Telephones Cut Off, Mousavi Arrested, Rafsanjani Resigns

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Postby Sweejak » Fri Jun 26, 2009 10:36 pm

... from Sarkozy to Sky News, the only “Iranian people” that seemingly exist this week are those wearing green.

But bias is not my gripe; the good Muslim v bad Muslim game is an old one. I care about misrepresentation. By ignoring the millions of Ahmadinejad supporters (even after counting for mass fraud) journalists and pundits have mistaken Iranian Islamists as communist bureaucrats on a payroll that might easily fold when forced to attack other Iranians. Instead, we have seen Basiji volunteers jump at the opportunity to smash their batons across the faces of men, women, and anyone else in their way.

Iranian Islamists’ allegiances do not lie with saffron rice and Hafez’s poems. They love God, then country, grind through life as factory workers and farmhands in addition to getting PhDs in engineering and medicine. Iranians loyal to their Islamic project recite prayers for their president, relish the martyrdom of Hussein, and wait for the return of their messiah. So did anyone really think that his terrestrial representative would allow more than a week of bank burnings and highway closures? Are we really shocked that the military would close rank, dissidents would be arrested, and political threats be neutralised as 250,000 US troops sit on the country’s borders and Cheney’s $400m support for regime subversion gets stamped by Obama?

Instead of trying to understand the complexity of Iranian Islamism and its fusion into the international political system, intellectuals in the west have dismissed its architects and supporters as brainwashed fanatics controlled by wicked priests. We have lived vicariously through its dissidents and exiles. We have cherished stories such as Reading Lolita in Tehran and recommended films such as Not Without My Daughter and Persepolis to our closest family and friends. It was only a matter of time, we so desperately believed.

But a match can only be lit once. Mousavi was from a generation that stood in front of the Shah’s helicopter gunships, slept in trenches before Saddam’s tanks, and waited hours in line for flour. But Tehran’s tech-savvy are far from Frantz Fanon’s lumpenproletariat. The hundreds of thousands trickled down to a few hundred this week precisely because they never came to revolt. Had they wanted a revolution, they could have had one when they crammed the streets in front of the state television and radio station. The bazaar shop owners, much less the oil refinery workers, have not gone on strike, nor will they. The opposition’s tiny political infrastructure has all but been destroyed. The revolution will not be televised – or Twittered – because it was only going to happen in our imaginations.


More:

http://pulsemedia.org/2009/06/26/voices ... -barzegar/
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Postby JackRiddler » Fri Jun 26, 2009 10:56 pm

Image

"A female supporter of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad displays her hand painted with the Iranian flag, also used as a sign for his party (Photo: AP)"

http://pulsemedia.org/2009/06/26/voices ... -barzegar/
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Postby JackRiddler » Sat Jun 27, 2009 5:47 pm

.

I simply must repeat myself, at the risk of appearing self-aggrandizing (due to my own role in it), and direct you all to check out the DU thread below for a textbook case of mass propaganda hysteria -- in spite of overwhelming evidence to the contrary -- that by all rights should be treated in sociology seminars. Also, for me, it's got the entertainment value of a good Monty Python skit.

JackRiddler wrote:.

Oi, check out this totally moronic disinformation thread on DU started by "nadinbrezinski" with an obviously photoshopped photo of a woman giving the finger to Ahmedinejad. All the cheerleaders have soft orgasms over her bravery, even after a thorough debunking of the photoshop job (see my post, No. 37). A bunch seem to think it doesn't matter if it's real, because, hey, it WOULD BE so cool if it was!

More post-reality, brought to you by TweetGoggleFace (tm).

http://www.democraticunderground.com/di ... 89x5935261
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Postby Sweejak » Sat Jun 27, 2009 6:39 pm

oops wrong thread, I think.
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Postby John Schröder » Sat Jun 27, 2009 7:00 pm

JackRiddler wrote:Also, for me, it's got the entertainment value of a good Monty Python skit.


I'm reminded of this one:



Various Peasants: Witch! A witch!

First Peasant: We have found a witch--may we burn her?

[Various calls to burn her.]

Sir Bedivere: How do you know she is a witch?

Peasants: She looks like one.

[Various calls to burn her]

Sir Bedivere: Bring her forward.

