A Timeline of CIA Atrocities

by **DrDebugDU** » Tue Jul 19, 2005 5:51 pm

In January, 2000, Ta Mok, perhaps most violent of Khmer Rouge commanders and currently imprisoned in Cambodia, states that if he is brought to trial, his testimony will not spare Western leaders who supported the Khmer Rouge. "The most damaging element, for Britain at least, of Ta Mok's court appearance will be new evidence about how British troops and diplomats helped the Khmer Rouge in their fight for power. Contacted in his prison cell through an intermediary last week, he confirmed to The Observer that the extent to which London and Washington helped the Khmer Rouge in their fight to control Cambodia would be revealed during his trial. The evidence will contradict statements made by Margaret Thatcher's Government - which authorised the operation at the time. Ta Mok's lawyer, Benson Samay, said the court would hear details of how, between 1985 and 1989, the Special Air Service (SAS) ran a series of training camps for Khmer Rouge allies in Thailand close to the Cambodian border and created a 'sabotage battalion' of 250 experts in explosives and ambushes. Intelligence experts in Singapore also ran training courses, Samay said. To allow Ministers to deny helping the Khmer Rouge, the SAS was ordered to train only soldiers loyal to the ousted Prince Norodom Sihanouk, and the liberal democrat former Prime Minister, Son Sann, who were fighting alongside Pol Pot's Communists. However, Samay said the court would be told the Khmer Rouge benefited substantially from the British operation. 'All these groups were fighting together - but the Khmer Rouge were in charge. They profited from any help to the others. If they had won the war outright, then Pol Pot would have been back in charge,' Samay said ... In a classic piece of Cold War realpolitik, Britain - prompted by the Americans - appears to have given military assistance to the Khmer Rouge-led coalition, despite knowing of Pol Pot's atrocities, in an attempt to limit the power of the Soviet-backed Vietnamese. 'Thatcher, Reagan, Kissinger - they should all be on trial along with Ta Mok,' Samay said last week. Source: Jason Burke, "UK/US Role in Supporting Pol Pot To Be Exposed", The Guardian/ The Observer (UK),Sunday, January 9, 2000. <a href="http://www.geocities.com/~virtualtruth/country.htm">www.geocities.com/~virtualtruth/country.htm</a>

by **DrDebugDU** » Tue Jul 19, 2005 5:53 pm

A group of Haitian exiles who had been residing in Santa Domingo. The band of seventy men was led by General Leon Cantave who was the Chief of Staff in 1957 and Lieutenant Colonel Rene Leon. Early in July of 1963, the Dominican army had let Cantave and his recruits use their base for training. Cantave had been in New York, gathering rebels and financial aid from the CIA. He had to prove to the CIA that he had the support of the people in order to gain financial assistance. Cantave sent a small group of men back across the border. On a one day move against the town of Ferrier, the liberators, as Cantave liked to be called, killed the mayor and raced back to the border. The Ferrier action showed good faith to the CIA. His army grew to 210 men and he bazookas, M-1 rifles and machine guns from the United States. On September 22 1963, Cantave led a force of two hundred men back across the border. The objective was to take Ouanaminthe. At 6:00 a.m. the battle began. Once again the commander of the barracks had been forewarned of the impending attack and had moved his men to advantageous positions outside of the fort. No clear battle plan emerged and confusion reigned on the battle field. Cantave once again ordered retreat. As the rebel band was crossing the border, they were fired on by Haitian border guards. Bullets from a Haitian machine gun struck buildings on Dominican soil. This incident caused increased tensions between the two governments. <a href="http://www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti/history/duvaliers/overthrow.htm">www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti/history/duvaliers/overthrow.htm</a>

by **DrDebugDU** » Tue Jul 19, 2005 6:00 pm

Except for some multi-national corporations Chile was barely known to most Americans. But the CIA began alerting Washington to the rise of Allende's leftist Popular Unity coalition in 1968. Chile was more a nuisance, although Nixon feared Allende's victory might erode the image of U.S. strength. National Security Advisor Kissinger ordered covert operations to "denigrate Allende and his Popular Unity coalition," according to one historical CIA summary. [1] Salvador Allende Early in 1970, Salvador Allende Gossens, a physician and a socialist politician with a long record of service, was chosen as the Popular Unity's presidential candidate. (...) The Clarin disclosed on July 14th that CIA agents had expressly been sent to Chile because of the impending elections. On September 4, 1970 Allende won the elections. [2] The foreign press noted the immediate impact of giving the Western world its first democratically chosen Marxist president: "This election must have been a shock to foreign investors in Chile, mainly for the mining companies owned by the Americans... Allende is ready to install a revolutionary government to end the dominion of native and foreign capital." [2] By November 4, 1971 the state had come to control 90% of what had previously been private banking. More than 70 strategic or monopolistic enterprises had been expropriated, nationalized, or subjected to state intervention. Under the agrarian reform, 2.4 million hectares had been taken over in order to settle landless farmers and make the land more productive. The indigenous people of Chile had benefited. The government financed a plan providing free milk to children. The industrial workers had increased output by 14 percent in the course of that first year. In September of 1970, the Chilean unemployment rate had stood by 8.4 percent; by September of 1971, it had dropped to 4.8 percent. [3] The Chile Coup Kissinger went to great lengths to distance himself from the assassination. October 16, 1970, according to CIA Operating Guidance Cable on Coup Plotting, a secret cable, ... Thomas Karamessines, conveys Kissinger's orders to CIA station chief in Santiago, Henry Hecksher: "It is firm and continuing policy that Allende be overthrown by a coup." The "operating guidance" makes it clear that these operations are to be conducted so as to hide the "American hand," and that the CIA is to ignore any orders to the contrary from Ambassador Korry who has not been informed of Track II operations. [4] The end of the Popular Unity government began around six in the morning on September 11, 1973. Sections of the Chilean navy seized the port city of Valparaíso, west of Santiago. Hearing of the troop movements, Salvador Allende called his Minister of Defense, Orlando Letelier, and asked him to investigate. After the minister confirmed the reports, Allende decided to go to La Moneda, the Presidential palace, while Letelier proceded to the Ministry of Defense. There, he became the first member of Allende's cabinet to be placed under arrest by the mutinous soldiers. [5] On September 11, 1973, economic turmoil resulted in a military coup led by General Augusto Pinochet. With the military in revolt, Allende retreated with his supporters to the presidential palace in Santiago, which was surrounded by tanks and infantry and bombed by air force jets. Allende survived the aerial attack but then allegedly shot himself to death as troops stormed the burning palace. General Augusto Pinochet ruled Chile with an iron fist for the next 17 years. [6] U.S. Hand The Chile Coup: The U.S. Hand by Peter Kornbluh iF magazine, November / December 1998 Twenty-five years ago, tanks rumbled through the streets of Chile, terrified civilians were lined up before firing squads at the National Stadium, the elected president was dead. Yet, at Richard Nixon's White House, the events were a cause for celebration, a culmination of three years of covert operations, propaganda and economic sabotage. Newly declassified U.S. government records put Washington's role in the Chilean coup in sharper focus than ever before. The papers also shed light on corners of the story that previously had been suspected, but not proven. The documents describe how an angry Nixon demanded a coup, if necessary, to block the inauguration of Marxist Salvador Allende following his victory in the 1970 Chilean elections. <a href="http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Terrorism/Chile%20Coup_USHand.html">www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Terrorism/Chile%20Coup_USHand.html</a> ITT involvement The election gambit was known as "track one". On Sept. 13, 1970, Richard Nixon authorized "track two" intervention (an upgrade from track one, which permitted milder involvement) in Chile, paving the way for the CIA to intervene in the economic and political affairs of Chile in whatever way they deemed necessary. [7] In 1973, the country’s democratically elected leader, Salvador Allende, nationalized foreign- owned interests, like Chile’s lucrative copper mines and telephone system. [7] Former CIA director John McCone acting for International Telephone & Telegraph (ITT) offered Henry Kissinger and CIA director Richard Helms $1 million to overthrow Salvador Allende — which the CIA allegedly refused — but paid $350,000 to his political opponents with CIA assistance. This included implementing ITT dirty tricks campaign in Chile. [8] Because of International Telephone & Telegraph (ITT)'s economic position in Chile, the CIA used the company to filter money to Allende opposition campaigns, including large sums of money for the right-wing opposition newspaper, El Mercurio. [9] George H.W. Bush denies any US involvement In 1973, Nixon's UN Ambassador George H.W. Bush stood before the UN and blatantly lied that the U.S. had no role in the overthrow of Salvador Allende. Margaret Thatcher considered Augusto Pinochet a close friend and harbored him in England. All of these people have much blood on their hands. <a href="http://rwor.org/a/1214/awtw-chile.htm">rwor.org/a/1214/awtw-chile.htm</a> Declassified documents Revelations that President Richard Nixon had ordered the CIA to "make the economy scream" in Chile to "prevent Allende from coming to power or to unseat him," prompted a major scandal in the mid-1970s, and a major investigation by the U.S. Senate. Since the coup, however, few U.S. documents relating to Chile have been actually declassified- - until recently. Through Freedom of Information Act requests, and other avenues of declassification, the National Security Archive has been able to compile a collection of declassified records that shed light on events in Chile between 1970 and 1976. These documents include: Cables written by U.S. Ambassador Edward Korry after Allende's election, detailing conversations with President Eduardo Frei on how to block the president-elect from being inaugurated. The cables contain detailed descriptions and opinions on the various political forces in Chile, including the Chilean military, the Christian Democrat Party, and the U.S. business community. CIA memoranda and reports on "Project FUBELT"--the codename for covert operations to promote a military coup and undermine Allende's government. The documents, including minutes of meetings between Henry Kissinger and CIA officials, CIA cables to its Santiago station, and summaries of covert action in 1970, provide a clear paper trail to the decisions and operations against Allende's government National Security Council strategy papers which record efforts to "destabilize" Chile economically, and isolate Allende's government diplomatically, between 1970 and 1973. State Department and NSC memoranda and cables after the coup, providing evidence of human rights atrocities under the new military regime led by General Pinochet. FBI documents on Operation Condor -- the state-sponsored terrorism of the Chilean secret police, DINA. The documents, including summaries of prison letters written by DINA agent Michael Townley, provide evidence on the carbombing assassination of Orlando Letelier and Ronni Moffitt in Washington D.C., and the murder of Chilean General Carlos Prats and his wife in Buenos Aires, among other operations. These documents, and many thousands of other CIA, NSC, and Defense Department records that are still classified secret, remain relevant to ongoing human rights investigations in Chile, Spain and other countries, and unresolved acts of international terrorism conducted by the Chilean secret police. Eventually, international pressure, and concerted use of the U.S. laws on declassification will force more of the still-buried record into the public domain--providing evidence for future judicial, and historical accountability. Go to the documents <a href="http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB8/nsaebb8.htm">www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB8/nsaebb8.htm</a> Sources: (1) <a href="http://www.geocities.com/~virtualtruth/chile.htm">www.geocities.com/~virtualtruth/chile.htm</a> (2) <a href="http://www.geocities.com/educhile_1970s/Allende.html">www.geocities.com/educhile_1970s/Allende.html</a> (3) <a href="http://www.geocities.com/educhile_1970s/UPgov.html">www.geocities.com/educhile_1970s/UPgov.html</a> (4) <a href="http://www.geocities.com/~virtualtruth/chile2.htm">www.geocities.com/~virtualtruth/chile2.htm</a> (5) <a href="http://www.geocities.com/educhile_1970s/September11.html">www.geocities.com/educhile_1970s/September11.html</a> (6) <a href="http://www.historychannel.com/speeches/archive/speech_531.html">www.historychannel.com/speeches/archive/speech_531.html</a> (7) <a href="http://www-sul.stanford.edu/depts/hasrg/german/exhibit/GDRposters/ITT.html">www-sul.stanford.edu/depts/hasrg/german/exhibit/GDRposters/ITT.html</a> (8) <a href="http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKmccone.htm">www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKmccone.htm</a> (9) <a href="http://www.huppi.com/kangaroo/L-overclass.html">www.huppi.com/kangaroo/L-overclass.html</a> <a href="http://demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Chile">demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Chile</a>

