Moderators: Elvis, DrVolin, Jeff
http://www.democracynow.org/blog/2011/6 ... en_met_yet
Egyptians Fill Tahrir Square for a 'Second Day of Rage': "We Have Demands that Haven’t Been Met Yet"
Last Friday, more than three months after former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak was ousted from power, tens of thousands of protesters poured into downtown Cairo’s Tahrir Square for what they called a "Second Day of Rage." In the largest demonstration since Mubarak stepped down, protesters called for the ruling military to hand over power to a civilian council, draw up a new constitution, and postpone September’s parliamentary election until new political parties can organize. Democracy Now! correspondents Sharif Abdel Kouddous and Nicole Salazar filed this report.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Tahrir Square, the heart of Cairo, is filled once again with tens of thousands of Egyptians for what’s being called the Second Day of Rage. Four months after the Egyptian revolution began, the Supreme Council of Armed Forces is coming under growing criticism for its handling of the country since the fall of Hosni Mubarak.
GIGI IBRAHIM: I’m Gigi Ibrahim. I am a political with the Revolutionary Socialists and the Labor Democratic Party. I’m here today because we didn’t feel change. Our revolution is being hijacked by the military council. And we have demands that haven’t been met yet, so we’re here to list them and basically apply pressure from the square for the Supreme Council to implement those demands.
NOOR AYMAN: My name is Noor Ayman. I’m a law student at Cairo University. I graduated political sciences at American University of Cairo. Basically this banner consists all the demands, the specific demands, that have a relative amount of consensus among the people on the street now, including the end of military trials for civilians; setting a minimum wage and maximum wage within a time frame, with a specific time plan; demanding that the police come back to the streets in large quantities but with judicious provision; a purification of the media in Egypt; as well as trying Hosni Mubarak for grand treason because of his actions during the revolution.
SALAH ABDULLAH ATIYAH KHADRAGI: [translated] My name is Salah Abdullah Atiyah Khadragi from Zagazig, Sharqiya. I’m 28 years old. I came to Tahrir Square just like any Egyptian coming to Tahrir today. We announced the Second Friday of Rage, and I’ll tell you why: because the demands of the revolution have not been realized.
GIGI IBRAHIM: We need an end, a complete end, to all military trials for civilians. It’s completely unacceptable. Until now, more than 7,000 people have been tried in four months, basically in military courts. Most of them are falsely accused, are peaceful protesters and so on.
Second demand is for minimum wage, maximum wage, to be implemented or even given a plan for. It wasn’t even addressed until this point. Many people that took part in the revolution essentially came out because they don’t have a decent wage; they don’t have a decent, dignified life; and they want social equality, they want a dignified life that would be given through implementing a minimum wage.
LOBNA DARWISH: I’m Lobna Darwish. I’m a peace protester. I’m here today because we came here to make very, very clear that the demands of the revolution are still up. From the beginning of the revolution 'til now, we're seeing both lines. State media is either like supporting Mubarak or supporting now the high military council. They’re all saying that like the army is the red line, Mubarak is the red line, whatever is a red line. So we’ve been seeing that every initiative came out of citizen journalism in Egypt. There is a lot of people who have been tweeting, putting on Facebook their statuses, putting information online, applauding videos. And that’s where we got most of our information during the revolution at this moment. So we thought that putting all these efforts of citizen journalism together would bring a new source of media in Egypt that’s dependable, that’s free.
UNIDENTIFIED: [translated] We are here because we haven’t felt any change. Everything that we have achieved, the army is seeking to destroy. How can we be at a sit-in, and the army comes and attacks us on March 9th? I was one of the March 9th detainees, and I was just released just five days ago. I had a younger brother. He was the youngest martyr in Tahrir Square. He was 13 years old. For all these people who were martyred, it’s unacceptable that they died for nothing.
MOHAMED EL DAHSHAN: Mohamed El Dahshan is my name. I’m an activist. I’ve been here since the—well, I’ve been taking part in the protests since the very first day. And we’re back here because essentially our demands have not been met. And one of the basic slogans that we’ve had since January 25th was "bread, freedom and human dignity." And we’re still demanding those three things, just that the culprits are no longer the police and their brutality, but now it’s the army. So, our demands are the same, so we’re still here.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: The calls for this protest have been going on actively for weeks. But one group is notably absent: the Muslim Brotherhood. They have been actively calling on people not to participate in today’s protest.
GIGI IBRAHIM: Many people thought that maybe because the Muslim Brotherhood are not joining that it’s not—the numbers are not going to be great. But just like you can see, it’s full. And we did that all on our own. There are liberal groups, socialist groups, independent groups, and activists and human rights and bloggers and journalists and just average citizens coming from all over. Transportation workers’ independent union is taking part. So there is a group from every—the Christians also [inaudible] protest, they’re also joining. So, a lot of different groups came out, because they feel that the change hasn’t come, and we need to push forward and have our demands met.
LOBNA DARWISH: Today, I think, was crucial, because through the last week, they have been treating, like, the whole country, like today is like the point we’re going to know whether the revolution is continuing or not. It became like this crucial moment that we know now that people can take the streets again. They can come out in big numbers, even though a lot of forces were not supporting today. Like, for example, Muslim Brotherhood were against today and are actually sending all these communiqués saying that people who are here today are against, like, the people of Egypt. And it’s really, really outrageous.
