People who spent countless hours looking for a secret pedophile pizza code, are now shrugging off a major politician being accused of it on the record.
Anti-LGBTQ hate groups stand by Roy Moore after report that he molested a child
Groups including Family Research Council have largely stayed silent, defended Moore after Washington Post report
Blog ››› November 10, 2017 1:40 PM EST ››› BRENNAN SUEN
Anti-LGBTQ hate groups and their representatives who endorsed anti-LGBTQ extremist and Alabama Republican Senate candidate Roy Moore have largely rushed to defend him or remained silent in the day following reports in The Washington Post that he engaged in sexual misconduct in his 30s with a 14-year old.
On November 9, The Washington Post reported on a woman’s story that Moore molested her when she was 14 years old and he was 32. The Post interviewed three other women who also went on the record saying that he pursued them when they were teenagers “and he was in his early 30s.” Moore is a known anti-LGBTQ extremist, who has said that “homosexual conduct should be illegal” and that being queer is “a criminal lifestyle,” and as such has received the endorsements of a number of anti-LGBTQ hate group leaders. These figures include Mat Staver of Liberty Counsel, Brian Brown (who endorsed Moore representing his extremist organization National Organization for Marriage (NOM) but also runs hate group World Congress of Families), Tim Wildmon of American Family Association (AFA), Peter Labarbera of Americans for Truth about Homosexuality (AFTAH), and Tony Perkins and Jerry Boykin of Family Research Council (FRC).
Mike Cernovich: Attacks On Me Are Attacks On ‘Every Nuclear Family In America’
By Jared Holt | November 13, 2017 2:34 pm
Mike Cernovich, a self-described “New Right” pundit infamous for his role in the “Pizzagate” conspiracy hoax, claimed that what he perceives as attacks on him and Infowars host Alex Jones from mainstream media outlets are actually attacks on every nuclear family in America.
On Jones’ program last week, Cernovich and Jones discussed the Senate testimony of a lawyer representing Twitter, who said that the platform had attempted to suppress perceived interference in the 2016 election by suppressing tweets that promoted Wikileaks releases with the hashtags “#DNCLeak” and “#PodestaEmails.” The duo interpreted the statement as validation of their longstanding warnings that conspiratorial globalist forces are using digital platforms to censor and silence their worldview.
“This is not an attack on you and me,” Cernovich told Jones. “We’re just puppets to the globalist pedophile masterminds. You and I, they’re attacking us because we’re public figures. Ultimately, this is an attack on every nuclear family in America. They’re trying to destroy the nuclear family. They’re trying to enslave people.”
Jones agreed, “That’s it. We’re figureheads of the nuclear family and of just basic sanity, and if they can shut us down they can shut everybody down.”
“Exactly. You and I, if we went away and somebody replaced us, then the media would never even talk about us. They would talk about whoever the new person on the vanguard was, the new public figure—fundamentally anybody that preaches a pro-America, pro-family, pro-morals,” agenda, Cernovich said.
The Making of an American Nazi
How did Andrew Anglin go from being an antiracist vegan to the alt-right’s most vicious troll and propagandist—and how might he be stopped?
By all outward appearances, Andrew Anglin had an ordinary, comfortable childhood, at least until adolescence. He grew up in a big house in Worthington Hills, an upper-middle-class neighborhood, where he collected X-Men comics, played computer games, ate burgers at the original Wendy’s restaurant, and got into music with his best friend, West Emerson. And he loved to read. One book that left a deep impression on him was Weasel, which tells the story of a boy in frontier Ohio seeking revenge against a psychopath who, having run out of American Indians to murder, takes to slaughtering white homesteaders.
When Anglin entered the Linworth Alternative Program, Columbus’s “hippie” high school, as a freshman in 1999, other students found him a quiet, insecure kid who craved attention and wanted to fit in. A declared atheist, he styled his reddish hair in dreadlocks and favored jeans with 50-inch leg openings. He often wore a hoodie with a large fuck racism patch on the back.