Accused Girl: I am not a witch! I am not a witch!

Sir Bedivere: But you are dressed as one.

Accused Girl: They dressed me up like this. And this isn't my nose; it's a false one.

Sir Bedivere: Well?

Second Peasant: Well, we did do the nose.

Sir Bedivere: The nose?

Second Peasant: And the hat, but she's a witch.

[Yeah, burn her!]

Sir Bedivere: Did you dress her up?

Peasants: No. No. No. No. No. Yes. Yes a bit. Well a bit. A bit. A bit. She has a wart.

Sir Bedivere: What makes you think she's a witch?

First Peasant: Oh, she turned me into a newt.

Sir Bedivere: A newt?

First Peasant: I got better.

Second Peasant: Burn her anyway! Burn her!

Sir Bedivere: Quiet! Quiet! Quiet! Quiet! There are ways of telling if she's a witch.

Peasants: Are there? What are they? Tell us!

Sir Bedivere: Tell me, what do you do with witches?

Peasants: Burn them!

Sir Bedivere: And what do you burn apart from witches?

Second Peasant: More witches!

First Peasant: Wood!

Sir Bedivere: Wood! So why do witches burn?

First Peasant: 'cause they're made of . . . wood?

Sir Bedivere: Good! So how do you tell if she is made of wood?

Peasants: Build a bridge out of her!

Sir Bedivere: Ah, but cannot you also make bridges out of stone?

Second Peasant: Ah. Yeah.

Sir Bedivere: Does wood sink in water?

Peasants: Nah, it don't. Nah, it . . . floats. It floats! Throw her into the pond!

Sir Bedivere: What also floats in water?

Peasants: Bread! Apples! Very small rocks! Cider! Grape gravy! Cherries! Rum! Churches! Churches! Lead!

King Arthur: A duck.

Sir Bedivere: Yes, exactly. So logically...?

Peasants: If she weighs the same as a duck. . . she's made of wood.

Sir Bedivere: And therefore. . . ?

Peasants: A witch? A witch! She's a witch! Burn her!

:backtotopic:
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Postby John Schröder » Sat Jun 27, 2009 7:54 pm

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree ... dissidents

Media fantasies in Iran

It was only a matter of time before revolution in Iran, believed dissidents and media in the west. They were wrong

It's not about the election, Ahmadinejad, or the even the protesters. The world has been captivated by the events in Iran because for many, Iran is to Islamism what the Soviet Union was to communism and presumably today we are somewhere near the fall of the Berlin Wall.

Indeed as the media has been telling us, all the right ingredients are here: a charismatic leader, fractions in the political hierarchy, and a critical mass of protesters. The opposition has begun shouting "Allahu Akbar" from the rooftops and wearing black to commemorate their martyrs just like they did 30 years ago. Iran's diaspora pundits and dissidents have come out in droves to tell us about the unwillingness of the police to use force on the protesters … just like they did 30 years ago. There are even dissident clerics in the fight, and better yet the protesters now have Twitter and Facebook to help.

I don't know whose cruel joke this is, but these protests have never been about a revolution nor have any of the opposition leaders ever suggested that. The accidental Mousavi social movement has been galvanised and sustained by bottled-up anger, not an ideological political vision for the future. It has rallied disparate sectors of society unhappy with the burdens of Islamic social restrictions, an economy whose horizon is always bleak, and three decades of international isolation. Crowds emerged to protest the election results but it wasn't until the ever prudent Ahmadinejad dismissed them as rubbish and blamed them for the "sin" of homosexuality that they poured on to the streets in masses. Even as they grew to the hundreds of thousands, they raised posters of Mousavi next to Khomeini and were quick to silence any hints of provocation. Yet we said this was a revolt for democracy, liberty and a Big Mac.

Our fantastic political analyses spring from idealistic liberal hopes and are symptomatic of the larger problem we have in understanding political Islam. That this crisis has been presented as one between the "Iranian people" and its government is among the greatest errors of the media coverage this week. The competing crowds of millions for and against Ahmadinejad should have been enough to indicate that the conflict was as much a social issue as it was a political one. But phrases such as "a lot of Iranians" or "Mousavi's broad constituency" make weaker soundbites than "the Iranian people." So, from Sarkozy to Sky News, the only "Iranian people" that seemingly exist this week are those wearing green.