NOOR AYMAN: Lots of people call this a second revolution. No, it’s not. It’s merely a continuation of the first revolution, and it’s still not ended, still has a long way to go. This is just us finishing what we are trying to finish or continuing what we started.
SALAH ABDULLAH ATIYAH KHADRAGI: [translated] We want the price of the blood of the martyrs that was spilled on this square. I was asked once on TV about this square. I said it means freedom. And nothing is more precious to an Egyptian than freedom.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: It’s nighttime in Tahrir, and the square is still packed. Tens of thousands of Egyptians gathered here today to call for reform and to call for freedom, and to send a message to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces that the revolution is still ongoing.
For Democracy Now!, I’m Sharif Abdel Kouddous, with Nicole Salazar, in Cairo, Egypt.
June 13, 2011
http://www.democracynow.org/2011/6/13/s ... rth_policy
Syrian Troops Pursue “Scorched Earth” Policy; Videos Document Children Tortured to Death
The Syrian army has taken control of the northern town of Jisr al-Shughour following what state media has described as heavy fighting by "armed groups," who residents say are mutinous soldiers defending the town. Our guest Neil Sammonds, Syria researcher for Amnesty International, is interviewing refugees who have fled the violence by crossing into Turkey. They tell him Syrian military forces have destroyed houses, burned crops, slaughtered livestock and contaminated water supplies. We speak with Razan Zaitouneh, a lawyer and human rights activist based in Damascus. She has documented that children are among those killed by snipers, or kidnapped by security forces, tortured and killed. [includes rush transcript]
AMY GOODMAN: The Syrian army has taken control of the northern town of Jisr al-Shughour following what state media has described as heavy fighting. State television reported Sunday that the army was fighting, quote, "armed groups." But residents and activists have countered this claim. They say many in the army are defecting, and the military has been fighting mutinous soldiers defending the town.
The government operation forced many more refugees across the border. The U.N. refugee agency said Sunday that more than 5,000 refugees from Syria had crossed into Turkey.
METIN CORABATIR: The latest figure UNHCR received from the border area is 5,051 persons who fleed from Syria because of the violence and persecution in this country.
AMY GOODMAN: On Friday, about a hundred protesters gathered outside U.N. headquarters in New York urging the organization to take action against the Syrian regime.
ASSAD AREF: It has gotten to a point that killing is daily in Syria. And we are here to tell the United Nations enough is enough. They have to condemn the Syrian regime.
AMY GOODMAN: Speaking to reporters in Cartagena, Colombia, on Saturday, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon expressed concern at the situation in Syria.
SECRETARY-GENERAL BAN KI-MOON: I have issued many statements, and I have talked to President Assad several times. And I have urged him in person through my telephone talks that he should—he must take bold and immediate, decisive actions to listen to the people and to take necessary measures to reflect the wills of the people. I am deeply concerned and saddened by so many people have been killed in the course of peaceful demonstrations.
AMY GOODMAN: U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.
To talk about the situation in Syria, we’re joined on the phone by Neil Sammonds, Amnesty International’s Syria researcher. He is in a Turkish border village a quarter mile from the Syrian border.
We’re also joined from Damascus by Razan Zaitouneh, a lawyer and human rights activist. She’s been reporting on the recent protests for various online networks.
And we’re going to Ottawa, Canada, to Maher Arar, former victim of U.S. extraordinary rendition, now a human rights activist. He was seized at New York’s Kennedy Airport in September of 2002 and sent to Syria, where he was tortured.
But we’re going to start in Damascus right now. Welcome to Democracy Now! Talk about the situation there.
RAZAN ZAITOUNEH: There is continuing daily protest around the country. Every night, every—actually, during the week, most of the protests happen in the night. Every night, dozens of thousands of people are protesting in Damascus, in the suburb of Damascus, in Homs, Hama, in the whole country, especially in this time, when there is a Syrian city under siege, under army and security forces in Jisr al-Shughour. The situation there is disastrous, actually. Even though the regime declared that the military presence there is end, but the security there is still raiding houses, killing people. Only yesterday, 10 people got killed in [inaudible] Jisr al-Shughour, a massive wave of arrests among people who didn’t leave their houses. Thousands of people are continuing to flee their houses, not only to Turkey, to the Turkish border, only to Syrian villages far away from Jisr al-Shughour.
AMY GOODMAN: What about the level of protest, Razan Zaitouneh, in the streets? How afraid are people in Damascus right now, where you are?
RAZAN ZAITOUNEH: Maybe in Damascus, as you know, it’s—the level of is less than another places. There’s continuing daily protests in Damascus in different areas. In center of Damascus, Al-Midan, in Al-Qadam, in the oldest neighborhoods in Damascus, it’s still not in the same level of another cities, like Homs or Hama or Daraa, for example, but it’s continuing and it’s daily.
AMY GOODMAN: What about these reports of the helicopter gunship attacks, Razan?
