destroyed in 1979), steered a $400 million contract to Todd Shipyards, and made $951 million available to assist government agencies coping with the effects of the 1980 eruption of Mount Saint Helens.

In response to criticism during the 1980 campaign that the Appropriations Committee had become the "Warren G. Magnuson Charitable Trust," Vice President Walter Mondale said: "Maggie assured me that he has decided to be scrupulously fair with federal appropriations. He has decided to divide them up 50-50-halffor Washington State and half for the rest of the country." Others noted that, "Grant is Magnuson's middle name." Such joking revealed the ambivalence some voters felt about Magnuson's ability to bring federal funds to bear on Washington problems. While Magnuson's reelection campaign was well financed by traditional groups in the labor, shipping, and fishing communities, actual voting support was diluted by the issues. Support of health professionals was divided; some physicians doubted that Magnuson's support for national health care plans was good for the nation. Regional economic problems associated with declining salmon runs and the shift of lumbering jobs to the South were heightened by the double-digit inflation, and they weakened Magnuson's traditional voting base. Some observers noted that a majority of voters were young or new to the state and thus immune to the tradition of voting for "Maggie." Those same voters, however, also had acquired the habit of voting for Magnuson's opponent, the state's highest elected Republican officeholder. Attorney General Slade Gorton.

Gorton rose to leadership of the moderate wing of the Republican Party during his ten years in the Washington State House of Representatives. Vigorous and articulate, Gorton's initiatives as attorney general included the establishment of an office of consumer protection, and earned him continuous reelection after 1969. In the 1980 race, Magnuson's age and declining health were factors in his defeat. The fifty-two-year-old Gorton jogged and cycled around the state, while Magnuson conducted a whistle-stop tour by rail. The seventy-five-year-old Magnuson rebutted observations on his age with the comment, "Age isn't a problem; it's a fact of life." Concerning the voters' mandate that ended his forty-four years in Congress, he concluded that is was “some sort of tidal wave. There is a time to come and a time to go.”

The 1980 election, with its shift to Ronald Reagan and the Republican Party, seemed to signal the end of the old New Deal reform coalition. An ironic consequence of the GOP tidal wave was that Henry Jackson became senior senator and leader of the Washington delegation to Congress for the first time-but lost his chairmanships.

As ranking Democrat on the Energy and Natural Resources, Armed Services, and Government Affairs committees, Jackson worked at issues ranging from the Columbia Gorge to Middle East tensions. He acted to block such Reagan administration proposals as the sale of the Bonneville Power Administration system to private interests and the leasing of wilderness areas for oil and gas exploration. As relations between the United States and the USSR deteriorated, Jackson joined with Senator John Warner to obtain the support of sixty- one cosigners to a resolution urging a renewal of arms-control negotiations. The bipartisan resolution advocated a long-term, mutual, and verifiable arms freeze at equal and sharply reduced levels. Also in response to national and local concern, he proposed the formation of a bipartisan commission on Central America to end the policy stalemate between Congress and the Reagan administration as well as to unify the nation. The final report of the bipartisan commission was dedicated to Jackson.

Senator Jackson died suddenly on September 1, 1983, during his forty-third year in Congress. He had just returned from China, and in his last press conference, that day, denounced the Soviet Union's action in destroying Korean Air Line's Flight 007 with its 269 passengers and crew. Congressional tributes to Jackson's memory included the naming of a Trident submarine, the federal office building in Seattle, and the Foundation for the Advancement of Military Medicine in his honor. Moreover, in 1986, Congress approved a $10 million grant to match private funds raised to support the Henry M. Jackson Foundation, which had been established in 1983 by his widow, Helen, and his friends and colleagues. The Jackson Foundation carries forward the senator's commitment to the advancement of education and scholarship in the fields of international affairs, environmental and resource policy, and other areas of interest to him. Jackson also had furthered programs of the University of Washington's School of Law and Graduate School of Public Affairs that promoted his interest in international education and training for foreign service. The University's School of International Studies was named for Jackson in recognition of his active support for its programs and its interdisciplinary approach to the study of world cultures.

On the occasion of what would have been Jackson's seventy-fifth birthday anniversary, May 31, 1987, former Senator Magnuson said, "I have lots of memories tonight. We were a team. It was rare that we voted opposite." Together, they recorded more than twenty thousand votes, and, in the matter of Washington State development, they seldom disagreed.
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Re: Henry "Scoop" Jackson

Postby Wombaticus Rex » Sat Jul 14, 2012 11:36 am

Scoop's partner was a DC lush:

When retiring Sen. Fritz Hollings (D-S.C.) marked the end of his 38 years in the Senate on Nov. 16, he paid lavish tribute to his current colleagues but raised some doubts about the first group of senators he served with, in 1966. "I don't leave with the idea that the Senate is not what it used to be in the sense of personnel," he said in his farewell speech. "We have a way better group of senators. We had five drunks or six drunks when I came here. There is nobody drunk in the United States Senate [today]."

Hollings's remarks caused former senators and Senate aides and journalists who covered the Senate at the time to speculate on just whom he was referring to. "There were two or three places senators could go to get a free drink, including the secretary of the Senate's office," recalled former Sen. Eugene McCarthy (D-Minn.).

McCarthy, who came to the Senate from the House in 1959, identified Russell Long (D-La.), Thurston Morton (R-Ky.), Warren Magnuson (D-Wash.), James Eastland (D-Miss.), Harrison Williams (D-N.J.) and Everett Dirksen (R-Ill.) as among those Hollings might have had in mind.

He said Long and Morton, who acquired the nickname "Thirsty," often drank together, while Magnuson "sometimes came on the floor and was kind of vague as to where he was, and somebody said, 'He walks from memory.'"

