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by seemslikeadream » Wed Apr 29, 2015 9:50 pm
Gray was banging against van walls, prisoner says
Peter Hermann 8:10 PM ET
According to a police document obtained by The Post, a prisoner in a separate compartment of the same Baltimore police van as Freddie Gray told officers he believed Gray was trying to hurt himself.
by Grizzly » Wed Apr 29, 2015 10:29 pm
this story is bullshit ...btw
by seemslikeadream » Wed Apr 29, 2015 10:30 pm
https://twitter.com/jemillerwbal
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 23
BPD Comm Anthony Batts says 2nd prisoner in van with Freddie Gray reports no erratic driving by van driver and Gray mostly quiet
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Dundalk, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 23
Mayor SRB has canceled her fundraiser for next week due to ongoing Freddie Gray investigation
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 23
Freddie Gray family met with BPD Commissioner Anthony Batts at BPD HQ today
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 23
New info: city paramedics spent 20 mins at Western Dist precinct w/ Freddie Gray before heading to Shock Trauma. Call was "unconscious male"
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Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 23
Mayor SRB holding fundraiser next week 4/29 with VIP ticket priced at $6000. 2 days before report due on Freddie Gray
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 22
Sources: BPD wagon driver in Freddie Gray case is awaiting disciplinary action for allowing previous prisoner to escape from hospital detail
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 22
Mayor SRB: while people in Balto appreciate drop in crime in recent yrs they are "mad as hell at how they were being treated by police"
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 22
Mayor SRB says she tried to meet with family of Freddie Gray but was declined by family lawyer
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 22
Mayor SRB: Outside investigation of Freddie Gray death by DOJ will help get to bottom of what happened
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Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 21
Fed investigation into Freddie Gray death will likely examine why he was stopped in the first place. Focus of our story @wbaltv11 at 5 & 6
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 21
Lt Brian Rice, now suspended in Freddie Gray case, was recognized as hero in 1998 for saving life of 2 yr old girl from fire
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 21
45 yr old police wagon driver in Freddie Gray case described by colleague as even-tempered.."wouldn't put a hand on anyone"
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 21
Two of the officers named in the Freddie Gray case appear to be neighbors in Carroll Co
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Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 21
BPD just released names of 6 officers suspended in Freddie Gray death in custody investigation. Incl:: one sgt and one lt.
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 20
BPD confirms Freddie Gray requested medical attn. When? Unknown according t to BPD
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 20
BPD confirms that 2nd prisoner was picked up in wagon carrying Freddie Gray
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 20
Only 1 Citi Watch camera captured any of Freddie Gray incident. ..and it is not much
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 20
BPD: autopsy shows Freddie Gray suffered serious injury to spinal cord that caused his death. No broken limbs or other injury to his body
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 20
Officers involved in Freddie Gray case have been suspended
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Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 20
BPD Comm Anthony Batts ordering new procedures for transport of prisoners incl ensuring prisoner gets medical attn when requested
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Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 20
Lots of media for Freddie Gray news conf by police and Mayor
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Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 20
It appears BPD and Mayor SRB, at a news conf in a few minutes, are going to make public video from Citi Watch cameras of Freddie Gray case
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 20
For the record, there are no cameras inside BPD Police wagons. ..according to investigator.
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Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 20
Investigators from Balto State's Atty's office were in W Balto this afternoon interviewing witnesses in Freddie Gray death in custody case
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 20
Small group of demonstrators demand answers in death of Freddie Gray, who died in BPD custody. At City Hall
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Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 19
Sources: Freddy Gray was "unresponsive" in BPD van when it stopped to pick up 2nd prisoner. Medics weren't called til van got to precinct
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Edgemere, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 19
BPD policy requires officers to get medical attention for person in custody when " necessary or requested".
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Edgemere, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 19
ICYMI: New witness Friday told I-Team BPD officers "threw" Freddy Gray into police van "headfirst" after he was cuffed on wrists and ankles
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Edgemere, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 19
With death of Freddy Gray, autopsy will be crucial to investigation, determining cause and manner of death. Gray suffered a broken neck
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Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 17
Freddy Gray remains in critical condition. Latest @wbaltv11 at 5 and 6
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Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 17
New witness: cops "threw" Freddy Gray in a BPD wagon "head first" while cuffed on his wrists and ankles. Gray's neck was broken in custody.