RAZAN ZAITOUNEH: It’s for sure. We got videos, we got photos, of this helicopter, shot people in Jisr al-Shughour. It was a real, real war against Jisr al-Shughour and its neighbors during last few days. You can’t imagine that hundreds of troops, tanks and helicopters went to just make this process against a small city like Jisr al-Shughour. It was really like war situation.
AMY GOODMAN: And the reports of the killing of children, Amnesty, I think, has more than 80 names of children who have been killed, children and teenagers. Videos are emerging, one by one, gruesome videos, Razan.
RAZAN ZAITOUNEH: Actually, yes. Most of the children who got killed, according to our reports, were killed in their houses by snipers, when they—on windows, on balconies. Some of them who are between 14 and 15 got kidnapped and arrested in the streets, like what happened with Hamza al-Khateeb and Tamer. They were participating in the protests, which was going to break the siege on Daraa, when they got kidnapped by the security. And after days, they were delivered to their families as dead bodies, tortured awfully. It’s confirmed that the security didn’t separate, didn’t make any difference in dealing with Syrian people. It doesn’t matter if the person is 80 or is 10 years old. Everybody will be treated equally in torturing, in killing. And this is what the statistics shows, actually.
AMY GOODMAN: Razan, there was a report of a protest outside the Turkish embassy in Damascus. Now, in many cases, people are gunned down when they protest in the streets. Here, as they were trying to take down the flag of the Turkish embassy and put up the Syrian flag—Turkey is accepting thousands of refugees into Turkey now—there was no attack like that. Who were these people protesting?
RAZAN ZAITOUNEH: It’s not only in front of the Turkish embassy. There is the security and shabiha. Daily they make a protest to show support to the regime, to show opposed to Al Jazeera, TV channel. They’re protesting daily in front of its office in Damascus, and yesterday in front of the Turkish embassy. If anybody, we have daily protests. All our protests, which demand for our freedom, is faced with security. Many got arrested. Many got killed. But for sure, those who are protesting for—they are pro-the-regime, they are from the regime, they are security and shabiha. They can do everything freely without anybody telling them anything.
AMY GOODMAN: So let us go to the border right now. We’re also joined by Neil Sammonds, who is the Syria researcher for Amnesty International, in a Turkish border village about a quarter-mile from the Syrian border, from Guvecci. Can you tell us exactly what’s happening there? Welcome, Neil.
NEIL SAMMONDS: Yes, hi. Thank you very much. Yes, well, the—it’s a small border village, Guvecci. And as far as I’m aware, the Syrians aren’t actually living there, but tens of them are coming across every day, and they are now collecting bread and Pepsi bottles and so on, and they’re then sneaking back across the border and they’re taking them to their families and neighbors who are displaced on the other side. On the other side, we can see tens of tents. And on the other side of the hill, apparently, there’s up to 10,000 people who are basically living under trees, and they’ve spent the night in the woods and under rain, actually. You know, it’s quite high altitude, and it was a cold, wet night.
AMY GOODMAN: Tell us what people are describing who are coming across the border from Syria, Neil.
NEIL SAMMONDS: Well, it’s really a very chilling picture, from everyone I’ve spoken to today, and I’ve spoken to, I don’t know, up to 50 Syrians. They come from different villages around Jisr al-Shughour, most of them, and from Jisr al-Shughour itself. They say that no one is left in the city, and only in one or two villages, perhaps some elderly people left. The army, they say, and the security forces, backed up by a paramilitary organization, the shabiha, the "ghosts," have gone into those villages, and usually with tanks first, they’ve shelled the houses, and then the army has gone in and they’ve killed many people. It’s difficult to say figures. Some say tens, some say hundreds, some say thousands. That may be too high; it’s impossible to verify.
And not only that, they’ve gone on with something like a kind of scorched earth policy, because they say that livestock is being slaughtered, the crops have been burned, food has been burned, water supply has been contaminated. Basically, the population of northwestern Syria close to the Turkish border has just been driven up to within a few kilometers of the border here with Turkey.
AMY GOODMAN: You’ve also been in the hospitals there, Neil Sammonds?
NEIL SAMMONDS: Yes, I was in the state hospital yesterday, and I’ll probably go back later today. There, I spoke with about half a dozen Syrians. Through the cases, I—well, I spent a lot of time on, they were quite mixed. One was a agricultural worker. He’s 40 years old, illiterate. He said he was working his land near a demonstration one day, and he got shot in the leg and then taken off by the army to a security center, where he was very badly beaten. And after about five days, when he thumb-printed some papers which he couldn’t read, he was allowed to go. And then he managed to get up here to hospital for treatment.
Another person was a first aid worker. He worked for the Syrian Red Crescent. He said he was treating wounded people, or trying to treat wounded people, at least, during killings in the city of Jisr al-Shughour on Saturday and Sunday, and then he was shot in the back. And then he was taken up to treatment.
Another person, a construction worker, he was shot in the back. He says he was a demonstrator. He was amongst, he says, about 15,000-20,000 people who were marching towards military linesmen. They opened fire upon his—top of his leg has been shattered. And then, yeah, he was ferried up here, where he’s been.