Via: http://prorev.com/sexindc.htm
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Re: Henry "Scoop" Jackson

Postby Wombaticus Rex » Tue Jan 22, 2013 5:44 pm

Via: https://wikispooks.com/ISGP/organisatio ... cil.htm#33

2000, Robert G. Kaufman, 'Henry M. Jackson: a life in politics', pp. 333-335:

"In the final days of his 1976 presidential campaign, Jackson also had to divert precious attention from the Pennsylvania campaign to deal with a bizarre and totally false charge levied against his two most trusted foreign policy aides by Vice President Nelson Rockefeller. The vice president told a private session in Georgia on April 15 that communists might have infiltrated Jackson's staff. Rockefeller accused Dorothy Fosdick and Richard Perle of harboring such sympathies.


She and Jackson had impeccable credentials as two of the toughest anticommunists and anti-Soviets ever to walk on Capitol Hill. ... He and Perle suspected that Rockefeller's confidential source was his old protege and close friend Henry Kissinger, whose policy of detente Jackson had excoriated for four years running. They also surmised that a desire to protect Kissinger and discredit his most outspoken congressional critic had motivated Rockefeller. Nationally syndicated columnist, George Will, a close friend of Jackson's and Fosdick's, commented in that vein: "The most likely explanation of Rockefeller's exercise in slander is that he is serving his former servant Henry Kissinger, who is known to resent Dickie and Richard, as he resents all the few remaining pockets of independent foreign policy judgment in government. It is a measure of Rockefeller's mind that he would try to peddle the idea that Jackson, of all people, is harboring a nest of sympathizers." ... Rockefeller relented in the face of this mounting pressure. ... he formally apologized on April 27 to the Senate and to Senator Jackson." ... It was not to be. The Rockefeller-supported Carter had too much money and momentum. Organized labor did not deliver for Jackson. Carter rolled to victory in Pennsylvania, winning 37 percent of the vote to Jackson's 25 percent..."
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Re: Henry "Scoop" Jackson

Postby JackRiddler » Tue Jan 22, 2013 8:19 pm


Dickie and Richard

Am loving it. A resource.

This is one of the covens where the neocons were bred, before GHWB took them under his wing as the B-Team. So much more important than Leo Strauss! (The latter's recent prominence was thanks to the penchant marginalized intellectuals have for over-emphasizing marginalized intellectuals.)
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Re: Henry "Scoop" Jackson

Postby Wombaticus Rex » Tue Jan 22, 2013 8:54 pm

Funny you'd mention it, not that I disagree, but because I shouted that out as "the left wing narrative" on IP last week:
http://innovationpatterns.blogspot.com/ ... ckson.html

Props as ever to your purscission, daug, because it is indeed "one of" the dens of iniquity...too many journoblogger PR dupes out there playing up every paragraph they touch. Definitely too many editors from the school of Grabby Headline Theory, too.


The Road to Baghdad was Paved by Scoop - Seattle PI. This is about as plausible as blaming Leo Strauss for the Bush Administration or George Soros for Barack Obama, as far as the thesis goes. Still, this was well-researched and full of revealing details.

Scoop's Proteges are Molding Bush Admin Policy - Seattle Times. That's more like it. Not all editors are hysterical Philistines. Behold the Trinity: Perle, Feith and Abrams.

Jackson's Spirit Guides Bush - The Guardian. You can see the left wing narrative emerging now, right?

Anyways, bonus round from the always-subtle Team Larouche:

Via: http://www.larouchepub.com/other/2006/3 ... p_soc.html

The Henry Jackson Society: Would-Be Fascist World Rule

by Scott Thompson and Michele Steinberg

On July 14, as Israeli bombers began their 5,000 sorties against Lebanon, including the devastation of Beirut, the mass murder of civilians in the town of Qana, and repeated assaults on other civilian population centers, a would-be Nuremberg Rally occurred on a small scale in an undisclosed location in Britain, where some 200 afficionados of the Henry ("Scoop") Jackson Society cheered the United Kingdom's support for the American-backed Israeli actions, and declared that this was "The British Moment." Alan Mendoza, who is the co-president of the newly minted Scoopers' group, reported that the 200 participants "cheered to the rafters" for "the prospect of a huge increase in both the scope and frequency of British ethical intervention over the coming decade." The occasion was the release of a book called The British Moment, which is the "manifesto" of the group, which names itself after the late U.S. Sen. Henry Jackson (D-Wash.).

It is not considered good form, usually, to cheer at a funeral, and it was a funeral. The HJS participants were gloating over the corpse of the sovereign nation-state. To demonstrate the point, in his article about the meeting, called "This is the British Moment," Mendoza, a 30-something Tweener in the tradition of the American "chicken-hawks"—i.e., the American warmongers who have never donned a military uniform—crowed, "Taking our lead from our namesake," the Henry Jackson Society pushes a " 'forward strategy' to assist those countries that are not yet liberal and democratic to become so. This would involve the full spectrum of our 'carrot' capacities, be they diplomatic, economic, cultural or political, but also, when necessary, those 'sticks' of the military domain."

A few days later, on July 23 and July 26, the HJS filed a series of followup articles on its website, hailing the Israeli invasion and bombardment of Lebanon to supposedly "disarm Hezbollah" as an example to the United States and Britain as to what these two nuclear superstates should be doing. To the Baby Boomer/Tweener-aged imperialists, Lebanon does not deserve full sovereignty, so it needs "those 'sticks' of the military domain."

The HJS explains that the Israeli action is not "punitive"; it is simply "coercive" in order to "force the Beirut government to confront the presence of a terrorist state within a state on its soil...."

There is a need, they say, for the Israeli "stick," which is fully backed by Tony Blair, and his American partners, Bush and Cheney, because, "Unfortunately, the Lebanese state has entered a Faustian bargain with Hezbollah.... In return for Hezbollah's continued good behaviour at home, the movement has been allowed to export terror accross the border."