In high school, Anglin was a vegan and took progressive stances on various issues. This photo has been posted on alt-right sites by people questioning his sincerity.
Anglin was one of only two vegans at Linworth, and before long he began dating the other, a brunette named Alison in the class ahead of him, whom he wooed by baking vegan cookies. She was a popular girl who introduced him to a diverse and edgy clique of kids. To them, Anglin seemed sweet and funny, if a little too eager to latch on to causes. Alison was deeply into animal rights. Suddenly, he was too.
This photo appeared in Anglin’s high-school yearbook
and shows him with his then-girlfriend.
He also got deeply into drugs, according to half a dozen people who knew him at the time. He did LSD at school or while wandering through the scenic Highbanks Metro Park, north of the city. He took ketamine, ate psychedelic mushrooms, and snorted cocaine on weekends. He chugged Robitussin, and “robo tripped” so much that he damaged his stomach and would vomit into trash cans at school.
At home, Anglin spent hours in his parents’ basement downloading music and visiting early Flash-animation sites. According to Cameron Loomis, a former friend, Anglin’s favorite online destination was Rotten.com, which collected images of mangled corpses, deformities, and sexual perversions.
Anglin set up his own website, for a fake record label called “Andy Sucks! Records” that he used to dupe bands into sending him demo tapes. Here, his leftist leanings were on full display: He wrote posts encouraging people to send the Westboro Baptist Church death threats from untraceable accounts, and he mocked the Ku Klux Klan and other racist organizations. He wasn’t so different, back then, from the antifascist activists who would one day protest outside his dad’s office.
But people who knew Anglin in high school told me that, for reasons that were unclear, his behavior became erratic and frightening sometime around the beginning of his sophomore year at Linworth. Visitors to his house saw holes in his bedroom walls, and they knew that when he was upset, he would smash his head into things. Several recall an episode at a party: Anglin burst out crying after Alison drunkenly kissed someone else, then ran outside and bashed his head on the sidewalk over and over.
He harmed himself in other ways, too. He tried to tattoo the name of his favorite band, Modest Mouse, on his upper arm but gave up after two and a half letters, leaving him with moi etched on his skin. He stretched his earlobes by jamming thick marker caps into piercing holes until they dripped blood. He claimed to feel no pain and used lighters to melt the flesh on the inside of his forearms. He provoked people into assaulting him but never fought back, instead laughing as the blows fell. Two kids beat him into a gutter once. Anglin just lay there until they stopped, out of pity and confusion.
Former friends recall that Anglin’s parents seemed blind to their son’s alarming behavior. And while he could be tender toward his younger siblings, Chelsey and Mitch, and loyal to his friends, he also had a sadistic side. Alison (who asked that her last name be withheld from this article) told me that during Anglin’s sophomore year, she called him, distraught: She said she’d passed out at a party and been raped by a friend’s older brother. She needed compassion and support, but Anglin just laughed and broke up with her.
“You’re a slut,” she remembers him saying.
Several girls Anglin had gotten to know at another high school began calling her house at all hours of the night, according to Alison and other sources. “You deserved it,” they’d say. “You slut.” Alison says the abuse went on for weeks, as Anglin showed friends a video he’d made of them having sex.
After the breakup, Dan Newman, another friend at the time, remembers Anglin once bashing his head into the walls of his bedroom in such a frenzy that his mother had to call the police. Several classmates told me that Anglin didn’t date again in high school and sometimes tried to kiss other boys, including one black student he especially liked. Whether this behavior was authentic experimentation or just for shock value, it’s notable in light of the extreme homophobia Anglin has since expressed on The Daily Stormer and elsewhere. He has advocated, for instance, throwing gays off buildings, isis-style.
Mark Collett: Critics Of Homosexuality Are Being ‘Silenced’ By The ‘Pink Mafia’
On the fourth episode of Alt Right 101, Bre Faucheux and Mark Collett discussed the dangers of the insidious “LGBT agenda.”