by **DrDebugDU** » Tue Jul 19, 2005 6:02 pm

The CIA helps topple the democratically elected, left-leaning government of Prime Minister Edward Whitlam. The CIA does this by giving an ultimatum to its Governor-General, John Kerr. Kerr, a longtime CIA collaborator, exercises his constitutional right to dissolve the Whitlam government. The Governor-General is a largely ceremonial position appointed by the Queen; the Prime Minister is democratically elected. The use of this archaic and never- used law stuns the nation. [1] Kerr later put forward five propositions to justify his actions: The Senate had the right under Section 53 of the Constitution to block supply. The Government had an obligation to obtain supply through Parliament. If the Government could not obtain supply, it had either to resign or call an election. If the Government refused to do either of these things, the Governor-General had a right and a duty to act to intervene. Since the Prime Minister could at any time advise the Queen to terminate the Governor-General's commission, the Governor-General had a right to dismiss the Government without advance warning of his intention to do so. [2] See also: <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australian_constitutional_crisis_of_1975">en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aus...is_of_1975</a> The reason of the US involvement William Corson, a former senior U.S. intelligence officer, also revealed that the CIA ran between ten and fifteen "black airfields" at their secret Australian bases during the Vietnam War, flying "hot" CIA agents from Vietnam for debriefing. In 1975, as the North Vietnamese captured control of South Vietnam, massive supplies of drugs that had been stashed by the CIA in Vietnam were flown into the secret U.S. airfields in Australia. The drugs were redistributed to "regional drug banks", thus providing a "reserve currency" for the Agency's global criminal activities. [3] After the ALP came to power in 1973, some of its members voiced very strong criticism of these bases and began to demand an official explanation for their presence and at times even voted for their removal. [4] The CIA was frantic. The Australian Prime Minister was about to blow the cover of the agent who had set up Pine Gap (Joint Defence Space Research Facility) and to reveal that the supposedly "joint" facility was a CIA charade. Furthermore, the future of the base itself was to be subject to parliamentary debate. The day before his speech was due, Whitlam was informed of a telex from the ASIO (Australian Intelligence) station in Washington, D.C., which stated that the Prime Minister of Australia was a security risk in his own country. The message had been virtually dictated by Theodore Shackley, head of the CIA's East Asia Division. [3] On Sunday November 9th, the Australian Governor-General, Sir John Kerr, was briefed on the "security crisis", while the head of the Defence Department declared publicly: "This is the greatest risk to the nation's security there has ever been." The CIA was certain that Whitlam would announce the cancellation of the Pine Gap agreement on December 9th, and set into motion a plan to install in power a political party to "protect the sanctity of U.S. bases." [3] "Whitlam will not agree to hold an election.... The Governor-General would be forced to ask Malcolm Fraser to form a Cabinet. But this Cabinet would not be able to get a mandate to govern, because Parliament is controlled by the Labor Party.... Fraser is appointed PM, a minute later he asks the Governor-General to dissolve Parliament, following which a general election is to be held." [3] Sources (1) <a href="http://www.huppi.com/kangaroo/CIAtimeline.html">www.huppi.com/kangaroo/CIAtimeline.html</a> (2) <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sir_John_Kerr">en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sir_John_Kerr</a> (3) <a href="http://www.american-buddha.com/cia.australia.htm">www.american-buddha.com/cia.australia.htm</a> (4) <a href="http://www.sumeria.net/politics/whitlam.html">www.sumeria.net/politics/whitlam.html</a> <a href="http://demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Australia">demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Australia</a>

by **DrDebugDU** » Tue Jul 19, 2005 6:05 pm

FNLA/UNITA The origin of our story dates back to the beginning of the 1960s when two political movements in Angola began to oppose by force the Portuguese Colonial government: the MPLA, led by Agostinho Neto, and the FNLA, led by Holden Roberto. United States, or at least someone in the CIA, decided that Roberto was their man and around 1961 or '62 onto the Agency payroll he went. [1] Before April 1974, when a coup in Portugal ousted the dictatorship, the aid given to the Angolan resistance movements by their various foreign patrons was sporadic and insignificant, essentially a matter of the patrons keeping their hands in the game. The coup, however, raised the stakes, for the new Portuguese government soon declared its willingness to grant independence to its African colonies.[1] On 22 January 1975, the Forty Committee of the National Security Council in Washington authorized the CIA to pass $300,000 to Roberto and the FNLA for "various political action activities, restricted to non-military objectives."{10} Such funds of course can always free up other funds for military uses. In March, the FNLA, historically the most warlike of the groups, attacked MPLA headquarters and later gunned down 51 unarmed, young MPLA recruits.{11} These incidents served to spark what was to be a full-scale civil war, with UNITA aligning itself with FNLA against MPLA. [1] Eager to demonstrate American military resolve after its defeat in Vietnam, Henry Kissinger launches a CIA-backed war in Angola. Contrary to Kissinger’s assertions, Angola is a country of little strategic importance and not seriously threatened by communism. The CIA backs the brutal leader of UNITA, Jonas Savimbi. This polarizes Angolan politics and drives his opponents into the arms of Cuba and the Soviet Union for survival. [2] A congressional cutoff of aid to the FNLA/UNITA, enacted in January 1976, hammered a decisive nail into their coffin. Congressmen did not yet know the full truth about the American operation, but enough of the public dumbshow had been exposed to make them incensed at how Kissinger, Colby, et al. had lied to their faces. The consequence was one of the infrequent occasions in modern times that the US Congress has exercised a direct and pivotal influence upon American foreign policy. In the process, it avoided the slippery slope to another Vietnam, on top of which stood Henry Kissinger and the CIA with shoes waxed.[3] [1] Congress cut off funds in 1976, but the CIA is able to run the war off the books until 1984, when funding is legalized again. This entirely pointless war kills over 300,000 Angolans. [2] In August 1985, after a three-year battle with Congress, the Reagan administration won a repeal of the 1976 prohibition against US military aid to rebel forces in Angola. Military assistance began to flow to UNITA overtly as well as covertly. In January 1987, Washington announced that it was providing the rebels with Stinger missiles and other anti- aircraft weaponry. Three months earlier, Jonas Savimbi had spoken before the European Parliament in Strasbourg, France in an appeal for support. Following his talk, however, a plenary session of the Parliament criticized American support for the guerrilla leader and passed a resolution which described UNITA as a "terrorist organization which supports South Africa."[4] [1] Sources (1) <a href="http://members.aol.com/bblum6/angola.htm">members.aol.com/bblum6/angola.htm</a> (2) <a href="http://www.huppi.com/kangaroo/CIAtimeline.html">www.huppi.com/kangaroo/CIAtimeline.html</a> (3) Stockwell, pp. 216-17 discusses how this came about. (4) The Times (London), 23 October 1986, p. 8; the vote in the European Parliament was 152-150. <a href="http://demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Angola">demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Angola</a>

by **DrDebugDU** » Tue Jul 19, 2005 6:06 pm

In the first two decades following its establishment, the CIA initiated a number of programs to develop a chemical and biological warfare capacity. Project NKNAOMI was begun to provide the CIA with a covert support base to meet its clandestine operational requirements. This was to be accomplished by stockpiling several incapacitating and lethal materials for specific use by the Technical Services Division of the CIA. Under this plan, the TSD was to maintain in operational readiness special and unique items for the dissemination of biological and chemical materials. The project also provided for the required surveillance, testing, upgrading, and evaluation of materials and items in order to assure the absence of defects and the complete predictability of results to be expected under operational conditions. In 1952, the Special Operations Division of the U.S. Army was asked to assist the CIA in developing, testing, and maintaining biological agents and delivery systems for the purposes mentioned above. The SOD helped the CIA develop darts coated with biological agents and different types of pills. The two also devised a special gun which could fire darts enabling an agent to incapacitate guard dogs, enter the installation the dogs were guarding, and return the dogs to consciousness upon departure from the facility. In addition, the CIA asked the SOD to study the feasibility of using biological agents against crops and animals. Indeed, a CIA memo written in 1967 and uncovered by the Church Committee gives evidence of at least three methods of covert attack against crops which had been developed and evaluated under field conditions. Project NKNAOMI was discontinued in 1970, and on November 25, 1969, President Richard Nixon renounced the use of any form of biological weapons that could kill or incapacitate. Nixon also ordered the disposal of existing stockpiles of bacteriological weapons. On February 14, 1970, Nixon clarified the extent of his earlier order and indicated that toxins-- chemicals that are not living organisms but produced by living organisms--were considered bacteriological weapons subject to his previous directive. Despite the presidential order, a CIA scientist acquired around 11 grams of a deadly shellfish toxin from SOD personnel at Fort Detrick and stored it in a little-used CIA laboratory where it remained, undetected, for over five years. <a href="http://pw1.netcom.com/~ncoic/cia_info.htm">pw1.netcom.com/~ncoic/cia_info.htm</a> Sister project is MKULTRA <a href="http://demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/NKNAOMI">demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/NKNAOMI</a>