The Henry Jackson Society is right now in its larval stage, set up in March 2005 by a combination of the scions of the "Golden Age" of British synarchy—the infamous Round Table—and the American neo-conservatives of the imperial/fascist Committee on the Present Danger (CPD), who needed a new base of operations and moved to London, as the American population turned bitterly against the Bush-Cheney regime in 2005. As EIR reported in June 2004, the CPD was reincarnated by the neo-cons for a third time, because support for the Iraq War "was in jeopardy." The first CPD of 1950-51 was a project of the Harry Truman Administration's Psychological Strategy Board, used to propagandize for preventive nuclear war against North Korea. The second CPD incarnation was in 1976, around the Presidential campaign of Sen. Scoop Jackson, who wanted direct confrontation with the Soviet Union. The men who ran Jackson's policy in the 1970s, and then founded the CPD, were the leading warmongers of the Bush-Cheney "first strike" preventive war doctrine, including Paul Wolfowitz, Bush's former Deputy Secretary of Defense, now at the World Bank; and Richard Perle, former chairman of Defense Policy Board. These two, along with Douglas Feith, Bush's former Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, set up the rogue intelligence network in the Pentagon that reported directly to Cheney's office. Another important figure on Scoop Jackson's 1976 Presidential campaign team was Lazard Brothers synarchist banker Felix Rohatyn, who was his chief economic policy advisor.

While Rohatyn is not as well known as the neo-cons, he is perhaps the most important figure in this would-be fascist world government. Through his mentor André Meyer, CEO of Lazard Frères, the World War II-era investment bank, and investment controller today for such important institutions as the Washington Post, Rohatyn is a direct scion of the pro-Nazi Synarchist International of the 1940s. Meyer, who called Rohatyn his "son" and groomed him to take over the key operations of Lazard, is named in World War II intelligence documents prepared for President Franklin D. Roosevelt as a collaborator of the Nazis' allies in France.

Such is the nature of the new Henry Jackson Society.

Today, in the United States, this network is severely weakened—blamed for the glib prediction that the toppling of Saddam Hussein would be a "cakewalk." And their latter-day "Scoop," Democratic Sen. Joe Lieberman (Conn.), went down in flames in his Aug. 8 primary election, defeated because of his blind allegiance to the Cheney doctrine and the Iraq War policy. Lieberman, who is co-chairman of the Committee on the Present Danger, gave the keynote to its founding meeting on June 16, 2004, in which he declared "Islamic Jihadism" to be the 21st-Century equivalent to "Nazi totalitarianism" of the early 20th Century.

Make no mistake, however, in thinking that the defeat of Lieberman removes the threat and that the new Round Table imperialists have been taught a lesson. The Henry Jackson Society wants to be the kernel of a fascist world government that can wield the "military stick" against any nation that it identifies as a threat to its world order. Most importantly, the aim of the HJS is to establish the precedent that all "nations" are not equal in sovereignty. For the HJS, the destruction of the sovereign nation-state means repeating over and over the supranational ("coalition of the willing"), or unilateral (if necessary) intervention against unwilling nations, until the lesson is learned.

As the founders of the Committee on the Present Danger were eager to stress, the wars against Iraq and Afghanistan were not enough. To win the "global war on terror," it is necessary to militarily defeat Iran, Syria, Hezbollah, the Palestinian Authority, and perhaps a few other Islamic states, they vowed.

Project for a New Anglo-American Century

A senior U.S. intelligence source familiar with the launching of the Henry Jackson Society described it as the fusion of the British Tory neo-conservatives with the U.S. neo-cons in both the Democratic and Republican parties, who are positioning themselves to survive in the post-Bush era. The source noted that some of the leading "patrons" (see list below) from the U.S. side were supporters of Sen. John McCain's (R-Ariz.) challenge to George W. Bush for the Presidency in 2000, and are maneuvering to ride the McCain candidacy back into power in 2008. But at the same time, the U.S. neo-cons are hedging their bets for a Democratic victory in 2008.

The Democratic Party side of the HJS is evidenced by the participation of James Woolsey, former Clinton Administration CIA Director, and leading member of the "Wolfowitz cabal" that hatched the Iraq War plan in 2001. Woolsey is also one of the founders of the Truman Project on National Security (see EIR, July 21, 2006), out of the right-wing Democratic Leadership Council (DLC), which is the base of synarchist Rohatyn's operation inside the Democratic Party.

Informed Washington sources also suggest, however, that the HJS is the relocated form of the Project for a New American Century, which went out of business in July 2006. It could be called the Project for an Anglo-American Century.

On June 12, 2006, the Washington Post wrote: "The doors may be closing shortly on the nine-year-old Project for a New American Century, the neoconservative think tank headed by William Kristol ... editor of the Weekly Standard....

"The PNAC was short on staff—having perhaps a half-dozen employees—but very long on heavy hitters. The founders included Richard B. Cheney, Donald H. Rumsfeld, Paul D. Wolfowitz, Jeb Bush, I. Lewis 'Scooter' Libby....

"The goal was ... projecting American power and 'moral clarity' in a post-Cold War world, the group's manifesto said. The targets were liberal drift and conservative isolationism."

One of its main policy demands was the toppling of Saddam Hussein. PNAC was quite signficant in the Cheney-Bush Administration. Loaded with members of the inner circle of followers of the late fascist ideologue Leo Strauss, PNAC's founding document was more or less the basis for the 2002 National Security Strategy, which openly stated a doctrine of preventive war—including the preventive use of nuclear strikes against such countries as Iraq, Iran, and North Korea.

The PNAC did go out of business around July 1, claiming "Mission Accomplished." But its movement was in relative shambles compared to the heyday of pre-Iraq War 2003, when the Administration could lie with impunity. In late 2005, when I. Lewis Libby, the highest-ranking neo-con in the land, serving as Cheney's National Security Advisor, was indicted for perjury and obstruction of justice, it was clear that the neo-cons were no longer at their zenith.