Richard Wolstencroft & MUFF ~versus~ Those Degenerate Gays
Local filmmaker, self-described ‘transcendental fascist’ and, more recently, Trump fanboy and partisan of the AltRight,* Richard Wolstencroft, established the Melbourne Underground Film Festival (MUFF) in 2000 after the Melbourne International Film Festival (MIFF) declined screening his 1999 film Pearls Before Swine; as one critic wrote of the film: I’ve kind of always distrusted Richard Wolstencroft, filmmaker, Melbourne Underground Film Festival director, and tedious bore, partly because of his avowed fascist tendencies. Now that I’ve paid money for and sat through his fucking film, I just want to beat the cunt senseless.
MUFF — for which Richard is Director-For-Life — is no stranger to controversy. In 2003, he attempted to arrange a screening of The Search for the Truth in History, a 1993 propaganda film by Holocaust denialist David Irving. The screening was eventually cancelled, as several hundred people protested outside the venue, including the Australian Jewish Democratic Society’s Sol Salbe [who] said: “I’m here because my entire family was wiped out in the Holocaust.” Previously, in April 2000, a High Court judge branded Irving a racist, an anti-Semite, a Holocaust denier and a falsifier of history; the legal saga was recently dramatised in the film Denial (2016).
TRUMP, FREUD, AND THE PUZZLE OF FEMININITY
BY JILL GENTILE
Of late we’ve been hearing the word “repudiate” a lot. It’s ever on the lips of those who deplore President Trump’s tactics, rhetoric, fiats, tweets, and lies. After Charlottesville, heard it from military leaders, corporate chieftains, and quondam Trump loyalists. Lindy West in a recent Times essay called upon Republican lawmakers to repudiate not just Trump’s platform, but finally Trump himself. Duty To Warn, a group of mental health professionals organized in response to a perceived rise in Trump’s volatility, have declared Trump dangerous to the public and have advocated for using the 25th Amendment to repudiate him. Meanwhile, more than a million people have signed the petition at ImpeachDonaldTrumpNow.org calling upon Congress to remove the president, citing multiple violations and abrogations of the Constitution to which he pledged fidelity.
But our president is the Greatest Repudiator. Not only has he sought to repudiate the Paris Climate Accord, UNESCO, women’s reproductive rights, and Obamacare; he has also demonstrated that he is obsessed with repudiating everything Obama. He practically revels in ignoring if not dismissing democratic values we take for granted: truth, equality, a free press, the rule of law. In their place he promotes a cult of authoritarian hyper-masculinity, perhaps best evidenced by his preference for the company of antidemocratic strongmen. He seems genuinely happy only when pumping up mainly white, largely male, and thoroughly alienated crowds at testosterone-soaked rallies. Armed with crude insults and hollow threats, he cynically exploits their humiliations, their fractured hopes and dreams. In turn, he humiliates and emasculates his rivals. “Liddle Corker” is only the most recent. (Remember “Li’l Marco” Rubio? “Low energy” Jeb?) He brags about the size of his buildings and his fortune, about his unbounded access to women, pussies included.
Therein lies a repudiation that fuels the others. As the dust of crumbling statues and demolished values settles, we begin to see what they’ve been obscuring: hidden truths, silenced voices, and enslaved bodies. We discern what the public conversation continues to neglect: the feminine. We only discern the feminine, it seems, through its erasure. Reproductive rights are assailed, protections for Mother Earth gutted. Women are silenced while Trump only amplifies his boasts of sexual predation. The Women’s March is practically ancient history, like Hillary’s capturing the popular vote. Their size didn’t matter. #ShePersisted for a time. What about #MeToo?