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Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 16
Just heard on scanner: BPD officers are to report in not only when they have a suspect in custody but also that he/she is buckled in
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Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · Apr 16
New info from BPD about man critically injured 4/12 in police custody shows it took 30 mins for police wagon to transport man 3 blocks
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by justdrew » Wed Apr 29, 2015 11:24 pm
seemslikeadream » 29 Apr 2015 17:50 wrote:Gray was banging against van walls, prisoner says
Peter Hermann 8:10 PM ET
According to a police document obtained by The Post, a prisoner in a separate compartment of the same Baltimore police van as Freddie Gray told officers he believed Gray was trying to hurt himself.
this story is bullshit ...btw
by Nordic » Thu Apr 30, 2015 1:13 am
Eyewitnesses: The Baltimore Riots Didn't Start the Way You Think
Baltimore teachers and parents tell a different story from the one you've been reading in the media.
After Baltimore police and a crowd of teens clashed near the Mondawmin Mall in northwest Baltimore on Monday afternoon, news reports described the violence as a riot triggered by kids who had been itching for a fight all day. But in interviews with Mother Jones and other media outlets, teachers and parents maintain that police actions inflamed a tense-but-stable situation.
The funeral of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died in police custody this month, had ended hours earlier at a nearby church. According to the Baltimore Sun, a call to "purge"—a reference to the 2013 dystopian film in which all crime is made legal for one night—circulated on social media among school-aged Baltimoreans that morning. The rumored plan—which was not traced to any specific person or group—was to assemble at the Mondawmin Mall at 3 p.m. and proceed down Pennsylvania Avenue toward downtown Baltimore. The Baltimore Police Department, which was aware of the "purge" call, prepared for the worst. Shortly before noon, the department issued a statement saying it had "received credible information that members of various gangs…have entered into a partnership to 'take-out' law enforcement officers."
When school let out that afternoon, police were in the area equipped with full riot gear. According to eyewitnesses in the Mondawmin neighborhood, the police were stopping busses and forcing riders, including many students who were trying to get home, to disembark. Cops shut down the local subway stop. They also blockaded roads near the Mondawmin Mall and Frederick Douglass High School, which is across the street from the mall, and essentially corralled young people in the area. That is, they did not allow the after-school crowd to disperse.
Meghann Harris, a teacher at a nearby school, described on Facebook what happened:
Police were forcing busses to stop and unload all their passengers. Then, [Frederick Douglass High School] students, in huge herds, were trying to leave on various busses but couldn't catch any because they were all shut down. No kids were yet around except about 20, who looked like they were waiting for police to do something. The cops, on the other hand, were in full riot gear, marching toward any small social clique of students…It looked as if there were hundreds of cops.
The kids were "standing around in groups of 3-4," Harris said in a Facebook message to Mother Jones. "They weren't doing anything. No rock throwing, nothing…The cops started marching toward groups of kids who were just milling about."
A teacher at Douglass High School, who asked not to be identified, tells a similar story: "When school was winding down, many students were leaving early with their parents or of their own accord." Those who didn't depart early, she says, were stranded. Many of the students still at school at that point, she notes, wanted to get out of the area and avoid any Purge-like violence. Some were requesting rides home from teachers. But by now, it was difficult to leave the neighborhood. "I rode with another teacher home," this teacher recalls, "and we had to route our travel around the police in riot gear blocking the road…The majority of my students thought what was going to happen was stupid or were frightened at the idea. Very few seemed to want to participate in 'the purge.'"
A parent who picked up his children from a nearby elementary school, says via Twitter, "The kids stood across from the police and looked like they were asking them 'why can't we get on the buses' but the police were just gazing…Majority of those kids aren't from around that neighborhood. They NEED those buses and trains in order to get home." He continued: "If they would've let them children go home, yesterday wouldn't have even turned out like that."
Meg Gibson, another Baltimore teacher, described a similar scene to Gawker: "The riot police were already at the bus stop on the other side of the mall, turning buses that transport the students away, not allowing students to board. They were waiting for the kids…Those kids were set up, they were treated like criminals before the first brick was thrown." With police unloading busses, and with the nearby metro station shut down, there were few ways for students to clear out.
Several eyewitnesses in the area that afternoon say that police seemed to arrive at Mondawmin anticipating mobs and violence—prior to any looting. At 3:01 p.m., the Baltimore Police Department posted on its Facebook page: "There is a group of juveniles in the area of Mondawmin Mall. Expect traffic delays in the area." But many of the kids, according to eyewitnesses, were stuck there because of police actions.
The Baltimore Police Department did not respond to requests for comment.