What the Washington Post and most Americans, especially Congressmen and Senators, do not realize, is that PNAC has effectively moved to Britain, and set up shop in London as the Henry Jackson Society. What may have begun as an idea of expansion, or an insurance policy for the neo-cons if America turns against them, has now become a necessity. The accelerating global economic-financial collapse is reducing the support for the Bush-Cheney regime to dust, at the same time that the need for an imperial synarchist drive—from their standpoint—has never been greater.

The move to the United Kingdom occurred in two phases: first, the American neo-con Scoopers opened their United Kingdom flank with the March 11, 2005 founding of the Henry Jackson Society. Then, the formal "launching" occurred on Nov. 22, 2005, with a statement of principles designed to destroy the nation-state tradition of President Franklin Roosevelt, putting in its place "robust interventionism" in the name of "democracy."

The effort was to consolidate the principles behind the Iraq War—unilateral intervention—and former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright's Kosovo War before that. These axioms have already, under the Blair-Bush-synarchist-directed assault, placed World War III within the realm of possibility in the near term.

The Scoopers' statement of principles was a mantra of the Bush Doctrine, and it was signed by neo-conservatives across the party lines in Britain. According to the statement of principles: "The pursuit of a robust foreign policy was one of Henry 'Scoop' Jackson's central concerns. This was to be based on clear universal principles such as global promotion of the rule of law, liberal democracy, civil rights, environmental responsibility and FNORD the market economy." :fawked:

This was followed by a set of principles that include: "2. Supports a 'forward strategy' to assist those countries that are not yet liberal and democratic to become so; 3. Supports the maintenance of a strong military, by the United States, the countries of the European Union and other democratic powers, armed with expeditionary capabilities and global reach; 4. Supports the necessary furtherance of European military modernisation and integration under British leadership, preferably within NATO; ... 6. Believes that only modern liberal democratic states are truly legitimate, and that any international organization which admits undemocratic states on an equal basis is fundamentally flawed; ... 8. Accepts that we have to set priorities and sometimes compromise, but insists that we should never lose sight of our fundamental values. This means alliances with repressive regimes can only be temporary."

Here is a recipe for disaster of the sort that has seen U.S.-U.K. unilateralism, driven by the Synarchist bankers that financed Hitler, Mussolini, Franco, and France's Vichy government during World War II.

The New Round Table

The British home for the Henry Jackson Society, however, adds a crucial element, necessary for a world government: the inclusion of centuries-old families of "Empire," who consider their American collaborators to be country bumpkins and newcomers to their imperial game.

In addition, the British oligarchs know that the United States is still very much attached to the legacy of Franklin D. Roosevelt, whose three administrations represented the general welfare of the people of the United States, especially the "forgotten man," and who was a vehement opponent of colonial imperialism—as British Prime Minister Winston Churchill learned.

The dead giveaway that the Henry Jackson Society is a wishful revival of the original British Round Table project of Cecil Rhodes, aimed at capturing the United States as a pawn of the British Commonwealth/Empire, is the prominent role in the HJS of Rt. Hon. Michael Ancram, the 13th Marquess of Lothian—the grandson of Round Table leader Philip Kerr (11th Marquess of Lothian). As Prof. Carrol Quigley detailed in his The Anglo-American Establishment (New York: Books in Focus, Inc., 1981), the Round Table Group—also known as the Rhodes Trust, the Milner Kindergarten, and the Cliveden Set—was launched as an imperial secret society at the end of the 19th Century, with the specific goal of sustaining the British Empire, under the guise of the Commonwealth. Key to the entire project was the cooptation and recruitment of a U.S.A.-based Anglophile establishment, to consolidate the de facto absorption of the United States into the British fold.

The original Round Table founders were Cecil Rhodes, William T. Stead, and Reginald Baliol Brett (Lord Escher). The core group was soon turned over to Lord Milner, Lord Lothian, and Sir Robert Brand, the latter being the managing partner of the Lazard Bank in London. Over the course of the next century, the Round Table Group, in its various manifestations, led the pro-Hitler faction of the British establishment, while at the same time extending its reach into the United States, to promote a solid Anglo-American "alliance," which Winston Churchill once described in boastful terms: With American brawn and British brains, the Anglo-Americans could rule the world.

At all times during its 20th-Century heyday, the Round Table Group was centered in Lazard Bank, with Sir Robert Brand and his two successors at Lazard holding positions on the Round Table's secret committee, through into the 1980s at least.

The current Lord Lothian is Michael Andrew Foster Jude Kerr, PC, QC, MP. Born in London in 1945, known as Michael Ancram, he is a Conservative Party politician, Member of Parliament for Devizes, and former member of the Shadow Cabinet. Ancram was educated at Ampleforth College (sometimes known as the Catholic Eton), Christ Church, Oxford (BA History 1966, MA), and the University of Edinburgh (LLB, 1968). He practiced law, and dropped his title professionally. He inherited his father's title upon his death in 2004, but does not use it. He is the grandson and heir to Philip Kerr (Lord Lothian), who was a notorious member of the Round Table movement and the Cliveden Set.

The other leading members of the Henry Jackson Society UK similarly convey the idea that this project is being promoted by the upper echelons of what is historically known as the "Club of the Isles," the heart of the Anglo-Dutch financier oligarchy. They include:

Col. Tim Collins. Commander, First Battalion Royal Irish Regiment, Iraq 2003.

Prof. Paul Cornish. Carrington Professor of International Security, Royal Institute for International Affairs (Chatham House), the public arm of the Round Table in London.

Sir Richard Dearlove. KCMG, OBE, born 1945, was head of the British Secret Intelligence Service (MI6) from 1999 until May 6, 2004. The appointment was made by then-Foreign Secretary Robin Cook in consultation with Prime Minister Tony Blair. Dearlove played a crucial role in orchestrating the lies that Bush, Cheney, and Blair used to bamboozle the Congress and the American population into accepting an unjustified and unnecessary war in Iraq.