The Turkish government has certainly done a pretty good job of receiving people, but until now it’s a little bit of a mystery about why they haven’t actually allowed journalists and others access into the camps, although it appears that their treatment has been very good.
AMY GOODMAN: I mean, this is very significant. You know, many Libyans have also fled to Turkey, and they’ve certainly allowed access to the media. On the one hand, they’re allowing thousands of Syrians to come in, but not allowing them access to journalists means that it protects the Syrian government. Yet you’re there. You’re a human rights researcher. How are you traveling around there on the border?
NEIL SAMMONDS: Well, in the border area, you know, it’s fine to move around, and there’s not any clear Turkish security presence trying to stop anyone doing anything, except for around the camps. So, if you get to within 50 meters or so of these camps, which have actually now got like blue tarpaulin around them, so that—whereas maybe a week ago, people say that you could go up and talk to them through the fence. Now the government has actually closed up those little holes, so people aren’t able to talk to people in there. Another journalist was saying that she had been able to throw stones or rocks with little messages attached to them, and people were then able to kind of read them and send them back, so there was a little bit of communication like that. But even that is very difficult to happen at the moment.
People feel perhaps after the elections yesterday here, with the AKP winning again, or perhaps for other reasons, that it was unsure what the government would actually decide to do to deal with access to the camps. People are hopeful. We’re still trying to get in. And we would have thought, as Amnesty International, that we might have a slightly more benign influence, if we were allowed to be in, but it’s unclear.
AMY GOODMAN: Neil Sammonds, would you say that there would be more international response, if access was allowed to hear these stories of what you call a scorched earth policy on the part of the Syrian government and military?
NEIL SAMMONDS: Very possibly. That’s what it is. I mean, people who came here, you know, a week or so ago probably saw the worst events in Jisr al-Shughour, and that is not being adequately documented by anyone. You know, journalists and others aren’t allowed into Syria, obviously. At the same time, we have the Security Council deliberating very, very slowly yet again whether it can even condemn the killings. And it’s pretty disgusting they won’t go as far as condemning, let alone referring the situation in the country to the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, which appears to be the only way that there would ever be an end to the killing there and to the impunity, which the Syrian government and security forces have enjoyed, sadly, for decades.
AMY GOODMAN: Finally, Neil, the killing of children—Amnesty has documented how many children killed? It sounds like far more than was previously believed.
NEIL SAMMONDS: Yes. You know, thanks to kind of trusted human rights activists in the country, I mean, we have 82 names. That’s until—that was three days ago, it was 82, you know, 16 and below. And amongst those, we have even five who appear to have been tortured to death—most shocking cases. And I’ve, you know, had some mixed [inaudible], and on a—you know, looking at a number of the videos of these people’s bodies after they’ve been returned to their families, and, you know, with like their heads beaten to pulps and broken bones and bullet wounds, skin scraped across, perhaps from, you know, acid or something—it’s difficult to say—electrolysis. You know, and this is to children. I mean, how far does a regime go to try to terrify its people into stopping to pressure for change? It’s astonishing. But really quite inspiring, as well, of course, that the Syrian people are continuing to go into the streets and to demand their legitimate rights, even though they know they may get a bullet in the head.
AMY GOODMAN: Neil Sammonds, I want to thank you for being with us on the Syria-Turkish border, on the Turkish side, there for Amnesty International, joining us from Guvecci, a Turkish border village. And thank you to Razan Zaitouneh, a lawyer and human rights activist in Damascus, Syria, who risks a great deal as she reports on the recent protests.
This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. When we come back, we turn to a Canadian citizen who was tortured in Syria—not now, well, almost a decade ago. He was sent to Syria by the U.S. government. He was a victim of extraordinary rendition. He’ll talk about the situation today and then. Stay with us.
http://counterpunch.org/patrick06132011.html
June 13, 2011
Hopes for Democracy Fade as Civil Wars Grip the Arab World
Arab Spring ... Is It Fall Already?
By PATRICK COCKBURN
The Arab awakening is turning into the Arab nightmare. Instead of ushering in democracy, the uprisings in at least three Arab states are fast becoming vicious civil wars. In the past 10 days, crucial developments in Syria, Libya and Yemen have set these countries spiralling into violent and intractable struggles for power.
In Syria, thousands of troops have assaulted the northern town of Jisr al-Shughour where the government claims 120 of its soldiers and police were killed last week. Leaving aside exactly how they died, the government in Damascus is making it lethally clear that in future its opponents, peaceful opponents or not, will be treated as if they were armed gunmen. An extraordinary aspect of the Syrian uprisings is that people go on demonstrating in their tens of thousands despite so many being shot down. But some are evidently coming to believe that their only alternative is to fight back.
A week ago in Yemen, the demonstrators, who have been marching and rallying in the streets of Sanaa since the start of the year, celebrated jubilantly on hearing the news that President Ali Abdullah Saleh had left the country for hospital in Saudi Arabia after being injured in a bomb attack. "The people, at last, have defeated the regime," the protesters chanted. But it is ludicrous to portray this as a triumph for peaceful protest, since the reason Saleh went to Riyadh was injuries inflicted by a bomb planted in the presidential compound. It is becoming depressingly clear that the Saleh regime is not as dependent on the presence of the president himself as many imagined. Other members of the Saleh clan are in command of well-armed and well-trained military units that remain in control of most of Yemen.