Around 3:30, the police reported that juveniles had begun to throw bottles and bricks. Fifteen minutes later, the police department noted that one of its officers had been injured. After that the violence escalated, and rioters started looting the Mondawmin Mall, and Baltimore was in for a long night of trouble and violence. But as the event is reviewed and investigated, an important question warrants attention: What might have happened had the police not prevented students from leaving the area? Did the department's own actions increase the chances of conflict?
As Meghann Harris put it, "if I were a Douglas student that just got trapped in the middle of a minefield BY cops without any way to get home and completely in harm's way, I'd be ready to pop off, too."
On social media, eyewitnesses chronicled the dramatic police presence before the rioting began:
by 82_28 » Thu Apr 30, 2015 3:19 am
by Luther Blissett » Thu Apr 30, 2015 9:42 am
by seemslikeadream » Thu Apr 30, 2015 9:51 am
Luther Blissett » Thu Apr 30, 2015 8:42 am wrote:There was another arrestee in the truck with Gray during the latter half of his ride who said he was just quietly sitting there.
by 82_28 » Thu Apr 30, 2015 10:45 am
by zangtang » Thu Apr 30, 2015 10:55 am
by seemslikeadream » Thu Apr 30, 2015 11:04 am
by Luther Blissett » Thu Apr 30, 2015 1:12 pm
From Ferguson to Baltimore: The Fruits of Government-Sponsored Segregation
Posted April 29, 2015 at 2:46 pm by RICHARD ROTHSTEIN
In Baltimore in 1910, a black Yale law school graduate purchased a home in a previously all-white neighborhood. The Baltimore city government reacted by adopting a residential segregation ordinance, restricting African Americans to designated blocks. Explaining the policy, Baltimore’s mayor proclaimed, “Blacks should be quarantined in isolated slums in order to reduce the incidence of civil disturbance, to prevent the spread of communicable disease into the nearby White neighborhoods, and to protect property values among the White majority.”
Thus began a century of federal, state, and local policies to quarantine Baltimore’s black population in isolated slums—policies that continue to the present day, as federal housing subsidy policies still disproportionately direct low-income black families to segregated neighborhoods and away from middle class suburbs.
Whenever young black men riot in response to police brutality or murder, as they have done in Baltimore this week, we’re tempted to think we can address the problem by improving police quality—training officers not to use excessive force, implementing community policing, encouraging police to be more sensitive, prohibiting racial profiling, and so on. These are all good, necessary, and important things to do. But such proposals ignore the obvious reality that the protests are not really (or primarily) about policing.
In 1968, following hundreds of similar riots nationwide, a commission appointed by President Lyndon Johnson concluded that “[o]ur nation is moving toward two societies, one black, one white—separate and unequal” and that “[s]egregation and poverty have created in the racial ghetto a destructive environment totally unknown to most white Americans.” The Kerner Commission (headed by Illinois Governor Otto Kerner) added that “[w]hat white Americans have never fully understood—but what the Negro can never forget—is that white society is deeply implicated in the ghetto. White institutions created it, white institutions maintain it, and white society condones it.”
In the last 50 years, the two societies have become even more unequal. Although a relatively small black middle class has been permitted to integrate itself into mainstream America, those left behind are more segregated now than they were in 1968.
When the Kerner Commission blamed “white society” and “white institutions,” it employed euphemisms to avoid naming the culprits everyone knew at the time. It was not a vague white society that created ghettos but government—federal, state, and local—that employed explicitly racial laws, policies, and regulations to ensure that black Americans would live impoverished, and separately from whites. Baltimore’s ghetto was not created by private discrimination, income differences, personal preferences, or demographic trends, but by purposeful action of government in violation of the Fifth, Thirteenth, and Fourteenth Amendments. These constitutional violations have never been remedied, and we are paying the price in the violence we saw this week.
Following the police killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, last August, I wrote The Making of Ferguson, a history of the state-sponsored segregation in St. Louis County that set the stage for police-community hostility there. Virtually every one of the racially explicit federal, state, and local policies of segregation pursued in St. Louis has a parallel in policies pursued by government in Baltimore.