For Sigmund Freud, the repudiation of femininity was the mother of all repudiations. In one of his last and most influential essays, “Analysis Terminable and Interminable,” written in the dark year of 1937, he identifies this repudiation as “psychological bedrock” (for both sexes) based on the “biological fact” of sexual difference. Men reflexively shrink from the feminine, defined for Freud by passivity and subjugation, as an expression of castration anxiety. Women, on the other hand, perversely reject femininity because it is a mark of their shame—the shame of lacking a penis. Women, Freud ruled, must overcome their penis envy both as the literal desire to have what men have, and as a desire for masculine power and privilege. Phallic power is not for girls. And psychological health requires girls to be girls.
Freud’s thesis has ever since been interrogated, mocked, discredited or simply disregarded by psychoanalysts of every stripe. Not only does it rely on a frankly contorted premise; it smacks bitterly of what some academics call “heteropatriarchy.” By misrecognizing femininity as passivity, Freud injected into it a phallocentric fallacy.
And yet Freud’s perverse notions turn out to be urgently apropos of our current psychopolitical times. Though he got much wrong, he intuitively grasped the signal power of the feminine. His identifying masculine flight from femininity as an impediment to growth and as an obstacle to healing is relevant not only to individual analyses, but to our collective conflict. It is hard not to see this “fact,” biological or not, behind the appeal to so many white men of a movement dedicated not just to their political legitimacy but further to their masculine supremacy, even as they feel increasingly disenfranchised and culturally marginalized. The resurgence of white patriarchy is clearly a reaction to something especially feared and threatening to crack the surface, the contours of which remain “below,” obscured. Feminine space, in particular, the receptive, reverberant space symbolized by the vagina, is more easily repudiated and repressed than recognized.
The problem is not per se repudiation of femininity, problematic as that is. The problem is rather that in our rush to repudiate it, we foreclose the spatial and lawful foundations of a robust free speech practice and for a thriving, inclusive democracy. And thus we throw the masculine out with the feminine. Whatever prowess we may claim cannot survive in a flattened world of phallic domination and us/them thinking. In this world, almost too perfectly represented by Trump and his fiercest loyalists, masculinity devolves into mere caricature, the mirage of potency.
It’s no coincidence that the rise of the Islamic State, like that of Western alt-right and neo-Nazi groups, has been linked to masculine vulnerability and shame. As Lawrence Wright and James Gilligan among others have shown, the seeds of radicalism thrive on shame and humiliation, which make fertile soil for violence. Sociologists from Arlie Hochschild to Michael Kimmel, analyzing Trump’s ability to exploit masculine insecurity, come to similar conclusions. As working-class white men lose jobs and wages, their concurrent loss of (perceived) privilege leaves them vulnerable to Trump’s promises to save their future. But among all these wise analyses we seem to keep missing the link to the feminine. When hope is lost and pride injured, an intolerable shame is displaced onto the feminine and onto feminized “others” (Muslims, blacks, immigrants, etc.).
Trump recognized these wounds as his competitors didn’t. But he converted this insight into what David Brooks called a “parody of manliness” that disdains the reality of hurt and shame, of felt degradation, of humility. Trump degraded and ultimately misrecognized the longed for but deeply feared need—a need that actually transcends gender—for a feminine space, for the foundation upon which a phallic pride might be restored. He missed the need for a feminine ethic, an ethical foundation upon which inclusivity, new symbols, and new democratic possibility might be erected.
Freud made a similar error in disavowing shame and inferiority and projecting them onto the feminine. Nonetheless, he recognized that the feminine is prone to erasure, to silence, and cultivated his ear to hear her voice. Unlike the penis, the female genital anatomy is obscured, making its capacious contours harder to decipher and to name. Naming is required for knowledge, for grappling with reality. When we name the vagina, we expose what lies hidden, covered. When we name the vulva (from the Latin root volvere, “to turn around”) we gain a metaphor for getting our mind around what eludes. Is it no surprise, then, that Freud founded his psychoanalysis, a practice of freely speaking the body’s symptoms, in his attempt to convert (turn over) silence to speech, to heal the suffering in his practice, mainly women’s suffering hysteria and conversion disorder? From volvere, Julia Kristeva adds, we also gain “return” (of history) and “revolt”—words that are essential to our current sociopolitical moment.