Even before what was clearly a well-planned assassination attempt against Saleh, the street protesters were looking marginalized. They were able to stay in "Change Square" only because traditional players, including powerful tribal and military leaders, had switched sides and were defending them.
Is Yemen on the way to permanent confrontation of the type that reduced Somalia to ruinous anarchy? In the past, Yemenis often argued that, while Yemeni politics was very divisive and violent, the ruling elite had a remarkable capacity to reach last-minute compromises. Maybe this was true, but the failure to evict the Saleh clan, even when its leader is out of the country, bodes ill and opens the way for a collapse of state authority.
Libya has also moved a long way from the democratic hopes of February. An important signal since the start of June has been the intervention of Nato attack helicopters, making the rebels more an auxiliary force in a foreign-run campaign. The deployment of the rebels is now largely decided by Nato, without whose air power the local anti-Gaddafi forces would long ago have been defeated. Many Libyans want Gaddafi to go, but the Transitional National Council in Benghazi may not have the legitimacy or the support to replace him. He is very likely to be displaced before the end of the year, but this will be a victory primarily won by Nato and not popular revolution.
A fourth country where the Arab awakening seemed to be on the verge of success is Bahrain. But since the Saudi-led intervention, and the assault on pro-democracy protesters and the Shia population as a whole since 15 March, this tiny kingdom has been convulsed by a civil war that rages just beneath the surface. The decision by Bahraini al-Khalifa royals to play the sectarian card and pretend the demand for democratic reform was a revolutionary plot orchestrated by Iran has won many believers among the Sunni. Quite why the family should have decided to declare war on most of the Arab population of Bahrain remains something of a mystery since this will make it permanently reliant on Saudi Arabia. Probably a sense of panic, at its height in March and induced by the fall of the regimes in Tunisia and Egypt, explains the intensity of the repression in Bahrain. A price for this will be permanently to deepen the bitter hostility between Shia and Sunni.
Probably one should not be so surprised by the faltering of the mass movements associated with the Arab Spring. The surprise is rather that they should have succeeded so easily in Tunisia and Egypt. After all, so-called "velvet revolutions" do not have a high success rate. They may have worked in Eastern Europe when communism was displaced 20 years ago, but the communist leadership was not prepared to fight it out, was divided, massively unpopular and hoped to be part of the new order. A better parallel to the Arab Spring is the Green movement's attempt to stage a velvet revolution in Iran in 2009, which signally failed. Even if the election of that year was fixed by the Iranian government, it still had a core of committed supporters in the Revolutionary Guards. The urban poor never joined the protests en masse as they did in Tunisia and Egypt.
The lesson of the past six months in the Arab world is that unless the street protesters can split or guarantee the neutrality of the armed forces, their chance of success is limited. Their only option is to get full-scale foreign military intervention, as has happened in Libya. In practice, this means obtaining support from the US, even if the military action is carried out by the UK and France. It was the fear in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf monarchies this year that they no longer had a guarantee of support from Washington that panicked them into their violent onslaught on protesters in Bahrain.
The foreign media – notably al-Jazeera and satellite channels – played a central part in opening the way for the Arab Spring. Censorship, control of information and communications played an important role in the establishment of the police states that monopolized power in the Arab world from the 1970s. But this control has been weakened by the internet, satellite television and mobile phone.
At the same time, not all the instruments of power have changed. Security forces remained. The spontaneous nature of the Arab uprising was at first an advantage because the police did not know who to arrest, but this lack of leadership became a disadvantage when the revolution faced opposition. The moderation of the early protesters is turning out to be a crippling weakness as rulers fight for power.
SNIP
(Worth reading the rest... about persecution of Bahraini poet and resistance leader Ayat al-Gormezi, who has been sentenced to a year in prison for reading poetry against the monarchy at a protest!)
The lesson of the past six months in the Arab world is that unless the street protesters can split or guarantee the neutrality of the armed forces, their chance of success is limited. Their only option is to get full-scale foreign military intervention, as has happened in Libya.
AlicetheKurious wrote:The lesson of the past six months in the Arab world is that unless the street protesters can split or guarantee the neutrality of the armed forces, their chance of success is limited. Their only option is to get full-scale foreign military intervention, as has happened in Libya.
This is a shocking statement. He is essentially holding up Libya as a model of "success". Jesus.
JackRiddler wrote:In cases where the army follows orders to crush a rebellion, losing factions have in fact often tried to get a US or NATO military intervention. We've seen this with the Kosovo Albanians, the Iraqi Kurds and now some of the Libyan rebels. I think many of them were real protesters for freedom and genuinely desperate in facing a military crackdown, and they made that mistake. I don't blame them; I blame US, France and NATO for seizing the opportunity for an imperialist adventure under the false rhetoric of "humanitarian intervention," even as they prop up the oil kingdoms against their rebellions. As a result, the Libyan rebel movement is now fronted by Gaddafi insiders who opportunistically turned to NATO, and now appears to be run straight out of Langley and DC. It's a tragedy..