But bias is not my gripe; the good Muslim v bad Muslim game is an old one. I care about misrepresentation. By ignoring the millions of Ahmadinejad supporters (even after counting for mass fraud) journalists and pundits have mistaken Iranian Islamists as communist bureaucrats on a payroll that might easily fold when forced to attack other Iranians. Instead, we have seen Basiji volunteers jump at the opportunity to smash their batons across the faces of men, women, and anyone else in their way.

Iranian Islamists' allegiances do not lie with saffron rice and Hafez's poems. They love God, then country, grind through life as factory workers and farmhands in addition to getting PhDs in engineering and medicine. Iranians loyal to their Islamic project recite prayers for their president, relish the martyrdom of Hussein, and wait for the return of their messiah. So did anyone really think that his terrestrial representative would allow more than a week of bank burnings and highway closures? Are we really shocked that the military would close rank, dissidents would be arrested, and political threats be neutralised as 250,000 US troops sit on the country's borders and Cheney's $400m support for regime subversion gets stamped by Obama?

Instead of trying to understand the complexity of Iranian Islamism and its fusion into the international political system, intellectuals in the west have dismissed its architects and supporters as brainwashed fanatics controlled by wicked priests. We have lived vicariously through its dissidents and exiles. We have cherished stories such as Reading Lolita in Tehran and recommended films such as Not Without My Daughter and Persepolis to our closest family and friends. It was only a matter of time, we so desperately believed.

But a match can only be lit once. Mousavi was from a generation that stood in front of the Shah's helicopter gunships, slept in trenches before Saddam's tanks, and waited hours in line for flour. But Tehran's tech-savvy are far from Frantz Fanon's lumpenproletariat. The hundreds of thousands trickled down to a few hundred this week precisely because they never came to revolt. Had they wanted a revolution, they could have had one when they crammed the streets in front of the state television and radio station. The bazaar shop owners, much less the oil refinery workers, have not gone on strike, nor will they. The opposition's tiny political infrastructure has all but been destroyed. The revolution will not be televised – or Twittered – because it was only going to happen in our imaginations.

Soon, Iran will fade from the news cycle and its horrors will blend with those of the rest of the world. Ahmadinejad will serve four years as a lame-duck president, tempered by Khamenei domestically and internationally. Mousavi, along with Khatami, will probably retire from politics while Rafsanjani secures his assets as quickly as possible. Larijani will be the supreme leader's new man and after leading the charge on election reform will probably be the next president.

Meanwhile, the "Iranian people" will continue living under the double sanction of a repressive state and an international boycott regime designed to cripple their development. Then intellectuals, journalists and diaspora Iranians such as myself can return to imagining them any way we want.
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Postby Ben D » Sat Jun 27, 2009 8:08 pm

http://www.corbettreport.com/articles/2 ... zation.htm

Destabilization 2.0

Soros, the CIA, Mossad and the new media destabilization of Iran


James Corbett
The Corbett Report
23 June, 2009

It's the 2009 presidential election in Iran and opposition leader Mir-Houssein Mousavi declares victory hours before the polls close, insuring that any result to the contrary will be called into question. Western media goes into overdrive, fighting with each other to see who can offer the most hyperbolic denunciation of the vote and President Ahmadenijad's apparent victory (BBC wins by publishing bald-faced lies about the supposed popular uprising which it is later forced to retract). On June 13th, 30000 "tweets" begin to flood Twitter with live updates from Iran, most written in English and provided by a handful of newly-registered users with identical profile photos. The Jerusalem Post writes a story about the Iran Twitter phenomenon a few hours after it starts (and who says Mossad isn't staying up to date with new media?). Now, YouTube is providing a "Breaking News" link at the top of every page linking to the latest footage of the Iranian protests (all shot in high def, no less). Welcome to Destabilization 2.0, the latest version of a program that the western powers have been running for decades in order to overthrow foreign, democratically elected governments that don't yield to the whims of western governments and multinational corporations.