by **DrDebugDU** » Tue Jul 19, 2005 6:11 pm

When the Shah of Iran was overthrown in January 1979, the United States lost its chief ally and outpost in the Soviet-border region, as well as its military installations and electronic monitoring stations aimed at the Soviet Union. Washington's cold warriors could only eye Afghanistan even more covetously than before.[1] On July 3 President Carter signed the first directive for secret aid to the Mujahideen, opponents of the pro-Soviet regime in Kabul. [2] In September 1979 Noor Mohammed Taraki was ousted and replaced Hafizullah Amin. Amin tried to gain Pakistani or American support and refused to take Soviet advice. [3]The Kremlin was unhappy with Amin. Amin himself insisted that Moscow replace its ambassador.[5] The Soviets repeatedly referred to Amin as a "CIA agent", a charge which was greeted with great skepticism in the United States and elsewhere.[6] However, enough circumstantial evidence supporting the charge exists so that it perhaps should not be dismissed entirely out of hand. [1] The Soviet Union invaded in September 24, 1979 and assassinated Amin. [1] The Soviets was forced to withdraw 10 years later by anti-Communist mujahidin forces supplied and trained by the US, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and others. The Communist regime in Kabul fought on until collapsing in 1992. [2] Fighting subsequently continued among the various mujahidin factions. This eventually gave rise to a state of warlordism. The chaos and corruption involved in warlordism in turn spawned the rise of the Taliban in reaction. The most serious of this fighting occurred in 1994, when 10,000 people were killed from factions fighting in the Kabul area. Backed by Pakistan and her strategic allies, the Taliban developed as a political/religious force and eventually seized power in 1996. The Taliban were able to capture 90% of the country, aside from Northern Alliance strongholds primarily in the northeast. The Taliban sought to impose a strict interpretation of Islamic Sharia law. The Taliban gave safe haven and assistance to individuals and organizations that engaged in terrorism, especially Osama bin Laden's Al-Qaeda. [4] <a href="http://demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Afghanistan">demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Afghanistan</a> Al Qaeda as a CIA / ISI / Saudi operation According to admissions by Zbigniew Brzezinski and former CIA director Bill Casey, efforts were being made to destabilize the country. "According to the official version of history, CIA aid to the Mujahideen began during 1980, that is to say, after the Soviet army invaded Afghanistan on 24 Decempber 1979. But the reality, secretly guarded until now, is completely otherwise. Indeed, it was July 3, 1979, that President Carter signed the first directive for secret aid to the opponents of the pro-Soviet regime in Kabul. And that very day, I wrote a note to the President in which I explained to him that in my opinion, this aid was going to induce a Soviet military intervention." We didn't push the Russians to intervene, but we knowingly increased the probability that they would. <a href="http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/BRZ110A.html">www.globalresearch.ca/articles/BRZ110A.html</a> Six months later the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. Osama bin Laden was selected for the head Al Qaeda by Turki al-Faisal al-Saud, head of Saudi intelligence 1977-2001, currently Saudi ambassador to the UK. Osama bin Laden and al-Faisal have reportedly maintained close ties to this day. The CIA / ISI had requested a Saudi prince, but al-Faisal couldn't find any that was willing. Who Is Osama Bin Laden? by Michel Chossudovsky Professor of Economics, University of Ottawa Centre for Research on Globalisation (CRG), Montréal Posted at globalresearch.ca 12 September 2001 (...) Prime suspect in the New York and Washington terrorists attacks, branded by the FBI as an "international terrorist" for his role in the African US embassy bombings, Saudi born Osama bin Laden was recruited during the Soviet-Afghan war "ironically under the auspices of the CIA, to fight Soviet invaders". In 1979 "the largest covert operation in the history of the CIA" was launched in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in support of the pro-Communist government of Babrak Kamal. With the active encouragement of the CIA and Pakistan's ISI, who wanted to turn the Afghan jihad into a global war waged by all Muslim states against the Soviet Union, some 35,000 Muslim radicals from 40 Islamic countries joined Afghanistan's fight between 1982 and 1992. Tens of thousands more came to study in Pakistani madrasahs. Eventually more than 100,000 foreign Muslim radicals were directly influenced by the Afghan jihad. The Islamic "jihad" was supported by the United States and Saudi Arabia with a significant part of the funding generated from the Golden Crescent drug trade (...) <a href="http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO109C.html">www.globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO109C.html</a> Copyright Michel Chossudovsky, Montreal, September 2001. All rights reserved. Permission is granted to post this text on non-commercial community internet sites, provided the source and the URL are indicated, the essay remains intact and the copyright note is displayed. To publish this text in printed and/or other forms, including commercial internet sites and excerpts, contact the author at chossudovsky@videotron.ca , fax: 1-514-4256224. Quetta And Surplus Jihadis By Dr Farrukh Saleem The News International (Pakistan) 15 July , 2003 On 25 December 1979, Leonid Brezhnev sent in troops to invade Afghanistan. Within two days the Red Army had secured Kabul. On 21 January 1980, US President James E. Carter made his State of the Union Address. The Carter Administration had identified Pakistan as a "Front-line state" in America's global struggle against Communism. At the heart of America's struggle against Communism was the CIA plan to destabilise the Soviet Union through the spread of Islamic fanaticism across Muslim Central Asian Soviet republics. Between 1980 and 1989, CIA poured in some $6 billion (other estimates go as high as $20 billion) in arms, ammunition, recruiting, establishing an extensive madrassa network, training, feeding and arming of recruits. Saudi Arabia matched the US dollar-for-dollar. Wealthy Arabs poured in additional millions. Egypt and China also helped out. In 1980, Prince Turki al-Faisal, the then head of Istakhbarat, Saudi Arabia's secret service, handpicked Osama bin Laden to provide engineering and organisational help to the fighting Mujahideen in Afghanistan. Osama was provided hundreds of millions with which he bought heavy construction equipment from Saudi Arabia destined for Afghanistan's guerrilla camps. Ronald Reagan took over the White House on 20 January 1981. The game-plan then revolved around the production of a hundred thousand religious fanatics to fight the 'godless Russians'. In 1979 an estimate on the total number of madrassas stood at around 1,000. Most of these madrassas concentrated on the formal instruction of Islamic theology. Between 1983 and 1988, CIA aid had helped establish an additional 1,891 madrassas. The new ones doubled as guerrilla training camps producing an average of at least fifty battle-ready alumni a year. That's roughly a hundred thousand Mujahideen a year. Osama bin Laden on his own is estimated to have recruited, financed and trained an additional 35,000 non-Afghans. (...) <a href="http://www.countercurrents.org/ipk-saleem150703.htm">www.countercurrents.org/ipk-saleem150703.htm</a> Sources (1) <a href="http://members.aol.com/bblum6/afghan.htm">members.aol.com/bblum6/afghan.htm</a> (2) <a href="http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/BRZ110A.html">www.globalresearch.ca/articles/BRZ110A.html</a> (3) <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hafizullah_Amin">en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hafizullah_Amin</a> (4) <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afghanistan">en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afghanistan</a> (5) Selig Harrison, "Did Moscow Fear An Afghan Tito?", New York Times, 13 January 1980, p. E23. (6) The Times (London), 5 January 1980. <a href="http://demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Al-Qaeda">demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Al-Qaeda</a>