The revolution will be painted: Cairo street art
A blossoming of street art on the streets of Cairo celebrates the first phase of the Egyptian revolution. But as corporations and the military regime attempt to co-opt and undermine it, graffiti is also reflecting efforts to continue the revolution.
This mural recently appeared in Cairo a few blocks away from Tahrir Square. On a wall scarred by street fights--punctured with bullet holes and charred by molatov cocktails--a piano has emerged. This is reminiscent of a slogan that appeared on the walls of Paris during the uprising in May '68--"Sous les pavés, la plage." (Under the paving stones, the beach.)--and speaks to the spirit of collective optimism of the Egyptian revolution, which toppled a tyrant and is creatively reclaiming the streets.
There is also more direct celebrations, like this one in Tahrir Square: "Enjoy the revolution". On the left hand side in faint letters is another message, "long live freedom". This graffiti is not only a celebration but an act of ongoing resistance. As street artist Ganzeer explained, "Creating graffiti involves taking ownership of the streets, just like we did during the uprising. And so of course it's political, and illegal." The wall has also become a place to mobilize for further protests continuing the demands of revolution: it includes posters mobilizing for May Day demonstration for workers rights, and rallies in solidarity with Palestine.
The revolution is not simply about a ballot box--as Egyptian activists recently explained in a video--but is about justice, dignity, fair wages, accessible healthcare, and other socioeconomic issues. This is obvious from the new walls of Cairo, where one of the most popular signs on the street art is not the ballot box but the fist--a sign of united struggle against injustice. The fist appears on many walls of Cairo--from a stencil showing a red fist (including a cross and a crescent on the fingers) smashing a tank, to a poster for May Day protests--reflecting the strength of the revolution, from the unity built betweem Muslims and Christians, to the emergence of strikes that finally drove Mubarak from power and that are continuing to push the revolution forward.
WILL THE REVOLUTION BE CO-OPTED?
But the military regime and corporations are trying to limit the scope of the revolution to the political reforms that have been won, divorcing them from the social and economic demands that were part and parcel of the revolution and that continue to be raised. The regime is attacking the strength of the revolution--banning strikes and demonstrations, and overseeing attacks on a women's rights march and the burning of a Coptic church--yet still claiming the mantle of revolution. While the May Day poster was recently taken down from Tahrir Square, the Egyptian tourism industry has taken up the fist to promote itself. Meanwhile corporations are making use of the revolutionary spirit to market themselves: a mural showing demonstrations rising out of Egypt's flag has been replicated by a Kleenex company.![]()
The ongoing revolution--a battle between the regime and the corporations they serve on the one hand, and ordinary Egyptians on the other--is reflected on the walls of Cairo over the memory of those who died in the uprising. A mural commemorating the martyr Islam Raafat was erased by the government, prompting outrage over censorship and a remake of the mural (the photo to the right is the second version).
The same regime that is censoring street art depictions of martyrs (which show them as vibrant and active participants in the revolution) has plastered Cairo with posters and stickers depicting Tantawi, head of the military regime, claiming to honour the martyrs (depicted as passive victims, while ignoring that it was the military regime that killed them). This reflects broader attempts by the regime to co-opt the revolution: the military regime has claimed that Egyptian doctors are traitors to the revolution by striking for better health care, while the state controlled unions have labeled the emergence of independent trade unions as "the counter-revolution among the workers". Just as Stalin's counter-revolution used the language of socialism, so the military regime in Egypt is using the language and symbolism of revolution in an attempt to reverse the new movement for change.
PERMANENT REVOLUTION
It's in this context that the work of street artists like Ganzeer is so powerful. He has criticized the "mindless nationalism" of some graffiti, and instead used street art to expose the regime and continue the revolution. One of his largest works of street art, under the 6 October Bridge (location of a key point during the uprising when protesters successfully fought back police and joined Tahrir Square), shows a military tank heading towards an Egyptian cyclist carrying a breadbasket. The soldier in the tank has his visor down, a sign of imminent confrontation, while the breadbasket looks like a city full of people. This mural challenges the myth that the people and the army are one, and raises questions over the future of the Egyptian revolution as these two forces--the people and the military regime--face a collision course.
Ganzeer has also been much more direct in criticizing the regime, with this mural--"the people want to bring down regime lovers". The work (see the original here) features Mubarak arm in arm with Tantawi, the culture minister, and future presidential candidate Amr Moussa--a visual depiction of the continuity of the Mubarak regime that the revolution has yet to change. No sooner had this appeared that it was defaced. Ganzeer was also arrested after putting up posters depicting someone blindfolded and gagged with the words, "New..the Freedom Mask! Greetings from the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to the beloved people. Now available in the market for an unlimited time".
While the regime is trying to undermine the revolution, the fact that it must present itself as the defender of the revolution is a sign of weakness. Its caution was on display June 6, on the anniversary of the killing of Khaled Said: when demonstrators covered the Interior Ministry (where the regime tortures dissidents) with stencil's of Khaled's face and even posed for pictures, half a dozen vans full of riot police passively looked on.