In 1917, the U.S. Supreme Court found ordinances like Baltimore’s 1910 segregation rule unconstitutional, not because they abridged African Americans’ rights to live where they could afford, but because they restricted the property rights of (white) homeowners to sell to whomever they wished. Baltimore’s mayor responded by instructing city building inspectors and health department investigators to cite for code violations anyone who rented or sold to blacks in predominantly white neighborhoods. Five years later, the next Baltimore mayor formalized this approach by forming an official Committee on Segregation and appointing the City Solicitor to lead it. The committee coordinated the efforts of the building and health departments with those of the real estate industry and white community organizations to apply pressure to any whites tempted to sell or rent to blacks. Members of the city’s real estate board, for example, accompanied building and health inspectors to warn property owners not to violate the city’s color line.
In 1925, 18 Baltimore neighborhood associations came together to form the “Allied Civic and Protective Association” for the purpose of urging both new and existing property owners to sign restrictive covenants, which committed owners never to sell to an African American. Where neighbors jointly signed a covenant, any one of them could enforce it by asking a court to evict an African American family who purchased property in violation. Restrictive covenants were not merely private agreements between homeowners; they frequently had government sanction. In Baltimore, the city-sponsored Committee on Segregation organized neighborhood associations throughout the city that could circulate and enforce such covenants.
Supplementing the covenants, African Americans were prevented from moving to white neighborhoods by explicit policy of the Federal Housing Administration (FHA), which barred suburban subdivision developers from qualifying for federally subsidized construction loans unless the developers committed to exclude African Americans from the community. The FHA also barred African Americans themselves from obtaining bank mortgages for house purchases even in suburban subdivisions which were privately financed without federal construction loan guarantees. The FHA not only refused to insure mortgages for black families in white neighborhoods, it also refused to insure mortgages in black neighborhoods—a policy that came to be known as “redlining,” because neighborhoods were colored red on government maps to indicate that these neighborhoods should be considered poor credit risks as a consequence of African Americans living in (or even near) them.
Unable to get mortgages, and restricted to overcrowded neighborhoods where housing was in short supply, African Americans either rented apartments at rents considerably higher than those for similar dwellings in white neighborhoods, or bought homes on installment plans. These arrangements, known as contract sales, differed from mortgages because monthly payments were not amortized, so a single missed payment meant loss of a home, with no accumulated equity. In the Atlantic last year, Ta-Nehisi Coates described how this system worked in Chicago. Rutgers University historian Beryl Satter described it this way:Because black contract buyers knew how easily they could lose their homes, they struggled to make their inflated monthly payments. Husbands and wives both worked double shifts. They neglected basic maintenance. They subdivided their apartments, crammed in extra tenants and, when possible, charged their tenants hefty rents. …
White people observed that their new black neighbors overcrowded and neglected their properties. Overcrowded neighborhoods meant overcrowded schools; in Chicago, officials responded by “double-shifting” the students (half attending in the morning, half in the afternoon). Children were deprived of a full day of schooling and left to fend for themselves in the after-school hours. These conditions helped fuel the rise of gangs, which in turn terrorized shop owners and residents alike.
In the end, whites fled these neighborhoods, not only because of the influx of black families, but also because they were upset about overcrowding, decaying schools and crime. They also understood that the longer they stayed, the less their property would be worth. But black contract buyers did not have the option of leaving a declining neighborhood before their properties were paid for in full—if they did, they would lose everything they’d invested in that property to date. Whites could leave—blacks had to stay.
The contract buying system was commonplace in Baltimore. Its existence was solely due to the federal government’s policy of denying mortgages to African Americans, in either black or white neighborhoods.
Nationwide, black family incomes are now about 60 percent of white family incomes, but black household wealth is only about 5 percent of white household wealth. In Baltimore and elsewhere, the distressed condition of African American working- and lower-middle-class families is almost entirely attributable to federal policy that prohibited black families from accumulating housing equity during the suburban boom that moved white families into single-family homes from the mid-1930s to the mid-1960s—and thus from bequeathing that wealth to their children and grandchildren, as white suburbanites have done.
As I described in the Making of Ferguson, the federal government maintained a policy of segregation in public housing nationwide for decades. This was as true in northeastern cities like New York as it was in border cities like Baltimore and St. Louis. In 1994, civil rights groups sued the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), alleging that HUD had segregated its public housing in Baltimore and then, after it had concentrated the poorest African American families in projects in the poorest neighborhoods, HUD and the city of Baltimore demolished the projects, and purposely relocated the former residents into other segregated black neighborhoods. An eventual settlement required the government to provide vouchers to former public housing residents for apartments in integrated neighborhoods, and supported this provision with counseling and social services to ensure that families’ moves to integrated neighborhoods would have a high likelihood of success. Although the program is generally considered a model, it affects only a small number of families, and has not substantially dismantled Baltimore’s black ghetto.