by **DrDebugDU** » Tue Jul 19, 2005 6:14 pm

As Somoza's government collapsed, the U.S. helped Somoza and National Guard commanders escape, Somoza fleeing to exile in Miami. The rebels advanced on the capital victoriously. On July 19, 1979 a new government was proclaimed under a provisional junta headed by Daniel Ortega (then age 35) and including the Violeta Chamorro, Pedro's widow. Samoza had a murderous and hated personal army called the National Guard. Remnants of the Guard will become the Contras, who fight a CIA-backed guerilla war against the Sandinista government throughout the 1980s. [1] The CIA steps in to organize the contras in Nicaragua, who started the previous year as a group of 60 ex-National Guardsmen; by 1985 there are about 12,000 of them. 46 of the 48 top military leaders are ex-Guardsmen. The U.S. also sets up an economic embargo of Nicaragua and pressures the IMF and the World Bank to limit or halt loans to Nicaragua. [2] CIA mines three Nicaraguan harbors. Nicaragua takes this action to the World Court, which brings an $18 billion judgment against the U.S. The U.S. refuses to recognize the Court's jurisdiction in the case. [2] In 1986 Nicaragua shoots down a C-123 transport plane carrying military supplies to the Contras. The lone survivor, Eugene Hasenfus, turns out to be a CIA employee, as are the two dead pilots. The airplane belongs to Southern Air Transport, a CIA front. The incident makes a mockery of President Reagan’s claims that the CIA is not illegally arming the Contras. The CIA in Nicaragua The CIA in Nicaragua from Wake Up Q: "Mr President, have you approved of covert activity to destabilise the present government of Nicaragua?" A: "Well no, we're supporting them, the – oh, wait a minute, wait a minute, I'm sorry, I was thinking of El Salvador because of the previous, when you said Nicaragua. Here again, this is something upon which the national security interests, I just – I will not comment." – President Ronald Reagan's press conference, Washington, February 13th 1983 <a href="http://www.doublestandards.org/wakeup1.html">www.doublestandards.org/wakeup1.html</a> The Drugs for Contras connection During the Iran-gate investigation it was discovered that elements of the Contras themselves knowingly received financial and material assistance from drug traffickers. In the wake of press accounts concerning links between the Contras and drug traffickers' beginning December, 1985 with a story by the Associated Press, both Houses of the Congress began to raise questions about the drug-related allegations associated with the Contras, causing a review in the spring of 1986 of the allegations by the State Department, in conjunction with the Justice Department and relevant U.S. intelligence agencies. Following that review, the State Department told the Congress in April, 1986 that it had at that time "evidence of a limited number of incidents in which known drug traffickers tried to establish connections with Nicaraguan resistance groups." According to the Department, "... these attempts for the most part took place during the period when the resistance was receiving no U.S. funding and was particularly hard pressed for financial support." The report acknowledged that, "... drug traffickers were attempting to exploit the desperate conditions," in which the Contras found themselves. The Department had suggested that while "individual members" of the Contra movement might have been involved, their drug trafficking was "... without the authorization of resistance leaders." Following further press reports linking contra supply operations to narcotics, and inquiries from the Foreign Relations Committee to the State Department concerning these links, the State Department issued a second statement to the Congress concerning the allegations on July 24, 1986. In this report, the State Department said, "... the available evidence points to involvement with drug traffickers by a limited number of persons having various kinds of affiliations with, or political sympathies for, the resistance groups." (...) <a href="http://www.pinknoiz.com/covert/contracoke.html">www.pinknoiz.com/covert/contracoke.html</a> The Honduras Connection Oliver North solicited funds to cover the costs of the Contra war in Nicaragua. Oliver North and his group raised parts of the funds by selling TOW missiles (via Israel) to Iran. The funds were then sent to support the Nicaraguan Contras. The soldiers were trained in Honduras. John Negroponte was responsible for carrying out the covert strategy of the Reagan administration. As ambassador, he oversaw the growth of military aid to Honduras from $4 million to $77.4 million a year and oversaw the creation of the El Aguacate air base where the US trained Nicaraguan Contras Sources (1) <a href="http://www.huppi.com/kangaroo/CIAtimeline.html">www.huppi.com/kangaroo/CIAtimeline.html</a> (2) <a href="http://www.zompist.com/latam.html">www.zompist.com/latam.html</a> <a href="http://demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Nicaragua">demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Nicaragua</a>

by **DrDebugDU** » Tue Jul 19, 2005 6:18 pm

In the Iran-Contra Affair (also known as "Irangate"), United States President Ronald Reagan's administration was involved in the sale of arms to Iran, which was engaged in a bloody war with its neighbor Iraq from 1980 to 1988 (Iran-Iraq War), and was said to have contributed the proceeds to the Contra rebels who ultimately forced the leftist Sandinista government of Nicaragua out of office in democratic elections. Those sales thus had a dual goal: appeasing Iran, which had influence with militant groups that held several American hostages in Lebanon and supported bombings in Western European countries, and funding a guerrilla war aimed at toppling the pro-Communist Nicaraguan government, which was backed by Cuba and the Soviet Union. Both transactions were contrary to acts of the then Democrat-dominated Congress, which opposed the funding of the Contras and the sale of weapons to Iran. The Contras and Cocaine The initial Committee investigation into the international drug trade, which began in April, 1986, focused on allegations that Senator John F. Kerry had received of illegal gun-running and narcotics trafficking associated with the Contra war against Nicaragua. As the Committee proceeded with its investigation, significant information began surfacing concerning the operations of international narcotics traffickers, particularly relating to the Colombian-based cocaine cartels. As a result, the decision was made to incorporate the Contra-related allegations into a broader investigation concerning the relationship between foreign policy, narcotics trafficking and law enforcement. While the contra/drug question was not the primary focus of the investigation, the Subcommittee uncovered considerable evidence relating to the Contra network which substantiated many of the initial allegations laid out before the Committee in the Spring of 1986. On the basis of this evidence, it is clear that individuals who provided support for the Contras were involved in drug trafficking, the supply network of the Contras was used by drug trafficking organizations, and elements of the Contras themselves knowingly received financial and material assistance from drug traffickers. In each case, one or another agency of the U.S. government had information regarding the involvement either while it was occurring, or immediately thereafter. <a href="http://www.webcom.com/pinknoiz/covert/contracoke.html">www.webcom.com/pinknoiz/covert/contracoke.html</a> Congressional Record during Iran-contra hearings Chief Counsel, House of Representatives, John Nields, Jr. - Even Manocher Ghaboniffer knew that you were supporting the Contras? Lieutenant Col. Oliver North - Yes he did, Usbesji knew it, the name had been in the papers in Moscow, it had been all over the Daniel Ortega news cast, Radio Havana was broadcasting, it was in ever newspaper in the land. Nields - All of our enemies knew it, and you wanted to conceal it to the United States Congress? North - We wanted to be able to deny a covert operation. George Bush and Oliver North worked on FEMA early 80s, created to deal with domestic terrorism Federal Emergency Management Agency Representative Jack Brooks (Texas) - Colonel North, in your work at the NSC, were you not assigned at one time to work on plans for the continuity of government in the event of a major disaster? Senator Daniel Inouye - I believe that touches upon highly sensitive and classified area, so may I request that you not touch upon that please. Representative Jack Brooks (Texas) - I was particularly concerned because I have read in the Miami papers and several others that there had been a plan developed by that same agency, a contingency plan in the event of an emergency that would suspend the American Constitution. Senator Daniel Inouye - May I request that that matter not be touched upon. Representative Jack Brooks (Texas) - Instead of operating within rules and law, we have been supplying lethal weapons to terrorist nations, trading arms for hostages, involving the U.S. government in military activity in direct contravention of the law, diverting public funds into private pockets and secret unofficial activities, selling access to the President for thousands of dollars, dispensing cash and foreign money orders out of a White House safe, accepting gifts and falsifying papers to cover it up, altering and shredding national security documents, lying the Congress. Now, I believe that the American people understand that democracy cannot withstand that kind of abuse. (...) <a href="http://www.welfarestate.com/irancontra/">www.welfarestate.com/irancontra/</a> Promotion for the brains How one of the two brains behind the Iran-Contra scandal this week became one of America's most powerful men John Sutherland Monday February 18, 2002 Last Wednesday something strange happened. The American population was instructed to panic. Place themselves, that is, on a state of highest vigilance. Some cataclysmic act of terrorism would happen - within hours. But nothing terrible happened. Something creepy did. On Thursday there was an inconspicuous news item. John Poindexter had been appointed to head a new agency "to counter attacks on the US", such as Wednesday's no-show. It is equivalent, in British terms, to Jeffrey Archer being made chancellor of the exchequer. (...) After the assassination attempt on President Reagan in 1981, Poindexter was called in to review White House security. Reagan was impressed and appointed him a national security adviser, in 1983, with the rank of vice-admiral. At this point, things started to go wrong. He and Oliver North were found to be up to their necks in the Iran-Contra (guns for hostages) scam, which blew up in 1986. Poindexter was charged and found guilty of conspiracy, obstruction of justice, and the destruction of evidence in 1990; this was overturned on appeal the following year. The case against them was that they meticulously wiped out 5,000 incriminating emails - but forgot about the back-up tapes. Even smart guys goof sometimes. Poindexter was also accused by a Costa Rican government commission of being involved in cocaine trafficking to raise funds for the contras, though this was never proved (you can find details in the Guardian, July 22 1989). (...) <a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/print/0,3858,4358017-103680,00.html">www.guardian.co.uk/print/0,3858,4358017-103680,00.html</a> The Iran-Contra Conspiracy and Cover-up Firewall: The Iran-Contra Conspiracy and Cover-up. - book reviews The Progressive Nov, 1997 by Peter Kornbluh By Lawrence E. Walsh W.W. Norton and Co. 544 pages. $29.95. On his last day as independent counsel in the Iran-contra investigation, I had the occasion to meet the Honorable Lawrence Walsh. The setting was a small going-away party, held in the spartan Watergate hotel room that had become his Washington home for seven years. Only a few veteran reporters of the scandal and a handful of friends attended. It was an inauspicious sendoff for a man who, quite alone, had overcome the viciousness of establishment Washington to expose, document, and prosecute one of the most important constitutional scandals of modern times. Walsh came to Washington, D.C., in January 1987 to be the Perry Mason of the Iran- contra scandal. In January 1994--after four major prosecutions, four major convictions, seven plea bargains and publication of his massive three-volume final report--he left as the scandal's Lone Ranger, excoriated by his enemies, abandoned by would-be allies, and maligned by the media. In a journalistic effort to shoot the messenger, a disparaging front-page story in the January 19, 1994, issue of The New York Times suggested that of all the people associated with the scandal, the independent counsel "himself may turn out to be the most widely scorned figure in the whole affair." The Times was wrong. Lawrence Walsh's legacy of breaking through the Reagan administration's "firewall" of conspiracy and cover-up now stands against the stark backdrop of a criminal government, a complacent Congress, and a petulant press. Robert Parry, the first reporter to expose Oliver North's illicit contra operations, predicts "Walsh will be remembered as one man who told the people the truth." CONTINUED... <a href="http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1295/is_n11_v61/ai_19952813">www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1295/is_n11_v61/ ai_19952813</a> Inside the Iran-Contra Cover-up Firewall: Inside the Iran-Contra Cover-up By Robert Parry WASHINGTON -- In crucial ways, Watergate, the signature scandal of the 1970s, and Iran-contra, the signature scandal of the 1980s, were opposites. Watergate showed how the constitutional institutions of American democracy -- the Congress, the courts and the press - - could check a gross abuse of power by the Executive. A short dozen years later, the Iran-contra scandal demonstrated how those same institutions had ceased to protect the nation from serious White House wrongdoing. Watergate had been part of a brief national awakening which exposed Cold War abuses -- presidential crimes, lies about the Vietnam War and assassination plots hatched at the CIA. The Iran-contra cover-up marked the restoration of a Cold War status quo in which crimes, both domestic and international, could be committed by the Executive while the Congress and the press looked the other way. That Iran-contra reality, however, is still little understood for what it actually was: a victory of weakness and deceit over integrity and courage. On one front, the Washington media wants to perpetuate the myth that it remains the heroic Watergate press corps of All the President's Men. On another, the national Democratic establishment wants to forget how it crumbled in the face of pressures from the Reagan-Bush administrations. And, of course, the Republicans want to protect the legacy of their last two presidents. Those combined interests likely will lead to very few favorable reviews of a new book by a man who put himself in the way of that cover-up -- Iran-contra independent counsel Lawrence Walsh. In a remarkable new book, Firewall: The Iran-Contra Conspiracy and Cover-up, Walsh details his six-year battle to break through the "firewall" that White House officials built around President Reagan and Vice President Bush after the Iran-contra scandal exploded in November 1986. For Walsh, a lifelong Republican who shared the foreign policy views of the Reagan administration, the Iran-contra experience was a life-changing one, as his investigation penetrated one wall of lies only to be confronted with another and another -- and not just lies from Oliver North and his cohorts but lies from nearly every senior administration official who spoke with investigators. CONTINUED... <a href="http://www.consortiumnews.com/archive/story34.html">www.consortiumnews.com/archive/story34.html</a> Iran-Contra gangsters resurface in Bush administration ran-Contra gangsters resurface in Bush administration By Patrick Martin 1 August 2001 The Bush administration appealed to Senate Democrats July 27 to move ahead with the confirmation of two top-level diplomatic nominees whose appointments have been delayed because of their role in defending right-wing dictatorships and death squads in Central America. Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Joseph Biden (D-Del) said through a spokesman that a hearing for John Negroponte, nominated for US ambassador to the United Nations, would be held as early as next week. No hearing has yet been set for Otto Reich, nominated for assistant secretary of state for western hemisphere affairs. Negroponte and Reich are two of the three George W. Bush administration appointees with direct operational roles in the Central American counterinsurgency campaigns of the 1980s. The third is Elliott Abrams, named as director of the office for democracy, human rights and international operations at the National Security Council, a White House position which is not subject to Senate confirmation. Abrams was convicted of lying to Congress about the Iran-Contra affair, but was later pardoned by Bush’s father in 1992. Negroponte was US ambassador to Honduras during the years when the right-wing Nicaraguan Contra forces were based in southern Honduras, just across the border from Nicaragua, supplied and armed illegally by the Reagan administration. Abrams was assistant secretary of state for western hemisphere affairs during that period and worked closely with Oliver North in organizing the illegal arms supplies to the Contras. Reich headed the Office of Public Diplomacy, a State Department agency which illegally funded pro-Contra propaganda both in the US and internationally. CONTINUED... <a href="http://www.wsws.org/articles/2001/aug2001/cont-a01.shtml">www.wsws.org/articles/2001/aug2001/cont-a01.shtml</a> Conclusions Overall Conclusions The investigations and prosecutions have shown that high-ranking Administration officials violated laws and executive orders in the Iran/contra matter. Independent Counsel concluded that: the sales of arms to Iran contravened United States Government policy and may have violated the Arms Export Control Act; the provision and coordination of support to the contras violated the Boland Amendment ban on aid to military activities in Nicaragua; the policies behind both the Iran and contra operations were fully reviewed and developed at the highest levels of the Reagan Administration; although there was little evidence of National Security Council level knowledge of most of the actual contra-support operations, there was no evidence that any NSC member dissented from the underlying policykeeping the contras alive despite congressional limitations on contra support; the Iran operations were carried out with the knowledge of, among others, President Ronald Reagan, Vice President George Bush, Secretary of State George P. Shultz, Secretary of Defense Caspar W. Weinberger, Director of Central Intelligence William J. Casey, and national security advisers Robert C. McFarlane and John M. Poindexter; of these officials, only Weinberger and Shultz dissented from the policy decision, and Weinberger eventually acquiesced by ordering the Department of Defense to provide the necessary arms; and large volumes of highly relevant, contemporaneously created documents were systematically and willfully withheld from investigators by several Reagan Administration officials. following the revelation of these operations in October and November 1986, Reagan Administration officials deliberately deceived the Congress and the public about the level and extent of official knowledge of and support for these operations. In addition, Independent Counsel concluded that the off-the-books nature of the Iran and contra operations gave line-level personnel the opportunity to commit money crimes. (...) <a href="http://www.pinknoiz.com/covert/icsummary.html">www.pinknoiz.com/covert/icsummary.html</a> <a href="http://demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Iran/Contra">demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Iran/Contra</a>