Street art, reflecting the political freedoms won during the first phase of the revolution, is raising people's confidence for the second phase. As Egyptian journalist and activist Hossam El-Hamalawy wrote in The Guardian,
"This is phase two of the revolution, the phase of socio-economic change. What we need to do now is take Tahrir to the factories, the universities, the workplaces. In every single institution in this country there is a mini-Mubarak who needs to be overthrown."
http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2011/06/25/v ... odern.html
McClatchy Washington Bureau
Posted on Sat, Jun. 25, 2011
U.S. fares poorly in first modern polling of Egyptian views
Hannah Allam | McClatchy Newspapers
last updated: June 25, 2011 05:53:08 PM
CAIRO — Egyptians largely reject U.S. involvement in Egypt and appear split on whether to extend the longstanding peace treaty with neighboring Israel. They overwhelmingly support the revolution and are eager to vote without delay, but haven't yet identified a trusted party or politician to steer the nation toward their vision of an Islam-compatible democracy.
That's the portrait emerging of Egypt's millions-strong electorate as the country prepares for the first vote since the fall of President Hosni Mubarak, according to survey results released in recent weeks by U.S. polling firms. With no single group garnering more than 15 percent of public support and the majority of voters still undecided, the poll results augur a closely contested parliamentary election this fall.
Until this year, such detailed polling was unheard of here — the government strictly controlled what questions outside pollsters could ask. Anything that might have exposed Mubarak's deep unpopularity and Egyptians' pent-up rage over rampant corruption, police brutality and poverty was strictly off limits.
Now, however, polling firms have a mostly free hand to ask what they will — though they apparently still aren't allowed to probe whether the Egyptian military, which runs the country, should continue receiving billions of dollars in aid from the United States. Surveyors have rushed in to take advantage, some even setting up permanent offices in Cairo. Poll workers are crisscrossing the country, popping up in urban slums and rural villages with questions on once-taboo topics.
The result is an unprecedented look at voter attitudes in the Arab world's most populous country.
"Confidence in the military, confidence in the judicial system, corruption in government — all of that used to be out," said Dalia Mogahed, director of the Gallup Center for Muslim Studies and a member of U.S. President Barack Obama's faith-based partnerships advisory council. "We really have seen an opening and a dramatic improvement that allows us to ask, basically, whatever we want."
Results already are out from three major scientific surveys — the Pew Research Center, Gallup and International Republican Institute — as well as from a rash of informal polls conducted by nonprofit groups, local newspaper websites and blogs.
Even Egypt's interim military rulers have jumped on the poll bandwagon, posting a survey last week on their official Facebook page that asked Egyptians to choose their favorite presidential candidate from a list of leading contenders. Professional pollsters dismissed the military's survey as unscientific and limited only to the estimated one-fifth of Egyptians with Internet access; activists complained that the generals were trying to influence elections.
Egyptian web users, however, appeared eager to participate. As of Saturday, more than 185,000 had "voted," with Nobel laureate and former U.N. atomic energy chief Mohamed ElBaradei in the lead. (None of the scientific polls showed ElBaradei with comparable popular support.)
"We have more than 40 million eligible voters and such polls could never reflect the opinions of people living in the countryside who are sometimes illiterate or have no access to the Internet," complained a skeptical Amr Darrag, a senior officer in the Muslim Brotherhood's new Freedom and Justice Party.
Across the board, the more scientific polls' findings reveal a cautiously hopeful Egypt where citizens are happy Mubarak is gone and half as likely now to seek opportunities in another country. Residents express high support for democracy and civil liberties, but are more concerned with the immediate struggles of finding jobs, improving security and feeding their families.
The results also challenge some widely held notions about Egyptian participation and awareness of the anti-Mubarak uprising. Contrary to the narrative of a "Facebook revolution," for example, the vast majority of Egyptians followed the rebellion through television or word of mouth. Twitter, one poll found, "barely registered."
In a result that startled some secular politicians, Egyptians said they were in favor of religious figures playing an advisory role in a democratic government that's "informed by religious values," according to survey results. But for all the fears over Islamists filling the political void, poll findings showed that the Muslim Brotherhood and other religious groups face stiff competition from moderates and liberals.
"This shows us that the coming government most probably will be a coalition government and not controlled by one trend," said Wael Nawara, a senior member of the liberal Democratic Front Party, who's studied the results to better understand constituents. "But it also tells us we need a presidential government, not a parliamentary one, or we might suffer coalition-government problems and start facing the challenges of instability."
Mogahed said Gallup has polled in Egypt for the past decade, albeit with severe restrictions on questioning. Egypt's poll-monitoring body, the Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics, used to strike 30 or more questions from Gallup surveys, she said, and that was even after the firm self-censored to avoid broaching presidential succession, government corruption and other red lines.
For the latest Gallup poll, "Egypt from Tahrir to Transition," the government agency banned only a couple of questions, including one about whether Egyptians support U.S. military aid, Mogahed said. The matter is an especially prickly one for the typically reclusive generals who, as the interim rulers of Egypt, are forced to respond to the revolutionaries' demand to wean the nation from a longtime reliance on foreign aid. Egypt receives an annual U.S. aid package of up to $2 billion, the second highest after Israel.