Freud claimed that the “analytic relationship is based on a love of truth—that is, on a recognition of reality—and that it precludes any kind of sham or deceit.” He suggested close ties between the feminine and the real. He also recognized that the feminine signifies what resists knowing, what is repressed, what inhabits the domain of trauma. But in the end, he was unable to piece the puzzle together.
Learning how to assemble this puzzle is vital to our democratic project. We may—must—continue to repudiate Trump, but we cannot afford to repudiate his base. When we do, we lose the voices of another sort of alienated and marginalized “other.” And so, ironically, we conspire in repudiating what is camouflaged by the hypermasculine façade: the feminine. We not only degrade women, we also essentially emasculate masculinity. We deny everyone the possibility of inclusion and equal partnership in symbolic life.
Contra Freud, we have no fundamental need to repudiate the feminine. But claiming the feminine is so threatening that some, perhaps most, would prefer to lock up rather than unleash its vast power and democratizing possibility. We must all reckon with the same impulse, for our fear of the feminine might be the great riddle of democracy.
Jill Gentile, PhD, a psychoanalyst and clinical psychologist, is a faculty member at the NYU Postdoctoral Program in Psychotherapy and Psychoanalysis, and the author of Feminine Law: Freud, Free Speech, and the Voice of Desire, with M. Macrone (Karnac Books, 2016). She is in independent practice in New York.
Breitbart Reporter Warns Of ‘Increasing Occultism’ And Feminist Witches
By Jared Holt | December 18, 2017
Breitbart tech reporter Charlie Nash appeared on Breitbart’s daily radio program this morning to talk about what he believed to be a feminist-inspired witchcraft movement to cast evil spells on White House officials that is an “increasing thing under Trump.”
Last weekend, Nash wrote an article detailing “the rise of feminist witchcraft” in which he claimed that the terms “witch” and “feminist” have “become synonymous.” This morning, Nash joined Breitbart editor-in-chief Alex Marlow on “Breitbart News Daily” to discuss his article and how he believes feminism and witchcraft have become “increasingly entwined.”
“You’ve got the basic things like the Etsy stores, the Witchsy stores, where they link feminist issues with witchcraft and Wicca and there’s other kind of occult symbols, but then you also have these groups of people who are actually trying to hex the president,” Nash told Marlow.
Nash went on to explain that if someone looks at the social media hashtag “#MagicResistance” he or she will see “a lot of people who are actually starting to try and hex the president and people in the White House.” Nash said that some people trying to use witchcraft against Trump have constructed elaborate “altars and tables with candles and pentagrams.” He told Marlow that he believed there were multiple reasons for the trend.
“Firstly, it creates an almost—a sense of sisterhood. They have these other women which they can kind of get together and have a weird time with. Secondly, I think it scares religious people. Obviously, a lot of these people are atheistic. They like to wind up the Christians. And thirdly, I think they also have a kind of—they feel like they have a connection to the persecuted women of the Salem witch trials. They look at these women and see them as kind of as victims of patriarchy, almost,” Nash said.
“Right,” Marlow said.
“And then also there’s a proportion of them who just want to laugh because Harry Potter and Hermione and the rest of it,” Nash said. “That’s a different section.”
Marlow asked Nash if he believed Trump was bringing about “some sort of a rise in occultism.”
“It’s definitely a reality that occultism is becoming an increasing thing under Trump,” Nash said.
This Group of Straight Men Is Swearing Off Women
They call themselves Men Going Their Own Way and they dislike feminism so much they are grabbing their balls and going home.
Mike Peinovich And Eric Striker Complain That Feminists And Jews Ruined Their Video Games
In the third episode of Strike and Mike, hosts Mike Peinovich and Eric Striker decided to rehash the Gamergate movement.
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