by **DrDebugDU** » Tue Jul 19, 2005 6:20 pm

In 1971, shortly before the death of "Papa Doc" Duvalier, Texas entrepreneur Don Pierson entered into a 99-years contract to develop a freeport on the island of Tortuga. Following the death of his father and upon learning of a new multimillion dollar contract between the Freeport and Gulf Oil Corporation, Jean- Claude Duvalier expropriated the entire venture in 1974, causing it to collapse. Exit He held on to power until February 7, 1986 when, in response to three months of protest against the government's political and economic repression, fearing prosecution he boarded an US Air Force Jet and fled the country for the South of France together with 20 other people (list <a href="http://www.cyberie.qc.ca/jpc/haiti/c141.html).">www.cyberie.qc.ca/jpc/haiti/c141.html).</a> United States' Role in Recent Events Jean-Pierre Cloutier: This material, except for the photographs, can be freely reproduced with mention of the source; a mention of its use would be appreciated. [1] <a href="http://www.cyberie.qc.ca/jpc/haiti/usrole.html">www.cyberie.qc.ca/jpc/haiti/usrole.html</a> United States' Role in Recent Events by Jean-Pierre Cloutier Published in Haiti Times, February 20, 1986. Although it has been denied by United States officials, both in Port-au-Prince and in Washington, it is clear that the U.S. government had a lot to say in former President Jean-Claude Duvalier's departure. Jamaica and France both had supporting roles in the sequence of events, but the United States was the main actor. The curtain opened on January 30 with the false report that Jean-Claude Duvalier had left the country. The official version on the blunder accounts rumours being transmitted by U.S. Ambassador in Port-au-Prince, Clayton McManaway, to the State Department as being just that: Rumours. But in the chain of transmission of information leading to President Reagan's staff, mention of "rumours" seems to have dropped, according to the official version. This led White House spokesman Larry Speakes to announce the departure of Duvalier while on Air Force One, the presidential plane, carrying Reagan to Houston for a ceremony commemorating the death of seven astronauts. But sources wishing to remain anonymous confirmed that there actually was a plane that landed during the night of January 30 to 31, and that Duvalier went to the airport in the middle of the night. He would even have boarded the long-courier jet for a few minutes. From this point on, our sources diverge on the interpretation of what actually happened. The first scenario presented to us indicates the Chiefs of Staff of the Volontaires pour la Sécurité Nationale, Duvalier's private militia, asked the former President to stay on. This is more than plausible in view of the events that followed the actual departure of Duvalier on February 7, where numerous "macoutes" were attacked, some killed, by the population in thirst of vengeance. The second scenario shows a slightly more machiavelic Duvalier. He could have orchestrated the whole thing as a trap for anyone close to him who, upon the certainty of his leaving, could have stepped forward as the new leader, whereupon the ambitious one would be eliminated on the spot. We can confirm that a junta had already been formed, as several independent sources kept confirming the same six names. However, this first junta does not exactly match the one now in charge. It is our opinion that American authorities, who took part in arranging transportation facilities, went a bit fast in confirming news of the departure in this instance. In any case, Duvalier did not leave until February 7. But it is undeniable that American diplomatic intervention was used, that strong persuasion was employed, along with (once more) transportation facilities. This has been denied by American officials in Haiti and stateside. Official comments state that the United States only supplied a plane for Duvalier to leave. The White House said it was happy about the Conseil National de Gouvernement's decision to proceed with holding elections as soon as feasible, and on the disbanding of the militia. Bernard Kalb, State Department spokesperson, said in an official statement : "We welcome the new Haitian government's abolition of the VSN, the suspension of the Duvalierist Constitution and Assembly. We applaud the statement of the new President clearly designating his government was an interim regime eager to hand over power to a democratically elected government". We might remind the State Department that Lt. Gen. Henry Namphy is not the "new president" but presides over the Conseil National de Gouvernement, which is quite something else. <a href="http://www.cyberie.qc.ca/jpc/haiti/usrole.html">www.cyberie.qc.ca/jpc/haiti/usrole.html</a> <a href="http://demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Baby_Doc_Duvalier">demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Baby_Doc_Duvalier</a>