The Gallup poll found that 75 percent of Egyptians oppose U.S. aid to political groups, and 68 percent think the United States will try to exert direct influence over Egypt's political future. Two-thirds of Egyptians disagreed that the United States is serious about encouraging democracy in the Middle East and North Africa, according to Gallup, perhaps an indication of public frustration over the U.S. government's perceived muted or belated support for Arab Spring uprisings.
"Our scorecard wasn't too good on the polling. It certainly gives us something to work on," said a diplomat based in the region, referring to the suspicion Egyptian respondents expressed toward the United States.
Some of the savviest Egyptian politicians — including presidential contender and former Arab League chief Amr Moussa and advisers to his rival, ElBaradei — have received private briefings on the poll results, presumably to ensure their platforms are in line with voter priorities.
Less seasoned politicians, however, are still unfamiliar with scientific polls and can't grasp how the methodology works in surveying a country as big and diverse as Egypt. Mogahed reassured them that the same approach is used in elections in the United States for more than 300 million people.
Getting politicians to understand and buy into the process is "the hardest thing," she said, adding, "To explain how 1,000 people represent 87 million would require, literally, a class in statistics."
(Special correspondent Mohannad Sabry contributed.)
MORE FROM MCCLATCHY:
Egypt's Islamists use charity to win friends - and votes
New Egypt? 7,000 civilians jailed since Mubarak fell
Egyptian celebrities who backed Mubarak become pariahs
Egypt sets Aug. 3 for Mubarak's 'trial of the century'
Egypt's hard-line Islamists speak up, creating unease
Follow McClatchy on Twitter.
McClatchy Newspapers 2011
Okay! May we join your celebration like this?AlicetheKurious wrote:... Ok, allow me to indulge in a harmless little fantasy, that my rather frantic and sustained email and personal communications directed at some influential people had something to do with this... Just let me, ok?
Allegro wrote:I thought this a good time for another listen... Right?
Battle breaks out in Tahrir Square, once again
Security forces and demonstrators clash in Cairo after former interior minister's trial is put off without explanation
Jack Shenker in Cairo
The Guardian, Wednesday 29 June 2011
Clashes between protesters and security forces engulfed Cairo once again on Tuesday night, as the fiercest street battles since the fall of Hosni Mubarak left dozens injured.
Fighting began after dark, following earlier protests by relatives of those killed during this spring's uprising.
Armed central security police showered Tahrir Square with tear gas canisters and fired bullets into the air as several thousand demonstrators amassed and called for the resignation of Egypt's de facto head of state, Field Marshall Mohamed Hussein Tantawi.
Some members of the crowd tore up paving stones and threw them towards police lines.
The Guardian witnessed successive volleys of tear gas launched into the square and surrounding streets by government forces, including towards areas where ambulances had congregated to treat the wounded. Injured protesters, mostly with head wounds and gas inhalation, were carried to safety on the shoulders of fellow demonstrators.
"Mubarak was nothing – this is the revolution," said one man caught by tear gas.
The interior ministry blamed a group of "thugs" for the unrest, claiming that they had disrupted an event held earlier in the day to commemorate the martyrs of the revolution and went on to attack the ministry headquarters.
Protesters vociferously denied that suggestion, insisting that the police had attacked unarmed relatives of the martyrs – an account seemingly backed up by unverified videos posted on YouTube.
The violence came after the trial of the former interior minister, Habib al-Adly, on the charge of unlawfully killing pro-change protesters had been delayed by a judge this week, with no reason given to the public. "People are saying that we've replaced one Habib al-Adly with another," said Mostafa Hussein, a 30-year-old activist in Tahrir.
"They believe the interior ministry has returned to its former incarnation under the Mubarak regime."
Also on Tuesday, an administrative court ordered the dissolution of Egypt's 1750 municipal councils, a form of local government that was almost entirely controlled by the old ruling NDP party and was a key tool of control for Mubarak's dictatorship.
Revolutionary activists have long demanded that the councils be disbanded, pointing out that in "elections" held in 2008 over 99% of open seats were awarded to Mubarak allies. However it is not yet clear whether the interim government will implement the judicial ruling.
Almost 1,000 people are believed to have died in the year's 25 January revolution, in which Mubarak's black-suited central security troops were beaten off the streets by a mass uprising. Since the resignation of the former president, Egypt has been run by the armed forces who have promised a swift transition to a democratic civilian government. But many fear that the pace of change has been too slow, accusing generals of hijacking the revolution and failing to hold members of the old regime to account.
"For those that had loved ones killed in January – and indeed all those who lived through that time – just the sight of the Amin al-Markazi [central security forces] on the streets is a provocation in itself," a doctor who had been treating the injured told the Guardian.
"People are shouting 'our revolution is being stolen'. The situation is very tense."
In the early hours of the morning, Tahrir Square remained shrouded in gas with the battle continuing. Activists took to Twitter and other social media sites to call for medical supplies and people to join the gathering.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/ju ... e-tear-gas
Users browsing this forum: No registered users and 4 guests