During his tenure as head of MI6, or "C," he was the purported author of the "Downing Street Memorandum," which indicated that Bush and Blair had already arrived at the policy decision to overthrow Saddam Hussein and occupy Iraq, and the only thing necessary was to "curve fit" the intelligence to provide a cover to convince people that the war was justified under international law.

Dearlove became Master of Pembroke College, Cambridge, in 2004, and accepted an invitation to join the Trustees of the Cambridge Union Society in 2006.

Maj.-Gen. John Dreewienkiewicz. Military advisor to the High Representative for Bosnia.

Mark Etherington. Civil Governor, Wasit (Kut) province, Iraq, 2002-04. Author, Revolt on the Tigris: The Al-Sadr Uprising and the Governing of Iraq. A former British paratrooper.

Michael Cove. MP. Born in 1967 in Edinburgh. Cove is a politician, journalist, and author. He has been the Conservative Party MP for Surrey Heath since 2005. He is seen as part of an influential set of young Tories, sometimes referred to as the Notting Hill Set, including David Cameron. When Cameron was elected leader of the party in December 2005, Cove was appointed housing spokesman in the team shadowing the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister.

Robert Halfon. Political director, Conservative Friends of Israel.

Oliver Kamm. Columnist, The Times. He has written for it on the founding of the HJS, and the legacy of Henry Jackson.

Jacqueline Rita Lawrence. Labour Member of Parliament from 1997 until 2005.

Dr. Denis MacShane. MP. Born 1948. Labour Member of Parliament for Rotherdam, and was Minister of State for Europe at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office until the 2005 ministerial reshuffle.

Stephen Pollard. Columnist, The Times. Senior Fellow at the Centre for Europe and at Civitas.

Greg Pope. MP. Born in 1960 in Blackburn. Labour Member of Parliament for Hyndburn; first elected in 1992.

Lord Powell of Bayswater. Lord Powell was for many years private secretary and advisor on foreign affairs and defense to Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. He is currently chairman of Sagitta Asset Management Ltd; chairman of Phillips Fine Art Auctioneers; and chairman of LVMH (Louis Vuitton Moet-Hennesy) in the U.K. He is a board member of, among others, the Textron Corporation; Caterpillar, Inc.; LVMH; and Mandarin Oriental Hotel Group. He is president of the China-Britain Business Council; chairman of the Singapore-British Business Council; and chairman of the Trustees of the Oxford Business School.

Dr. Jamie Shea. Born 1953 in London, Shea is Director of Policy Planning in the Private Office of the Secretary General of NATO, responsible for advising the Secretary General, senior NATO management, and the Council on strategic issues.

Dr. Irwin Steltzer. Director of Economic Policy Studies, Hudson Institute. An American economist, Steltzer writes a weekly column in the Sunday Times of London and is a close friend and key advisor to publisher Rupert Murdoch. Steltzer has been a regular visitor to Tony Blair and at one point was being paid as a consultant to Downing Street. Murdoch is known to have paid him £1 million a year.

Gisela Geschaider Stuart. MP. Born in 1955 in Velden, Bavaria, Germany. Moved to Britain in 1974. Labour Member of Parliament from Birmingham Edgbaston. She attracted some controversy in October 2004 by becoming the only Labour Party MP to call for the re-election of George W. Bush.

Lord David Trimble. Crossbench Peer. Entered the House of Lords on June 6, 2006. Previously MP for Upper Bann until April 11, 2005.

His interest in politics developed in the early 1970s, when, along with many others, he became increasingly disillusioned with the existing unionist leadership in Northern Ireland. As a result, Trimble was to associate himself with the Ulster Vanguard movement, which attempted to organize unionist opinion. In 1973, when this group evolved into the Vanguard Unionist Progressive Party (VUPP), he became a member and unsuccessfully stood for election at the Assembly Elections in June 1973.

Eventually, following an internal crisis in 1978, the VUPP ceased to operate as a political party, and so, with some of his former colleagues, he joined the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP). In 1990 he became the UUP's candidate at the Westminster by-election for the constituency of Upper Bann, which he won and served from 1990-2005. In 1996 he was returned to the Northern Ireland forum for Political Dialogue for the constituency of Upper Bann (1996-98), and led his party into the multi-party negotiations which commenced in June 1996. Following the entry of Sinn Fein into the talks in September 1997, Trimble overcame UUP opposition to remain involved in negotiations. This led to the Belfast Agreement in May 1998 referendum. His efforts during this time were to be recognized when, later in 1998, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, along with John Hume, the leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). Following elections to the new Northern Ireland Assembly in 1998, Trimble was elected to the body for Upper Bann. In November 1999, with the establishment of the Northern Ireland Executive, he took up his position as First Minister (1999-2001 and 2001-02). Since then, however, Trimble twice resigned his seat in an effort to accelerate paramilitary decommissioning. In the 2005 Westminster Election, he lost his seat, and soon after resigned the leadership of the UUP, to be succeeed by Sir Reg Empey. He took his seat in the House of Lords on June 2, 2006.

Edward Vaizey. MP. Conservative Party Member of Parliament for Wantage. Closely associated with young Tories of the David Cameron stripe.

David Willetts. MP. Born 1956. Conservative Member of Parliament for Havant. Educated at Christ Church, Oxford, he was a whip, then junior minister (Paymaster General) under Prime Minister John Major, but was forced to resign when it was found by the Committee of Standards and Privileges, that he had lied in a case. A couple of years later he was back in the front bench as a Shadow Cabinet member. In August 2005, commentators speculated he was gunning for the post of Shadow Chancellor and would cut a deal with either David Davies or David Cameron. He chose David Davies, the bookies' favorite.
International Patrons

Dr. Brenden Simms. Co-president.