Ironically, Iran was also the birthplace of the original CIA program for destabilizing a foreign government. Think of it as Destabilization 1.0: It's 1953 and democratically-elected Iranian leader Mohammed Mossadegh is following through on his election promises to nationalize industry for the Iranian people, including the oil industry of Iran which was then controlled by the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. The CIA is sent into the country to bring an end to Mossadegh's government. They begin a campaign of terror, staging bombings and attacks on Muslim targets in order to blame them on nationalist, secular Mossadegh. They foster and fund an anti-Mossadegh campaign amongst the radical Islamist elements in the country. Finally, they back the revolution that brings their favoured puppet, the Shah, into power. Within months, their mission had been accomplished: they had removed a democratically elected leader who threatened to build up an independent, secular Persian nation and replaced him with a repressive tyrant whose secret police would brutally suppress all opposition. The campaign was a success and the lead CIA agent wrote an after-action report describing the operation in glowing terms. The pattern was to be repeated time and time again in country after country (in Guatemala in 1954, in Afghanistan in the 1980s, in Serbia in the 1990s), but these operations leave the agency open to exposure. What was needed was a different plan, one where the western political and financial interests puppeteering the revolution would be more difficult to implicate in the overthrow.

Enter Destabilization 1.1. This version of the destabilization program is less messy, offering plausible deniability for the western powers who are overthrowing a foreign government. It starts when the IMF moves in to offer a bribe to a tinpot dictator in a third world country. He gets 10% in exchange for taking out an exorbitant loan for an infrastructure project that the country can't afford. When the country inevitably defaults on the loan payments, the IMF begins to take over, imposing a restructuring program that eventually results in the full scale looting of the country's resources for western business interests. This program, too, was run in country after country, from Jamaica to Myanmar, from Chile to Zimbabwe. The source code for this program was revealed in 2001, however, when former World Bank chief economist Joseph Stiglitz went public about the scam. More detail was added in 2004 by the publication of John Perkin's Confessions of an Economic Hitman, which revealed the extent to which front companies and complicit corporations aided, abetted and facilitated the economic plundering and overthrow of foreign governments. Although still an effective technique for overthrowing foreign nations, the fact that this particular scam had been exposed meant that the architects of global geopolitics would have to find a new way to get rid of foreign, democratically elected governments.

Destabilization 1.2 involves seemingly disinterested, democracy promoting NGOs with feelgood names like the Open Society Institute, Freedom House and the National Endowment for Democracy. They fund, train, support and mobilize opposition movements in countries that have been targeted for destabilization, often during elections and usually organized around an identifiable color. These "color revolutions" sprang up in the past decade and have so far successfully destabilized the governments of the Ukraine, Lebanon, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan, among others. These revolutions bear the imprint of billionaire finance oligarch George Soros. The hidden hand of western powers behind these color revolutions has threatened their effectiveness in recent years, however, with an anti-Soros movement having arisen in Georgia and with the recent Moldovan "grape revolution" having come to naught (much to the chagrin of Soros-funded OSI's Evgeny Morozov).

Now we arrive at Destabilization 2.0, really not much more than a slight tweak of Destabilization 1.2. The only thing different is that now Twitter, Facebook, YouTube and other social media are being employed to amplify the effect of (and the impression of) internal protests. Once again, Soros henchman Evgeny Morozov is extolling the virtues of the new Tehran Twitter revolution and the New York Times is writing journalistic hymns to the power of internet new media...when it serves western imperial interests. We are being asked to believe that this latest version of the very (very) old program of U.S. corporate imperialism is the real deal. While there is no doubt that the regime of Ahmadenijad is reprehensible and the feelings of many of the young protestors in Iran are genuine, you will forgive me for quesyioning the motives behind the monolithic media support for the overthrow of Iran's government and the installation of Mir-Houssein "Butcher of Beirut" Mousavi.
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Postby AlicetheKurious » Sun Jun 28, 2009 9:12 am

VERY interesting & informative overview:


The grassroots takeover technique

« Color revolution » fails in Iran

by Thierry Meyssan*

Tehran’s "green revolution" is the latest version of the "color revolutions" which have allowed the United States to impose subservient governments in several countries without needing to use force. Thierry Meyssan, who advised two governments facing this type of crisis, analyses this method and the reasons for its failure in Iran.