In 1970, declaring that the federal government had established a “white noose” around ghettos in Baltimore and other cities, HUD Secretary George Romney proposed denying federal funds for sewers, water projects, parkland, or redevelopment to all-white suburbs that resisted integration by maintaining exclusionary zoning ordinances (that prohibited multi-unit construction) or by refusing to accept subsidized moderate-income or public low-income housing. In the case of Baltimore County, he withheld a sewer grant that had previously been committed, because of the county’s policies of residential segregation. It was a very controversial move, but Romney got support from Vice President Spiro Agnew, who had been frustrated by unreasonable suburban resistance to integration and mixed income developments when he had been the Baltimore County Executive and governor of Maryland. In a 1970 speech to the National Alliance of Businessmen, Agnew attacked attempts to solve the country’s racial problems by pouring money into the inner city as had been done in the Johnson administration. Agnew said that he flatly rejected the assumption that “because the primary problems of race and poverty are found in the ghettos of urban America, the solutions to these problems must also be found there… Resources needed to solve the urban poverty problem—land, money, and jobs—exist in substantial supply in suburban areas, but are not being sufficiently utilized in solving inner-city problems.”
President Richard Nixon eventually restrained Romney, HUD’s integration programs were abandoned, Romney himself was forced out as HUD Secretary, and little has been done since to solve the urban poverty problem with the substantial resources that exist in the suburbs.
Ten years ago, during the subprime lending boom, banks and other financial institutions targeted African Americans for the marketing of subprime loans. The loans had exploding interest rates and prohibitive prepayment penalties, leading to a wave of foreclosures that forced black homeowners back into ghetto apartments and devastated the middle class neighborhoods to which these families had moved. The City of Baltimore sued Wells Fargo Bank, presenting evidence that the bank had established a special unit staffed exclusively by African American bank employees who were instructed to visit black churches to market subprime loans. The bank had no similar practice of marketing such loans through white institutions. These policies were commonplace nationwide, but federal bank examiners responsible for supervising lending practices made no attempt to intervene. When a similar suit was filed in Cleveland, a federal judge observed that because mortgage lending is so heavily regulated by the federal and state governments, “there is no question that the subprime lending that occurred in Cleveland was conduct which ‘the law sanctions’.”
Baltimore, not at all uniquely, has experienced a century of public policy designed, consciously so, to segregate and impoverish its black population. A legacy of these policies is the rioting we have seen in Baltimore. Whether after the 1967 wave of riots that led to the Kerner Commission report, after the 1992 Los Angeles riot that followed the acquittal of police officers who beat Rodney King, or after the recent wave of confrontations and vandalism following police killings of black men, community leaders typically say, properly, that violence isn’t the answer and that after peace is restored, we can deal with the underlying problems. We never do so.
Certainly, African American citizens of Baltimore were provoked by aggressive, hostile, even murderous policing, but Spiro Agnew had it right. Without suburban integration, something barely on today’s public policy agenda, ghetto conditions will persist, giving rise to aggressive policing and the riots that inevitably ensue. Like Ferguson before it, Baltimore will not be the last such conflagration the nation needlessly experiences.
by seemslikeadream » Thu Apr 30, 2015 6:35 pm
https://twitter.com/jemillerwbal
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · 15m 15 minutes ago
Info given to prosecutors from BPD confirms what we have reported since Freddie Gray died. Injury suffered inside police van..not at arrest
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Baltimore, MD
Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · 4h 4 hours ago
2nd prisoner in police van. .telling us about the ride with Freddie Gray on the other side
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Jayne Miller @jemillerwbal · 4h 4 hours ago
Autopsy shows no evidence Gray banged his head against van wall
by Luther Blissett » Fri May 01, 2015 9:00 am
by 82_28 » Fri May 01, 2015 10:01 am
Luther Blissett » Fri May 01, 2015 5:00 am wrote:I was at this solidarity rally and march yesterday:
http://www.nbcphiladelphia.com/news/loc ... 53251.html
It was mostly peaceful but a lot of imposing horse-mounted cops and helicopters.
One thing I noticed that I wanted to ask the group here about: in addition to the helicopters, I also noticed white, unmarked, windowless 767s in a very low (lower than normal) flying pattern right over Center City (also an unusual path). Does anyone have any clue what that might have been? Total coincidence or does this kind of aircraft have anything to do with civil unrest?
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