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by Luther Blissett » Wed Oct 12, 2016 9:50 am
by seemslikeadream » Wed Oct 12, 2016 9:53 am
by Harvey » Wed Oct 12, 2016 10:03 am
Luther Blissett » Wed Oct 12, 2016 2:50 pm wrote:Laura Cáceres is still supporting Jill Stein, even after it was proven that Trump is a rapist, because her mother was murdered by a Clinton-installed coup one week after she called Clinton out for it.
Mom's Assassination, Laura Cáceres Hits the DNC With Fervor
Color Lines, Yessenia Funes Jul 28, 2016
Food and a movie with her mom. That’s how Laura Zuñiga Cáceres spent her last day of college vacation. When her mother dropped her off at the Honduran airport on March 2, she said something that the 23-year-old will never forget: “If you hear that something’s happened to me, don’t be scared.” The very next day, her mom was assassinated in La Esperanza, Honduras.
Laura's mom was Berta Cáceres, a prominent Indigenous environmental activist and the founder of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH),
Berta and other people in their Lenca pueblo in La Esperanza had been protesting a number of illegal concessions that the Honduran government had made to multinational corporations that compromised the ecosystem and their livelihood. The biggest point of contention was the construction of the Agua Zarca dam on the Gualcarque River. The Lenca use the river water for drinking, bathing and for spiritual reasons, and they argue that the dam will jeopardize their access to it. Laura had heard that her mother had been receiving threats from state and corporate agents, but that didn’t prepare her for this. Nothing could.
“I grew up knowing that death existed, but I kept living as if my mom were immortal,” Laura says in Spanish. We're sitting at a brewery in West Philadelphia, away from members of the It Takes Roots to Change the System People’s Caravan that brought her to the city for the Democratic National Convention. “It’s something that no one believes until it happens to them. Even today, it’s still hard to believe—because she’s my mamá.”
Laura and COPINH members believe the Honduran government orchestrated her mother's assassination. So far, four suspects connected to the Honduran military have been arrested for the March 3 murder, but not the people who set up the killing, reported teleSUR. COPINH says the U.S. is complicit in the Cáceres murder because it has given the Honduran government up to $98.3 million in assistance this year "to improve border security, combat corruption, counter organized crime, and address human rights concerns."
It Takes Roots to Change the System People's Caravan #JusticeForBerta Action at the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia on July 25, 2016.
It Takes Roots to Change the System People's Caravan #JusticeForBerta Action at the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia on July 25, 2016. Photo courtesy of Grassroots Global Justice Alliance
The United States has meddled in Honduran affairs since the early 1900s when it supported government coups to protect its commercial interests in the poor banana-producing country. In the '80s, Contra guerrillas backed by President Ronald Reagan used Honduras as a base to attack Nicaragua's Sandinista government. In 2009, the U.S. fueled a coup that removed the country's democratically elected president. America also has military bases in Honduras, and Honduras has exported nearly $2 billion worth of goods to the U.S. this year.
Laura has been speaking and marching for the last eight days, first at the Republican National Convention and today at the DNC. It’s her first time in Philadelphia and she doesn’t speak English, but that doesn't stop her because she believes that our presidential election will directly affect her people. The United States, she says, has the power to address the Honduran government's alleged human rights abuses—for good or for bad.
During her trip here Laura has been promoting a bill that would suspend U.S. funding for Honduran police and military operations until the Honduran government “investigates credible reports indicating the police and military are violating human rights.” She and another COPINH member testified about Berta's assassination before Congress in April. That led to the Berta Cáceres Human Rights in Honduras Act (H.R. 5474), which Rep. Hank Johnson (D-Ga.) introduced to the House on June 14 with 31 cosponsors. The bill is unlikely to move out of the House before the year ends, but Johnson says he will file it again next session if he has to.
"We’ll continue to advance the legislation in this Congress, as well as in future sessions of Congress," Johnson said in an interview with Colorlines. "In doing so, we send a message to the Honduran government that their aid from the U.S. is at risk, so they need to govern themselves accordingly."
Johnson also co-wrote a letter with Rep. Keith Ellison (D-Minn.) to Secretary of State John Kerry that called for an independent investigation into Berta’s murder. The letter secured more than 60 Congressional signatures.
Even if the bill passes, environmental organizers in Honduras will continue to live in fear. And for good reason: At least 109 have been killed between 2010 and 2015. The country has the highest murder rate for environmental activists in the world, according to British NGO Global Witness. Just two weeks after Berta died, her fellow organizer Nelson García was also murdered. In July, another colleague was killed.
Laura says that her time with the People's Caravan made her realize that she and her compañeros in La Esperanza are not alone. “A lot of people in the U.S. are also in risky and violent situations, like the people battling refineries and Black communities working against police abuse,” Laura says. “This helps us understand our fight.”
As we reported earlier this week, the People's Caravan includes Indigenous, Latino, Asian, Black and working class White people from various movements—climate justice, immigrant rights, Black Lives Matter and gender equality. “I feel like we’re living in a particular moment where the stakes are higher than ever,” says Cindy Wiesner, national coordinating director for Grassroots Global Justice Alliance, the group that organized the caravan.
At the RNC, the caravanistas protested Donald Trump. At the DNC, they condemned Hillary Clinton, whom Berta denounced in a 2014 video interview for her involvement in the 2009 Honduran coup.
http://www.colorlines.com...laura-caceres-hits-presidential-conventions-fervor-and-smile
by Luther Blissett » Wed Oct 12, 2016 10:36 am
by seemslikeadream » Wed Oct 12, 2016 10:54 am
by JackRiddler » Wed Oct 12, 2016 11:02 am
by Harvey » Wed Oct 12, 2016 11:06 am
Luther Blissett » Wed Oct 12, 2016 3:36 pm wrote:I was in that march Harvey!