27 June 2009


"Color revolutions" are to revolutions what Canada Dry is to beer. They look like the real thing, but they lack the flavor. They are regime changes which appear to be revolutions because they mobilize huge segments of the population but are more akin to takeovers, because they do not aim at changing social structures. Instead they aspire to replace an elite with another, in order to carry out pro-American economic and foreign policies. The « green revolution » in Tehran is the latest example of this trend.

Origin of the concept


This concept appeared in the 90s, but its roots lie in the American public debate of the 70s-80s. After a string of revelations about CIA instigated coups around the world, as well as the dramatic disclosures of the Church and Rockefeller Senate Committees [1], admiral Stansfield Turner was given the task by President Carter to clean up the agency and to stop supporting « local dictatorships ». Furious, the American Social Democrats (SD/USA) left the Democratic party and sided with Ronald Regan. They were brilliant Trotskyist intellectuals [2], often linked to Commentary magazine. After Reagan was elected, he charged them with pursuing the American interference policy, this time using different methods. This is how the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) was created in 1982 [3] and the United States Institute for Peace (USIP) in 1984. Both of these institutions are organically intertwined: NED administrators sit on the USIP board of directors and vice versa.

Legally the NED is a not-for-profit organization under US law, financed by an annual grant voted by Congress as part of the State Department budget. In order to operate, this organization is co-financed by the US Agency for International Development (USAID), which is part of the State Department. This legal structure is used jointly as a cover by the American CIA, the British MI6 and the Australian ASIS (and occasionally by Canadian and New Zealand secret services).

The NED presents itself as an agency promoting democracy. It intervenes either directly or using one of its four tentacles: one designed to subvert unions, the second responsible for corrupting management organizations, the third for left-wing parties and the fourth for right-wing parties. It also intervenes through friendly foundations, such as the Westminster Foundation for Democracy (UK), the International Center for Human Rights and Democratic Development (Canada), the Fondation Jean-Jaurès and the Fondation Robert-Schuman (France), the International Liberal Center (Sweden), the Alfred Mozer Foundation (Netherlands), the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, the Friedrich Naunmann Stiftung, the Hans Seidal Stiftung and the Heinrich Boell Stiftung (Germany). The NED thus claims to have corrupted over 6000 organizations throughout the world over roughly 30 years. All of this, of course, under the disguise of training and assistance programs.

As for the USIP, it is an American national institution. It is financed annually by Congress as part of the Defense Department budget. Contrary to the NED which serves as a cover for the three allied states, the USIP is exclusively American. Under the guise of political science research, it can pay salaries to foreign politicians.

As soon as it commanded resources, the USIP financed a new and discrete structure, the Albert Einstein Institution [4]. This small association for the promotion of nonviolent action was initially charged with designing a form of civil defense for the populations of Western Europe in case of an invasion by the Warsaw Pact. It quickly became autonomous and designed a model following which a state, whatever its nature, can lose its authority and collapse.

First attempts

The first attempted « color revolution » failed in 1989. The goal was to overthrow Deng Xiaoping by using one of his close collaborators, the Chinese Communist Party secretary-general Zhao Ziyang, in order to open Chinese markets to American investors and to bring China into the US orbit. Young supporters of Zhao invaded Tiananmen square [5]. They were presented in the Western media as unpoliticized students fighting for freedom against the party’s Conservative wing, when in fact this was infighting within the Deng entourage between pro-American and nationalist factions. After having ignored provocations for a long time Deng decided to use force. Depending on sources, the repression ended with 300 to 1000 dead. 20 years later, the Western version of this failed coup has not changed. Western media which recently covered the anniversary of that event presented it as a « popular uprising » and expressed surprise that people in Beijing do not remember the event. This is because there was nothing "popular" about this struggle for power within the Party. This was not a concern for people.

The first successful "color revolution" succeeded in 1990. As the Soviet Union was disintegrating, state secretary James Baker went to Bulgaria to participate in the electoral campaign of the pro-American party, heavily financed by the NED [6]. However, despite pressure from the UK, the Bulgarians – afraid of the social consequences induced by the transformation from soviet union to market economy – made the unforgivable mistake to elect in Parliament a post communist majority. While European community observers testified to the legality of the voting process, the pro-American opposition screamed that electoral fraud had occurred and took to the streets. They set up camp in the center of Sofia and threw the country into chaos for the following six months, until pro-American Zhelyu Zhelev was elected president by the parliament.