by **DrDebugDU** » Tue Jul 19, 2005 6:22 pm

The National Intelligence Service (SIN) is the Haitian intelligence bureau. It was created by the CIA. After Baby Doc Duvalier fled Haiti in 1986, the CIA created an intelligence network in Haiti supposedly to gather information about drug running. In the National Intelligence Service, with the propitious acronym of SIN, an unbridled beast was born. Instead of stemming the flow of drugs through Haiti, most of the staff of SIN actively took part in the drug running. $500,000 to $1 million was spent a year by the CIA on equipment and training for SIN that evolved into a military organisation which simply distributed drugs extremely efficiently. The only intelligence that was gathered by SIN was usually about, and used against, their political enemies, those who supported change in Haiti. Members of SIN were involved in machinations against Aristide and his supporters, and three of SIN's chiefs were named by the US Treasury Department as 'people who seized power illegally and contributed to the violence' during the 1991 coup. <a href="http://haitisupport.gn.apc.org/27b.html">haitisupport.gn.apc.org/27b.html</a> HAITI 1986-1994 Who will rid me of this turbulent priest? by William Blum SIN functioned as an instrument of political terror, persecuting and torturing Father Aristide's supporters and other "subversives", and using its CIA training and devices to spy on them; in short, much like the intelligence services created by the CIA elsewhere in the world during the previous several decades, including Greece, South Korea, Iran, and Uruguay; and created in Haiti presumably for the same reason: to give the Agency a properly trained and equipped, and loyal, instrument of control. At the same time that SIN was receiving between half and one million dollars a year in equipment, training and financial support, Congress was withholding about $1.5 million in aid for the Haitian military because of its abuses of human rights. Aristide had tried, without success, to shut SIN down. The CIA told his people that the United States would see to it that the organization was reformed, but that its continued operation was beyond question. Then came the coup. Afterwards, American officials say, the CIA cut its ties to SIN, but in 1992 a US Drug Enforcement Administration document described SIN in the present tense as "a covert counternarcotics intelligence unit which often works in unison with the C.I.A." In September of the same year, work by the DEA in Haiti led to the arrest of a SIN officer on cocaine charges by the Haitian authorities. <a href="http://www.africaspeaks.com/haiti/1986-1994.html">www.africaspeaks.com/haiti/1986-1994.html</a> Haiti and Drugs By 1985, the cartels began to seek additional transit points for cocaine coming to the United States. A natural candidate was the island country just south of the Bahamas - Haiti. Haiti is a particularly appealing option for drug traffickers because of its location, its weak and corrupt government, and its unstable political situation. The Island of Hispaniola on which Haiti is located, is on the most direct route - barring transit of Cuba - from Colombia to the United States. Haiti has harbors and inlets which afford excellent protection to drug smuggling vessels. Moreover, the Haitian Air Force has no radar facilities and does not routinely patrol Haitian airspace. Drug planes can take off and land freely at any of the island's numerous secondary airstrips. Since the day of "Papa Doc" Duvalier, Haiti's government has been notorious for its corruption. The Duvalier family and their associates profited enormously from the protection of many illegal enterprises, including narcotics trafficking. However, until 1987, most of the drug smuggling through Haiti was conducted by individual transportation' organizations which made their own arrangements with the Haitian government officials. (...) <a href="http://www.pinknoiz.com/covert/haiticoke.html">www.pinknoiz.com/covert/haiticoke.html</a> Cocaine Coup & CIA Connection Haiti’s Nightmare: The Cocaine Coup & The CIA Connection By Paul DeRienzo, 16 April 1996 In a dramatic move, Aristide told the diplomats that the military government of Haiti had to yield the power that was to end Haiti’s role in the drug trade, a trade financed by Colombia’s Cali cartel, that had exploded in the months following the coup. Aristide told the UN that each year Haiti is the transit point for nearly 50 tons of cocaine worth more than a billion dollars, providing Haiti’s military rulers with $200 million in profits. Aristide’s electrifying accusations opened the floodgate of even more sinister revelations. Massachusetts senator John Kerry heads a subcommittee concerned with international terrorism and drug trafficking that turned up collusion between the CIA and drug traffickers during the late 1980s’ Iran Contra hearings. Kerry had developed detailed information on drug trafficking by Haiti’s military rulers that led to the indictment in Miami in 1988, of Lt. Col. Jean Paul. The indictment was a major embarrassment to the Haitian military, especially since Paul defiantly refused to surrender to U.S. authorities. It was just a month before thousands of U.S. troops invaded Panama and arrested Manuel Noriega who, like Col. Paul, was also under indictment for drug trafficking in Florida. In November 1989, Col. Paul was found dead after he consumed a traditional Haitian good will gift—a bowel of pumpkin soup. Haitian officials accused Paul’s wife of the murder, apparently because she had been cheated out of her share of a cocaine deal by associates of her husband, who were involved in smuggling through Miami. The U.S. senate also heard testimony in 1988 that then interior minister, Gen. Williams Regala, and his DEA liaison officer, protected and supervised cocaine shipments. The testimony also charged the then Haitian military commander Gen. Henry Namphy with accepting bribes from Colombian traffickers in return for landing rights in the mid 1980’s. (...) <a href="http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/43a/415.html">www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/43a/415.html</a> <a href="http://demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/National_Intelligence_Service_(SIN)">demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/National_Intelligence_Service_(SIN)</a>

by **DrDebugDU** » Tue Jul 19, 2005 6:26 pm

Operation Just Cause was the U.S. military invasion of Panama that deposed Manuel Noriega in December 1989, during the administration of U.S. President George H. W. Bush. The reason for the invasion was the death of a U.S. soldier in Panama at a Panama Defense Forces roadblock on December 16. On December 20 the United States invaded Panama. International reaction On December 22 the Organization of American States passed a resolution deploring the invasion and calling for withdrawal of U.S. troops. A similar resolution was passed on December 29 by the United Nations General Assembly. Earlier, a Security Council resolution condemning the invasion had been vetoed by the United States, Great Britain and France. Legal analysis from based on the Organization of American States, U.S. Constitution and United Nations concludes that the invasion of Panama was illegal Detailed analysis at: <a href="http://www.skepticfiles.org/socialis/panamala.htm">www.skepticfiles.org/socialis/panamala.htm</a> Casualties The Americans lost 23 soldiers killed in action (KIA) and 324 wounded (WIA). A U.S.-based independent Commission of Inquiry, headed by former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark, estimated the number of Panamanian civilian casualties more than 3,000. The actual death toll has been obscured through U.S. military practices including: Incineration of corpses prior to identification; Burial of remains in common graves prior to identification; and U.S. military control of administrative offices of hospitals and morgues, permitting the removal of all registries to U.S. military bases. More at: <a href="http://demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Report_of_the_Central_American_Human_Rights_Commission_on_the_Panama_invasion">demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Report_of_the_Central_American_Human_Rights_Commission_on_the_Panama_invasion</a> Aftermath of the invasion On January 1st 1990 a Panamanian appointed by the Panamanian government was due to oversee the administration of the Panama Canal for the first time. Since the invasion the appointment has been stopped. On February 10th 1990, the government of President Guillermo Endara abolished Panama's military leaving the United States Army as the only defense of the country. Human rights One of the official reasons behind the Panama invasion was the poor human rights record of Panama during Manuel Noriega April 7, 1991 HUMAN RIGHTS IN POST-INVASION PANAMA: JUSTICE DELAYED IS JUSTICE DENIED The ouster of General Manuel Noriega in December 1989 and the installation of the democratically-elected coalition government of President Guillermo Endara brought high hopes in Panama that a long period of disrespect for law and the civil rights of the Panamanian people had come to an end. Today, more than a year later, those hopes have been displaced by widespread belief that the government has performed miserably in addressing the country's most pressing human rights problems, and is incapable of administering its judicial system either fairly or efficiently. Indeed, despite continuing material hardship and the absence of any significant improvement in the economic fortunes of most Panamanians, opinion polls attribute the government's precipitous fall in popularity over the past year most of all to the public's perception that its government has failed to provide one commodity as essential as any other: justice. (...) <a href="http://www.hrw.org/reports/1991/panama/">www.hrw.org/reports/1991/panama/</a> Operations leading upto the invasion The activity of US forces throughout Panama during 1989 before Operation Just Cause provides an example of achieving strategic surprise. After assuming power in 1984, Manuel Noriega was considered a threat to the Panama Canal. In response, US forces developed military contingency plans known as Operation Prayer Book and Operation Blue Spoon. President George H.W. Bush deployed Army and Marine forces during Operation Nimrod Dancer as a show of force. Over the next six months, Army forces conducted Purple Storm and Sand Fleas exercises to reinforce American maneuver rights and gain moral ascendancy over Noriega’s forces. Despite the increased US activity, Noriega discounted the possibility of an invasion. When Colin Powell was put in charge of the operation, he renamed it Operation Just Cause. The Panama Deception “The Panama Deception”: The Untold Story of the December 1989 U.S. Invasion of Panama Today, on Democracy Now! we air the academy award- winning documentary: “The Panama Deception.” On December 19, 1989, U.S. troops invaded Panama with the stated purpose of ousting the man the media loved to hate, General Manuel Noriega. Noriega was once a close ally to Washington and was once on the CIA payroll. After 1986, Noriega’s relationship with Washington took a turn for the worse. The Iran-Contra scandal forced three of his closest U.S. ties to leave the government. U.S. foreign policy quickly shifted against and Noriega went from friend to foe. During the attack, the U.S. unleashed a force of 24,000 troops equipped with highly sophisticated weaponry and aircraft against a country with an army smaller than the New York City Police Department. But the mainstream media failed to uncover the hidden reasons for this internationally condemned attack. “The Panama Deception” provides analysis of U.S. relations with Panama and a devastating critique of the mainstream media and its complicity with the official government line. Produced and directed by Barbara Trent, “The Panama Deception” was banned in Panama but it won an Oscar here in 1992 for Best Documentary as well as numerous other awards. Video at: <a href="http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=03/06/13/1556240">www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=03/06/13/1556240</a> Panama and Psyops PSYOP IN PANAMA OPERATION JUST CAUSE For many Americans, the first time they heard the word PSYOP was in conjunction with the final stages of Operation Just Cause. They watched on television as a group of PSYOP soldiers played deafening rock music, 24 hours a day, over loudspeakers that ringed the Vatican Embassy compound where General Noriega had taken refuge. The siege continued until General Manuel Noriega couldn't take it anymore and surrendered. It is unfortunate that this is what most Americans remember of PSYOP in Panama because in actuality, the role played by PSYOP in Operation Just Cause far outweighed the music playing outside the Vatican Embassy which was highlighted by the press. PSYOP contingency planning and preparation for hostilities in Panama began years before Operation Just Cause. PSYOP materials to include prerecorded TV, radio and loudspeaker tapes were developed, radio and loudspeaker scripts were prepared, and possible themes and designs were identified for printed materials. The Commander for the 1st Psychological Operations Battalion, the battalion with area responsibility for Panama, was designated Commander of the PSYOP Task Force in the event hostilities should arise. They didn't have to wait long. During the spring of 1988 Noriega increased his anti-American propaganda and directed his troops to harass US Forces. The US responded by adding additional security elements which included, military police, another infantry brigade and three PSYOP loudspeaker teams. (...) <a href="http://www.psywarrior.com/panama.html">www.psywarrior.com/panama.html</a> Panama and the Media The Media Goes to War: HOW TELEVISION SOLD THE PANAMA INVASION by Mark Cook and Jeff Cohen Two weeks after the Panama invasion, CBS News sponsored a public opinion poll in Panama that found the residents in rapture over what happened. Even 80 percent of those whose homes had been blown up or their relatives killed by US forces said it was worth it. Their enthusiasm did not stop with the ousting of Gen. Manuel Noriega, however. A less heavily advertised result of the poll was that 82% of the sampled Panamanian patriots did not want Panamanian control of the Canal, preferring either partial of exclusive control by the US - "Panamanians Strongly Back US Move," (New York Times, 1/6/90). (...) YOU BE THE JUDGE "[The invasion was legal] according to all the experts I talked to." - Rita Braver (CBS Evening News, 12/20/89) "As far as international law is concerned, even sources in the US government admit they were operating very near the line." - John McWethy (ABC World News Tonight, 1/5/90) "The territory of a state is inviolable. It may not be the object, even temporarily, of military occupation or other measures of force taken by another state directly or indirectly on any grounds whatsoever." - Article 20, Organization of American States Charter (...) <a href="http://www.chss.montclair.edu/english/furr/panamainv.html">www.chss.montclair.edu/english/furr/panamainv.html</a> Coup plan revealed April 1989 "A covert plan under which dissident military officers in Panama would have removed Manuel Noriega from power had been approved by then president Ronald Reagan... On April 6, President George H.W. Bush extended for one year economic sanctions against Panama that Reagan had first approved last year... Bush ... signed a secret intelligence directive to give more than $10 million to opposition candidates in Panama's May 7 elections for president, legislators and local representatives." - San Fransisco Examiner, 4/24/89, "U.S. Plan To Oust Noriega Revealed" As of May 1989, 10,300 U.S. military personnel were in Panama. After the May 7 election results were voided, 1,000 additional U.S. troops were sent from the 7th Light Infantry Division from Ft. Ord, CA, and an additional 1,000 troop from the mechanized infantry from Ft. Polk, LA. - San Fransisco Examiner, 5/11/89 "Fourteen years after a formal ban on U.S. assassinations of foreign officials, the Bush administration is now redefining its language to permit clandestine operations even if they threaten the lives of foreign figures... Officials concede that it would significantly expand the types of military operations the administration can launch against foreign targets such as terrorists, drug lords or Panamanian strongman Manuel Noriega." - LA Times, 10/14/89, "U.S. OKs Covert Operations That May Kill Foreigners" "The CIA has launched a $3 million operation, with the approval of congressional oversight committees, to overthrow Panamanian Gen. Manuel Noriega... The covert operation has 'no restrictions' other than an order prohibiting Noriega's assassination and could involve U.S. troops." - The Post-Journal, Jamestown, N.Y., AP story, 11/16/89 <a href="http://www.brianwillson.com/awolpanama.html">www.brianwillson.com/awolpanama.html</a> From the unauthorized biography George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography Chapter 23 by Webster G. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin (...) The May 1, 1989 issue of US News and World Report revealed that Bush had authorized the expenditure of $10 million in CIA funds for operations against the Panamanian government. These funds were obviously to be employed to influence the Panamanian elections, which were scheduled for early May. The money was delivered to Panama by CIA bagman Carlos Eleta Almaran, who had just been arrested in Georgia in April, 1989 on charges of drug trafficking. On May 2, with one eye on those elections, George H.W. Bush attempted to refurbish his wimp image with a blustering tirade delivered to the Rockefeller-controlled Council of the Americas in which he stated: "Let me say one thing clearly. The USA will not accept the results of fraudulent elections that serve to keep the supreme commander of the Panamanian armed forces in power." This made clear that Bush intended to declare the elections undemocratic if the pro- Noriega candidates were not defeated. In the elections of May 7, the CIA's $10 million and other monies were used to finance an extensive covert operation which aimed at stealing the elections. The US-supported Civic Democratic Alliance, whose candidate was Guillermo Endara, purchased votes, bribed the election officials, and finally physically absconded with the official vote tallies. Because of the massive pattern of fraud and irregularities, the Panamanian government annulled the election. Somewhere along the line the usual US-staged "people power" upsurge had failed to materialize. The inability of Bush to force through a victory by the anti-Noriega opposition was a first moment of humiliation for the would-be Rough Rider. (...) In the wake of this tirade, the US forces in Panama began a systematic campaign of military provocations which continued all the way to the December 20 invasion. In July the US forces began practicing how to seize control of important Panamanian military installations and civilian objectives, all in flagrant violation of the Panama Canal Treaty. On July 1, for example, the town of Gamboa was seized and held for 24 hours by US troops, tanks, and helicopters. The mayor of the town and 30 other persons were illegally detained during this "maneuver." In Chilibre, the US forces occupied the key water purification plant serving Panama City and Colon. On August 15, Bush escalated the rhetoric still further by proclaiming that he had the obligation "to kidnap Noriega". Then, during the first days of October, there came the abortive US-sponsored coup attempt, followed by the public humiliation of George H.W. Bush, who had failed to measure up to the standards of efficacy set by Theodore Roosevelt. All during October and November and into December, the Bush Administration worked to prepare the plans for a large-scale invasion of Panama, Operation Blue Spoon. By mid- December, there were a total of 24,000 US troops in Panama, arrayed against the 16,000 of the PDF, of whom only about 3,500 were organized and equipped for military combat. (...) <a href="http://www.american-buddha.com/unauthor.bio.bush.23.1.htm">www.american-buddha.com/unauthor.bio.bush.23.1.htm</a> <a href="http://demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Operation_Just_Cause">demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Operation_Just_Cause</a>