Luther Blissett » Wed Oct 12, 2016 3:36 pm wrote:Also: Alex Jones smokes crack. He is literally saying that Obama and Clinton smell like sulphur to us, I'm reading that correctly, right?
by Luther Blissett » Wed Oct 12, 2016 11:19 am
EXCLUSIVE: New Email Leak Reveals Clinton Campaign’s Cozy Press Relationship
INTERNAL STRATEGY DOCUMENTS and emails among Clinton staffers shed light on friendly and highly useful relationships between the campaign and various members of the U.S. media, as well as the campaign’s strategies for manipulating those relationships.
The emails were provided to The Intercept by the source identifying himself as Guccifer 2.0, who was reportedly responsible for prior significant hacks, including one that targeted the Democratic National Committee and resulted in the resignations of its top four officials. On Friday, Obama administration officials claimed that Russia’s “senior-most officials” were responsible for that hack and others, although they provided no evidence for that assertion.
As these internal documents demonstrate, a central component of the Clinton campaign strategy is ensuring that journalists they believe are favorable to Clinton are tasked to report the stories the campaign wants circulated.
At times, Clinton’s campaign staff not only internally drafted the stories they wanted published but even specified what should be quoted “on background” and what should be described as “on the record.”
One January 2015 strategy document — designed to plant stories on Clinton’s decision-making process about whether to run for president — singled out reporter Maggie Haberman, then of Politico, now covering the election for the New York Times, as a “friendly journalist” who has “teed up” stories for them in the past and “never disappointed” them. Nick Merrill, the campaign press secretary, produced the memo, according to the document metadata:
That strategy document plotted how Clinton aides could induce Haberman to write a story on the thoroughness and profound introspection involved in Clinton’s decision-making process. The following month, when she was at the Times, Haberman published two stories on Clinton’s vetting process; in this instance, Haberman’s stories were more sophisticated, nuanced, and even somewhat more critical than what the Clinton memo envisioned.
But they nonetheless accomplished the goal Clinton campaign aides wanted to fulfill of casting the appearance of transparency on Clinton’s vetting process in a way that made clear she was moving carefully but inexorably toward a presidential run.
Given more than 24 hours to challenge the authenticity of these documents and respond, Merrill did not reply to our emails. Haberman declined to comment.
Other documents listed those whom the campaign regarded as their most reliable “surrogates” — such as CNN’s Hilary Rosen and Donna Brazile, as well as Center for American Progress President Neera Tanden — but then also listed operatives whom they believed were either good “progressive helpers” or more potentially friendly media figures who might be worth targeting with messaging. The metadata of the surrogate document shows the file was authored by Jennifer Palmieri, the communications director of the campaign. As The Intercept previously reported, pundits regularly featured on cable news programs were paid by the Clinton campaign without any disclosure when they appeared; several of them are included on this “surrogates” list, including Stephanie Cutter and Maria Cardona:
The Clinton campaign likes to use glitzy, intimate, completely off-the-record parties between top campaign aides and leading media personalities. One of the most elaborately planned get-togethers was described in an April, 2015, memo — produced, according to the document metadata, by deputy press secretary Jesse Ferguson — to take place shortly before Clinton’s official announcement of her candidacy. The event was an April 10 cocktail party for leading news figures and top-level Clinton staff at the Upper East Side home of Clinton strategist Joel Benenson, a fully off-the-record gathering designed to impart the campaign’s messaging:
A separate email chain between Clinton staff (one that was not among those provided by Guccifer 2.0 but appeared on the DCLeaks.com site earlier this week) contains plans for a separate off-the-record media get-together in May. Food and drinks were provided by the campaign for the journalists covering it, on the condition that nothing said would be reported to the public.
Many of the enduring Clinton tactics for managing the press were created by the campaign before she even announced her candidacy. A March 13, 2015, memo from Clinton campaign manager Robby Mook provides insight into some of the tactics employed by the campaign to shape coverage to their liking. In particular, Mook was concerned that because journalists were assigned to cover Clinton, they needed to be fed a constant stream of stories that the campaign liked. As he put it, a key strategy was to “give reporters who must cover daily HRC news something to cover other than the unhelpful stories about the foundation, emails, etc.”
All presidential campaigns have their favorite reporters, try to plant stories they want published, and attempt in multiple ways to curry favor with journalists. These tactics are certainly not unique to the Clinton campaign (liberals were furious in 2008 when journalists went to John McCain’s Arizona ranch for an off-the-record BBQ). But these rituals and dynamics between political campaigns and the journalists who cover them are typically carried out in the dark, despite how significant they can be. These documents provide a valuable glimpse into that process.
by seemslikeadream » Wed Oct 12, 2016 12:53 pm
by Luther Blissett » Wed Oct 12, 2016 2:04 pm
by JackRiddler » Wed Oct 12, 2016 3:31 pm
by seemslikeadream » Wed Oct 12, 2016 3:32 pm
by Luther Blissett » Wed Oct 12, 2016 3:45 pm
by JackRiddler » Wed Oct 12, 2016 4:14 pm
seemslikeadream » Wed Oct 12, 2016 2:32 pm wrote:what leaks on Trump have come from Wikileaks?
by seemslikeadream » Wed Oct 12, 2016 4:20 pm
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