Dr. Alan Mendoza. Co-president. A co-founder of the HJS, Dr. Mendoza will use his position for a smooth transition of the HJS from Cambridge to London and to establish a fundraising base for the HJS. Co-founder and president of the Disraelian Union, a London-based Conservative think-tank and discussion forum.

James Rogers. Executive secretary. Associate editor for the Cambridge Review of International Affairs. Worked for two Labour Members of Parliament.

John Bew. Vice president. Research Fellow of Peterhouse at the University of Cambridge.

Matthew Jamieson. Media secretary. Born in Northern Ireland, he graduated with a degree in history from Peterhouse, Cambridge, in 2005. From the Summer of 2006, Jamieson returned to Peterhouse to begin research for his M.Phil. in history, examining Tony Blair's foreign policy in relation to Britain's imperialist past. In 2003, he was elected chairman of the Cambridge University Conservative Party, after serving as Campaigns Officer.

Martyn Frampton. Web-editor; Section Director, Greater Middle East. Frampton is a final year Ph.D. (history) candidate in Jesus College, Cambridge. His principal field of research is modern Irish history, with special reference to the "Troubles." Other interests include the politics of the Middle East, the Balkans, and more general modern British and wider European History.
The American 'Cousins'

The Henry Jackson Society also maintains a public list of Patrons, who are comprised, predominantly, of American neo-conservatives who have been at the very center of the Washington War Party, and who formerly comprised the leadership core of PNAC. Among the Patrons are:

Bruce P. Jackson. President, the Project for Transitional Democracies, a founder of the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, a Washington-based neo-con front.

Robert Kagan. Senior associate, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and one of the leading neo-con propagandists for the Anglo-American empire.

William Kristol. Editor, The Weekly Standard.

Vytautus Landsbergis. Former President of Lithuania.

Clifford May. President, Foundation for the Defense of Democracies. President, Committee on the Present Danger, and Chairman of its Policy Committee.

Michael McFaul. Senior fellow, Hoover Institution. Senior advisor, National Democratic Institute.

Joshua Muravchik. Leading figure in the Democratic Party right-wing networks of the Social Democrats USA, and a leading propagandist for the Bush-Cheney permanent war policy.

Richard Perle. Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense. Former aide to Sen. Henry Jackson. Head of the Defense Policy Board for the first years of the Bush-Cheney Administration, and one of the most outspoken of the neo-con ideologues in Washington.

Gen. Jack Sheehan. Former NATO Supreme Allied Commander.

James Woolsey. Former Director of the CIA, co-chair, with George P. Shultz, of the Committee on the President Danger, and the mentor of Rachel Kleinfeld, the founder of the Truman Project on National Security, a young neo-con penetration of the Democratic Party.
'Tomorrow the World'

The HJS has divided itself into sections for research, writing, and forums—each section being under one or more of the members of the Organizing Committee that gathered the signators to the Statement of Principles. (The Organizing Committee, better called the Cambridge "Kindergarten," hopes to divide up, not its work, but the planet itself.)

The first section is Greater Europe, and the section director is James Rogers. It argues that with Britain as the "pivot" between the European Union and its "special relationship" to the United States, Europe is emerging as a dominant power. In the March 11, 2005 "Opening Editorial" for this section, the author notes: "Today, in the opening years of the twenty-first century, the European Union is very much a global power. Its 'hard' coercive power is as significant as its 'soft' attractive power...."

A subsumed section is on the Balkans. In the "Opening Editorial" on the Balkans of March 15, 2005, the author applauds "interventionism": "Today it no longer makes sense to see international politics as a question of left versus right: rather, the principal ideological division in the West is between what might broadly be called the 'interventionists' and the 'anti-interventionists.' It was this division that governed discourse over the Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq wars.... In practice, the debate is between, on the one hand, those who support military and other forms of intervention by the Western democracies to confront dictatorship, oppression, and the abuse of human rights, and on the other, those who do not."

Rogers is also the section director for Britain in the World, which argues that within the last 20 years, Britain has undergone a "renaissance," which, according to the "Opening Editorial," has made "British military strength ... second only to that of the United States." Indeed, as Nile Gardner and John Hulsman have recently remarked: "Britain has unquestionably emerged as the world's second most powerful nation.... One BBC commentator has even advocated that a new form of British 'empire', based on cultural attraction and world-wide influence, has now emerged, and that this will allow Britain to retain its pivotal position almost indefinitely."

Rogers is also the section director for America in the World. Its "Opening Editorial" states: "Senator Jackson might have frowned on the triumphalism that has recently emerged in certain neoconservative circles, but he would have been far more critical of the Democratic naysayers who still noisily object to the political restructuring of the Middle East.... Since the autumn of 2001, American policy makers and American public have come to the painful and immediate realisation that terrorism is not 'someone else's problem'.... The 'forward strategy' proposed by the Bush administration, however, must not jeopardise the vision of liberal democracy, the very ideal that it seeks to 'push forward' in the Middle East, Africa, and Central Asia. The United States, while avoiding the apologetic stance that some leftists would wish it to adopt, should also avoid being confused with the non-representative and authoritarian regimes that it seeks to reform.... At the end of the Cold War, the Jacksonian tradition ... successfully bridged the apparent—if not real—divide between a belief in cultural centrism and a belief in an active US military posture."

Former Zbigniew Brzezinski aide Christopher Swift is section director of Russia and Eurasia. In his "Section Overview," Swift writes: "Since 1999, the Kremlin has curtailed civil liberties, suspended democratic reforms and consolidated presidential authority. These developments accompanied the sale of nuclear technology to Iran, a savage war in Chechnya and aggressive interference by Moscow in its neighbours' domestic affairs.... Against that backdrop, it would be a mistake to acknowledge formally or implicitly Moscow's 'spheres of interest' in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus or Central Asia.... The EU and NATO must continue to enlarge, with substantial emphasis now placed on supporting reforms in Ukraine and Georgia. Success in these areas will provide a positive impetus for Russia's continued evolution, as well as a bulwark against Russia's occasional neo-imperialist impulses."