by **DrDebugDU** » Tue Jul 19, 2005 6:29 pm

Competing against 10 comparatively wealthy candidates, leftist priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide captures 68 percent of the vote. After only 8 months in power, however, the CIA-backed military deposes him. A coup on Sept. 30, 1991, led by the military and financed by members of Haiti's elite, declared that such reforms would not be tolerated. The coup's leaders: General Raul Cedras, Colonel Michel Francois, and general Philippe Biamby, were all graduates of the US Army School of the Americas in Fort Benning, Georgia. The FRAPH lead by Emmanuel “Toto” Constant gets established. A death squad organized with U.S. backing in Haiti in mid-1993 to terrorize the Haitian people. Thousands of Haitian refugees escape the turmoil in barely seaworthy boats. As popular opinion calls for Aristide’s return, the CIA begins a disinformation campaign painting the courageous priest as mentally unstable. In 1993 the chaos in Haiti grows so bad that President Clinton has no choice but to remove the Haitian military dictator, Raoul Cedras, on threat of U.S. invasion. The U.S. occupiers do not arrest Haiti’s military leaders for crimes against humanity, but instead ensure their safety and rich retirements. <a href="http://demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Haiti">demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Haiti</a> Who will rid me of this priest? Haiti 1986-1994 Who will rid me of this priest? excerpted from the book Killing Hope by William Blum During the Duvalier family dictatorship-Francois "Papa Doc", 1957-71, followed by Jean- Claude "Baby Doc", 1971-86, both anointed President for Life by papa-the United States trained and armed Haiti's counter-insurgency forces, although most American military aid to the country was covertly channeled through Israel, thus sparing Washington embarrassing questions about supporting brutal governments. After Jean- Claude was forced into exile in February 1986, fleeing to France aboard a US Air Force jet, Washington resumed open assistance. And while Haiti's wretched rabble were celebrating the end of three decades of Duvalierism, the United States was occupied in preserving it undcr new names. Within three weeks of Jean-Claude's departure, the US announced that it was providing Haiti with $26.6 million in economic and military aid, and in April it was reported that "Another $4 million is being sought to provide the Haitian Army with trucks, training and communications gear to allow it to move around the country and maintain order.' Maintaining order in Haiti translates to domestic repression and control; and in the 21 months between Duvalier's abdication and the scheduled elections of November 1987, the successor Haitian governments were responsible for more civilian deaths than Baby Doc had managed in 15 years. The CIA was meanwhile arranging for the release from prison, and safe exile abroad, of two of its Duvalier-era contacts, both notorious police chiefs, thus saving them from possible death sentences for murder and torture, and acting contrary to the public's passionate wish for retribution against its former tormenters. In September, Haiti's main trade union leader, Yves Richard, declared that Washington was working to undermine the left before the coming elections. US aid organizations, he said, were encouraging people in the country side to identify and reject the entire left as "communist". though the country clearly had a fundamental need for reformers and sweeping changes. Haiti was, and is, the Western Hemisphere's best known economic, medical, political, judicial, educational, and ecological basket case. The Catholic priest first came to prominence in Haiti as a proponent of liberation theology, which seeks to blend the teachings of Christ with inspiring the poor to organize and resist their oppression. When asked why the CIA might have sought to oppose Aristide, a senior official with the Senate Intelligence Committee stated that "Liberation theology proponents are not too popular at the agency. Maybe second only to the Vatican for not liking liberation theology are the people at Langley (CIA headquarters)." Aristide urged a boycott of the elections, saying "The army is our first enemy." The CIA, on the other hand, funded some of the candidates. <a href="http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Blum/Haiti_KH.html">www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Blum/Haiti_KH.html</a>