Martyn Frampton is section director for the Greater Middle East. Dr. Brenden Simms, co-president of HJS, wrote the "Opening Editorial" for this section, which states: "Once it became clear that terrorists of Middle East origin were responsible for the attacks of 9/11, the debate on how to respond has produced two very different schools of thought. The one said: 'We have to change'.... There is something to be said for this view, but not much." Simms continues: "The alternative response to 9/11 was to say: 'They will have to change.... Only by 'draining the swamp,' by reclaiming the region from its miasma of repression and fanaticism, so the argument ran, could security be achieved. Against this backdrop, it is unsurprising that the democratic transformation of the Middle East should have begun with an attack on its greatest dictator, Saddam Hussein, rather than putting pressure on its only democracy, Israel. But the removal of Saddam Hussein was also the beginning of a much greater project: a new and democratic geopolitics of the Middle East, with new fronts and new spaces.... This section of the Henry Jackson Society will defend the decision to remove Saddam Hussein by force, and it may well support similar measures in future.... We may have to be patient in Iran.... There may be a case for a limited air strike on Iranian nuclear facilties, but that will solve nothing in the long run and will probably do more harm than good...."

The section director for Asia/Pacific Rim is Tobias Harris, and the "Opening Editorial" for this section reads: "Following the end of the Cold War, statesmen and scholars have predicted that the Twenty-first Century will belong to Asia.... There is much to be said for this view. By virtue of their size alone, the economic rise of China and India has had and will continue to have a distortionary effect on the global economy.... There is a dark side to the Asian Century, however. With five of the world's ten biggest military spenders East Asian powers, the potential for conflict in East Asia is particularly acute.... Especially dangerous are heightened levels of nationalism throughout Asia, which could serve to escalate small disputes in contested areas into major struggles.... The central rivalry in the Asia-Pacific region may prove to be that between the US and China.... The more legitimacy China acquires in international organizations, however, the easier it will be for China to win the support of its neighbors and to supplant the US as the regional leader.... Does Brussels truly seek the return to a multipolar global security competition? ... An Asia without the US playing a significant role in security affairs would likely have more nuclear weapons than at present and be safer for oppressive regimes.... The EU will only come to support the US position in East Asia, however, if the United Kingdom takes a lead role in formulating EU policy vis-à-vis Asia."
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Re: Henry "Scoop" Jackson

Postby semper occultus » Wed Jan 23, 2013 7:04 am

... Douglas Murray's the main HJS tv / media spokesman - always come across as ever so slightly barmy

the The British-American Project for the Successor Generation operated down the "Left" flank

wonder how their EU position plays out - Denis McShane is rabid pro-Europe & the BBC's go-to guy to bait Tory eurosceptics ( or was until he got arrested for defrauding the tax-payer on his expenses )....Gisela Staurt is as euro-sceptic as you can get in the mainstream Labour party

it's Michael Gove not Cove
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Re: Henry "Scoop" Jackson

Postby semper occultus » Sat Jun 27, 2015 4:17 pm

The American Far-right’s Trojan Horse in Westminster

Elites are using the Henry Jackson Society to sell surveillance, war, white supremacism, banks, and misogyny

By Nafeez Ahmed

June 17, 2015 "Information Clearing House" - "Medium" - There is a violent extremist fifth column operating at the heart of power in Britain, and they stand against everything we hold dear in Western democracies: civil liberties, equality, peace, diplomacy and the rule of law.

continued :

http://www.informationclearinghouse.inf ... e42167.htm

New report on the Henry Jackson Society

By Spinwatch
Thursday, 11 June 2015 14:58

http://www.spinwatch.org/index.php/issu ... on-society

Today we publish our latest report: The Henry Jackson Society and the degeneration of British neoconservatism: liberal interventionism, Islamophobia and the 'war on terror'.

This in-depth study examines the history, activities and politics of the Henry Jackson Society, a leading exponent of neoconservatism in the UK that is grounded in a transatlantic tradition deeply influenced by Islamophobia and an open embrace of the 'War on Terror'.

Written by by Tom Griffin, Hilary Aked, David Miller and Sarah Musarek, the report was jointly launched with the Cordoba Foundation as part of the 'International Conference on Understanding Conflict' at the University of Bath on 11 June 2015.

You can download a pdf of the report here.
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Re: Henry "Scoop" Jackson

Postby American Dream » Sat Jun 27, 2015 4:25 pm

http://www.newleftproject.org/index.php ... sh_muslims

Henry Who? Scoop Jackson And The Cold War On British Muslims

by Tom Griffin, Hilary Aked, David Miller and Sarah Marusek

Contemporary counter-extremism policies targeting British Muslims are rooted in the Cold War opposition to détente

First published: 25 June, 2015

At the Global Security Conference in Bratislava last week, David Cameron identified non-violent extremism, 'quietly condoned' in local communities, as a key factor in causing Islamist terrorism. This drew a rebuke from Sayeeda Warsi, the former co-chair of the Conservative Party, who criticised his focus on 'the notion of Muslim community complicity'. Speaking to the Independent, she questioned whether Government counter-extremism policies represent 'a genuine attempt to deal with extremism in all its forms, as opposed to the current perception that it is a Cold War against British Muslims,' echoing a title of a 2011 Spinwatch report. In that study we argued that a number of think-tanks had sought to shift official counter-terrorism towards cold war-style counter-subversion, concerned less with violence and more with ideas as a threat in themselves.

The Cold War on British Muslims identified two think-tanks central to this process: Policy Exchange, reputedly 'David Cameron's favourite think-tank', and Douglas Murray's Centre for Social Cohesion. The latter has since been absorbed by the Henry Jackson Society, the subject of a Spinwatch report released earlier this month, The Henry Jackson Society and the Degeneration of British Neoconservatism, and an organisation which perfectly embodies the Cold War heritage of contemporary counter-extremism.

The Society’s name perplexed many observers from the beginning. Reviewing the society’s first book in 2006, The British Moment, Samuel Brittan asked: ‘Why, then, take the name of a US senator with a very mixed bag of views? Better to have called it the Palmerston Society after the 19th century British prime minister who selectively favoured 'small nations struggling to be free', often with the aid of British gunboats.’

The British Moment provided one answer to Brittan’s question with a short biography of Henry M. ‘Scoop’ Jackson, the US senator for Washington State, who died in 1983. This described Jackson as ‘an ardent New Dealer, trade unionist, environmentalist and supporter of the early civil rights movement’ and as the ‘scourge of corporate interests, particularly power and oil companies, who objected to his enthusiasm for nationalisation and price controls.’[1]

In seeking to bolster Jackson’s progressive credentials, this account elides important features of his career. Jackson’s record on civil rights was far from unblemished. As a congressman during World War Two, he opposed allowing Japanese Americans to serve in the military, arguing ‘there is more espionage perpetrated on the part of the second generation “Jap” than the first generation.’[2]

In the 1950s, he was a notably quiescent member of the Senate Investigations Subcommittee during Joseph McCarthy’s witch-hunts.[3] ‘Liberal Republicans started the move against McCarthy’, Senator Eugene McCarthy later said. ‘Then the Southern Democrats came in, because he was not a gentleman in the Southern tradition. Then liberal Democrats such as Henry came in only when it was safe.’[4]

During his 1972 presidential run, Jackson sought to win over supporters of segregationist George Wallace by proposing a constitutional ban on the practise of school bussing, which had been instituted in an attempt to integrate schools.[5] If Jackson was a scourge of oil interests, they were nevertheless among the largest backers of his 1972 presidential campaign. The largest single donation of $225,000 came from oil millionaire Leon Hess, a fact that was not revealed until a list of Jackson’s contributors was released by the Watergate Committee in 1974.[6]

Jackson’s most consistent characteristic, however, was support for the military, which some attributed to his truncated service during World War Two, when he chose to return to Congress rather than remain with his unit which was later sent to Europe.[7] As early as 1951, Jackson was warning that the US was ‘falling behind in the atomic armaments competition’, citing intelligence reports that he could not reveal for national security reasons.[8] In the mid-1950s, he was a leading proponent of the false belief that the US was threatened by a ‘missile gap’ that presaged Soviet victory in the Cold War.[9]

Surveying this record in 1975, New Republic journalist Peter J. Ognibene wrote: ‘Jackson believes he is an internationalist and regards those who oppose his cold war outlook as isolationists. His brand of internationalism is more properly called “interventionism” because it is predicated almost entirely on military power. [...] He can reduce the most complex international issue to a matter of arms and their threatened or actual use. Although the word has emotional overtones, he may be properly called a militarist without stretching the definition.’[10] Ognibene calculated that if all of Jackson’s recommendations had been followed, the US defence budget, which was close to $100 billion in 1975, would instead have been on the order of between $150 and $200 billion.[11]

If American militarism was key to Jackson’s political personality, support for Israel, often seen in the same light, was a much later development. Ognibene noted that he said little on the subject for most of his career, making no public comment during the 1967 Six Day War. He was also a member of two social clubs which operated an anti-Semitic policy: the University Club of Seattle and the Chevy Chase Club of Washington, the latter of which refused to allow members’ Jewish guests to use the club’s bathroom facilities as late as 1970.[12] Ognibene saw further evidence of ethnic insensitivity in a 1974 stump speech in which Jackson recounted a meeting with Saudi Arabian politician Sheikh Ahmed Zaki Yamani, exclaiming ‘No dirty A-rab sheik is gonna tell us what to do’.[13]

Ognibene argued that Jackson did not begin to build a record of support for Israel until the year before his first presidential run.[14] If that explanation – implying that Jackson’s shift stemmed from an electoral appeal to pro-Israel sections of the Jewish community – seems too cynical, it is worth noting that at the same time Jackson took a similar interest in the foreign policy concerns of other major ethnic groups in the United States. In a letter to the Irish National Caucus during the 1976 campaign, Jackson stated: ‘I support a declaration of intent from the British Government regarding their withdrawal from Ireland, and I believe that will be a concrete step towards peace with justice in Ireland, a cause for which an Irishman, Frank Stagg, died recently in a nonviolent, peaceful protest in an English prison.’ The letter proved to be a useful tool for the Irish National Caucus in influencing the eventual Democratic nominee for president, Jimmy Carter.[15]

A more principled explanation of Jackson’s changing position is that by the early 1970s, the Arab-Israeli conflict was becoming much more closely bound up with his Cold War preoccupations. The outcome of the 1973 Yom Kippur War, when the superpowers worked together to rein in Israel’s counter-attack at the end of the conflict, strongly reinforced the combination of Cold War anti-communism and support for Israel that defined an emerging movement that was already being called neoconservatism.[16]

As The British Moment says ‘The signature issue of Jackson’s career for which he is still best remembered, was his opposition to détente with the Soviet Union.’[17] Jackson was the leader of an anti-détente movement, based on an exaggerated view of Soviet strength, which helped to draw a section of former liberals into the conservative coalition of the 1980s, only for its founding convictions to be repudiated by Ronald Reagan himself with the advent of perestroika. Without that legacy, the figure that Jackson presents to history – that of a provincial senator and presidential also-ran – seems of little significance to 21st Century Britain. The invocation of his name by those seeking to influence British security policies today, underlines the extent to which fashionable counter-extremism approaches often amount to little more than repackaged Cold War paranoia.
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Re: Henry "Scoop" Jackson

Postby cptmarginal » Tue Feb 27, 2018 10:22 am


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