by **DrDebugDU** » Tue Jul 19, 2005 6:33 pm

A U.S. military campaign called Operation Uphold Democracy was launched. Plans were made for either a military invasion or a peaceful entry into Haiti. Operation Uphold Democracy restored the democratically elected government of Haiti and for the most part, halted the illegal emigration. Operation General Raoul Cedras, head of the Haitian armed forces, signed an agreement on 3 July 1993, which approved the return of President Aristide by 30 October 1993. On 8 October, the USS Harlan County carrying peacekeepers to help with the transition of power attempted to dock in Port-au Prince. An armed mob turned the ship away. President Clinton, infuriated, authorized Joint Task Force 180 under the 18th Airborne Corps to develop plans to intervene in Haiti. The political and human rights climate deteriorated as the military sanctioned repression, assassination, torture, and rape to terrorize and control the Haitian people. In May 1994, the military appointed Emile Jonassaint the provisional president. The United Nations and the United States countered this illegal action by introducing United Nations Resolution 917. On 29 July 1994, the 10th Mountain Division was authorized to form Joint Task Force 190. On 31 July 1994, the UN adopted Resolution 940 authorizing member states to use force to free Haiti of military dictatorship and return Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power. By summer of 1994, the sight of rickety wooden boats packed with starving Haitians trying to make landfall on the beaches of Florida was a daily sight on the evening news. Thousands were intercepted on the high seas by U.S. Navy and Coast Guard ships and taken to Guantanamo Naval Base in Cuba. The economy of Haiti was nonexistent, and the people had no choice but to flee in hope of a better life. The United States took the lead in forming a multinational force (MNF) to carry out the United Nations' mandate by means of a military intervention. The goal was to stop the illegal immigration, protect the people of Haiti, and stabilize that island with a legitimate constitutional government. The military campaign was named Operation Uphold Democracy. Plans were made for either a military invasion or a peaceful entry into Haiti. Operations Plan (OPLAN) 2370 was the military offensive with a massive invasion from air and sea with overwhelming force. OPLAN 2380 was developed for a peaceful permissive entry into Haiti. The operation's deployment phase began on 18 September 1994 when the president, through the secretary of defense, issued the order to execute OPLAN 2370. Almost 4000 American paratroopers were on their way to invade Haiti on 19 September 1994 when the Haitian military lost its nerve and agreed to a peaceful transition of government. As a result, American troops entered the country peacefully and without bloodshed. The United States military and the multi- national force eventually numbered over 23,000 troops from over a dozen nations. General Cedras and his military staff left Haiti and President Aristide returned on 15 October 1994. The multinational force recovered nearly 33,000 weapons through buybacks, discovering caches, and roadblocks. The flood of refugees from Haiti, 3,000 per day in July 1994, virtually stopped. The United States repatriated more than 13,000 Haitians home. (...) <a href="http://www.psywarrior.com/HerbHaiti.html">www.psywarrior.com/HerbHaiti.html</a> FRAPH opposition Constant came to world attention at the height of the coup regime, on October 10, 1993, when the US sent a ship with a cargo of 200 soldiers to help restore the exiled President Aristide to power. But Constant and a small gang of FRAPH thugs at the Port- au-Prince wharf staged a riot and the USS Harlan County never docked. As a result Washington balked, President Aristide's scheduled return was aborted and the putschists ruled for another year—and not by accident. Constant says he had discussed the FRAPH demonstration with the CIA station chief, Kambourian, in advance, and that this was exactly the US intention. "The whole affair was a bluff," he says, which the CIA exaggerated to give Washington an excuse to back off. "It was a turning point-after that we knew we could get away with anything." When the ruse was reported in the news, the White House portrayed the CIA as a renegade agency pursuing an agenda contradictory to American policy. "But that isn't true, either," claims Constant. "The biggest secret of all," he says, "is that CIA policy was American policy. The US didn't want President Aristide to go back." Constant claims that he became a key part of covert American policy to undermine the exiled President Aristide, who was viewed as too radical by the United States. He says Kambourian told him a plan which began with allowing the international embargo on the military regime to leak. It did --notoriously: So much gasoline got in that Haitians dubbed the gas market Little Kuwait, and a well-established factory owner in Port-au- Prince admits that his production skyrocketed during the coup years when foreign companies took advantage of the plummeting exchange rate. A second part of the plan, according to Constant, involved generating propaganda that would cast a dour light on diplomatic efforts to restore Aristide. Constant kept a binder entitled "Lavalas and Terrorism," which he showed to reporters--including one of the authors--who visited Haiti during the coup years. Higher up, Brian Latelle, a national intelligence officer and the Haiti point man for US policy, wrote a document stating Aristide was mentally unfit and named a hospital in Canada that later proved to be phony. "But most importantly," claims Constant, "Kambourian said there needed to be resistance to Aristide's return in the streets of Haiti. That was where FRAPH came in." Catherine Orenstein with Eva Rybkova, "A Killer In Our Midst" A version of this article first appeared in the July/August 1, 1998 issue of Emerge: Black America's News Magazine. <a href="http://www.geocities.com/~virtualtruth/constant.htm">www.geocities.com/~virtualtruth/constant.htm</a> Propaganda Warfare A secret contingency plan to neutralize opponents of Aristide has been approved. $5 million plan devotes one million to propaganda. The CIA has already used some of the one million for covert radio broadcasts and to penetrate military groups, U.S. already supporting an overt radio program that broadcasts messages from Aristide and distributes Pro-Aristide leaflets (New York Times 9/28/94 A<img src=http://www.ezboard.com/images/emoticons/glasses.gif ALT="8)"> Stay behind team After U.S. Forces occupy and the leave Haiti, a host of military, CIA and civilian advisers are to stay behind as participants in Haiti's affairs. ICITAP, the U.S. agency to rebuild Haiti's police is to bring in several hunderd trainers to mold a 5,000 man force. Dr. Louis Kernisan, a DIA attache from 1989 through 1991, predict that there will be no popular uprising. Kernisan is now a key occupation figure and is planning to retrain the Haitian police. He operates out of the ICITAP, an offshoot of the FBI that was created in 1986 to provide training for security forces for El Salvador and Guatemala. Current plans call for dissolving the Haitian Army and Police. U.S. has a large net of Army trainees, DIA informants, and CIA assets. Kernisan says that he has a list of reliable Haitian officers. The right-wing paramilitary hit unit FRAPH was discussed as well. When Baby Doc Duvalier was overthrown Congress blocked requested aid for reform, but the CIA has created Haiti's National Intelligence Service (SIN) ostensibly an anti- drugs unit - which attacked Haitian dissidents. Donald Terry, with the CIA station in Haiti is now posted in Paris. CIA is beefing up the Haiti station and recruiting new assets. Occupation can be expected to run per Army's military operations in low- intensity conflict. The Nation 10/3/1994 p.344 <a href="http://demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Operation_Uphold_Democracy">demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Operation_Uphold_Democracy</a>

by **DrDebugDU** » Tue Jul 19, 2005 6:34 pm

In March 1960, President Dwight Eisenhower of the United States approved a Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) plan to overthrow Fidel Castro. The plan involved a budget of $13 million* to train "a paramilitary force outside Cuba for guerrilla action." The strategy was organised by Richard Bissell and Richard Helms. [1] It had created Operation Mongoose headquarters in Miami that was truly a state within a city -- over, above, and outside the laws of the United States, not to mention international law, with a staff of several hundred Americans directing many more Cuban agents in just such types of actions, with a budget in excess of $50 million* a year, and an arrangement with the local press to keep operations in Florida secret except when the CIA wanted something publicized. [2] In September 1960, Allen W. Dulles, the director of the CIA, initiated talks with two leading figures of the Mafia, Johnny Roselli and Sam Giancana. Later, other crime bosses such as Carlos Marcello, Santos Trafficante and Meyer Lansky became involved in this plot against Castro. [1] After the Bay of Pigs disaster President John F. Kennedy created a committee (SGA) charged with overthrowing Castro's government. The SGA, chaired by Robert F. Kennedy (Attorney General), included Allen W. Dulles (CIA Director), later replaced by John McCone, Alexis Johnson (State Department), McGeorge Bundy (National Security Adviser), Roswell Gilpatric (Defence Department), General Lyman Lemnitzer (Joint Chiefs of Staff) and General Maxwell Taylor. Although not officially members, Dean Rusk (Secretary of State) and Robert S. McNamara (Secretary of Defence) also attending meetings. [1] The following plots were considered: Inject an untraceable poison, botulinum toxin, into selections of Castro's favorite brand of cigars and present the poisoned cigars to him Compress the poison into pill form and dissolve it into a drink for Castro Create a booby-trapped seashell that would explode if removed from the ocean floor by Castro, who was an avid diver Devise a wet suit with a breathing apparatus infected with deadly germs and present it to Castro as a gift Equip a fountain pen with a hidden needle capable of injecting a lethal toxin and persuade Castro to write with it Assassinate him with a high-powered rifle with telescopic sights [3] On September 7, 1963, in an interview with Associated Press reporter Daniel Harker, Castro warned against the United States "aiding terrorist plans to eliminate Cuban leaders," and added that US leaders would be in danger if they promoted any attempt to eliminate the leaders of Cuba. [4] When President John F. Kennedy was struck down by rifle fire in Dallas on 22 November 1963, many people suspected Cuba and its leader, Fidel Castro Ruz, of involvement in the assassination, particularly after it was learned that Lee Harvey Oswald, the alleged assassin, had sought to travel to Cuba in September 1963. [4] * Contradictory statements about the budget. Sources: (1) <a href="http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKmongoose.htm">www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKmongoose.htm</a> (2) <a href="http://members.aol.com/bblum6/cuba.htm">members.aol.com/bblum6/cuba.htm</a> (3) <a href="http://http://www.jfk.org/Research/Cuba/Mongoose_Plots.htm"> http://www.jfk.org/Research/Cuba/Mongoose_Plots.htm</a> (4) <a href="http://www.globalsecurity.org/intell/ops/mongoose.htm">www.globalsecurity.org/intell/ops/mongoose.htm</a> <a href="http://demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Operation_Mongoose">demopedia.democraticunderground.com/index.php/Operation_Mongoose</a>

A Timeline of CIA Atrocities

1970 U.S. and British support for Khmer Rouge

Sept 22 1963 Leon Cantave coup attempt against Papa Doc

Re: 1973 Chile assassination of Salvador Allende

1975 Australia

1975 Angola

Rockefeller commission finds NKNAOMI - Biological Warfare

1979 Afghanistan

Re: 1979 Nicaragua

1981 Iran-Contra

1986 Haiti - Baby Doc Duvalier

1986 Haiti - National Intelligence Service (SIN)

1989 Operation Just Cause (Panama)

1990 Haiti - Jean Bertrand I

1993 Haiti - Jean Bertrand II

1960 - Operation Mongoose

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