"Democracy" : selling your country to foreign interests behind the people’s back

Since then, Washington has kept instigating regime changes everywhere in the world, using street unrest rather than military juntas. It is important here to understand what is at stake. Behind the soothing rhetoric of « the promotion of democracy », Washington’s actions aim to impose regimes that are opening their markets to the US without conditions and which are aligning themselves to their foreign policy. However, while these goals are known by the leaders of the "color revolutions", they are never discussed and accepted by the mobilized demonstrators. In the event when these takeovers succeed, citizens soon rebel against the new policies imposed on them, even if it is too late to turn back. Besides, how can opposition groups who sold their country to foreign interests behind their populations’ backs be considered "democratic"?

In 2005, the Kyrgyz opposition contested the legislative elections and brought to Bishkek demonstrators from the south of the country. They toppled President Askar Akayev. This was the « Tulip Revolution ». The national assembly elected Kurmanbek Bakiyev as president. Unable to control his supporters who were looting the capital, he announced having chased the dictator and pretended that he intended to create a national union government. He pulled General Felix Kulov (former Bishkek Mayor) out of prison and named him prime minister. After the situation was back under control, Bakiyev got rid of Kulov and sold the country’s few resources to US companies with no invitation to tender but with significant [kickbacks]. He set up a US military base in Manas. The population’s standard of living had never been lower. Felix Kulov offered to get the country back on its feet by federating it to Russia as it used to be. He was quickly sent back to jail.

A blessing in disguise?

It is sometimes objected that for states which were subjected to repressive regimes, even if these "color revolutions" only bring the appearance of democracy, they nonetheless constitute an improvement for their populations. Experience shows however that this is far from certain. The new regimes can turn out to be far more repressive than the old ones.

In 2003, Washington, London and Paris [7] organized the "Rose Revolution" in Georgia [8]. According to a classic scheme, the opposition blew the whistle about electoral fraud during legislative elections and took to the streets. The demonstrators forced president Eduard Shevardnadze to flee and they seized power. His successor, Mikheil Saakashvili, opened the country to US economic interests and broke off from his Russian neighbor. The economic aid that Washington promised to replace Russian aid never came. The already weakened economy collapsed. In order to continue to please his backers, Saakashvili needed to impose a dictatorship [9]. He shut down the media and filled up the prisons, which did not prevent Western media from continuing to describe him as a "democrat". Continuing on his collision course, Saakashvili decided to bolster his popularity by engaging in a military adventure. With the help of the Bush administration and of Israel to which he rented air bases, he ordered the bombing of the population of South Ossetia, killing 1600 people, most of whom also held Russian citizenship. Moscow stroke back. American and Israeli advisers fled [10]. Georgia was left devastated.

Enough!

The main mechanism of the "color revolutions" consists in focusing popular anger on the desired target. This is an aspect of the psychology of the masses which destroys everything in its path and against which no reasonable argument can be opposed. The scapegoat is accused of all the evils plaguing the country for at least one generation. The more he resists, the angrier the mob gets. After he gives in or slips away, the normal division between his opponents and his supporters reappears.

In 2005, in the hours following the assassination of former prime minister Rafik Hariri, a rumor spread in Lebanon according to which he was killed by "the Syrians". The Syrian army, which had been maintaining order since the end of the civil war according to the Taëf agreement, was now booed. Syrian president Bashar al-Assad was personally accused by the US authorities, which was as good as proof for the public opinion. To those who noted that Rafik Hariri, despite stormy episodes, had always been useful to Syria and that his death deprived Damascus of a central collaborator, it was answered that the "Syrian regime" is so fundamentally evil that it cannot help but killing even its friends. The Lebanese people were calling for the G.I.s to come and get rid of the Syrians. But to everyone’s surprise, Bashar al-Assad, considering that the costly deployment of his army was not welcome in Lebanon any longer, decided to pull it back. Legislative elections were organized in which the "anti-Syrian" coalition triumphed. This was the "Cedar Revolution". After the situation calmed down everyone realized that even if Syrian generals had looted the country in the past, the departure of the Syrian army did not change anything to the country’s economic situation. Furthermore, the country was now in danger: it was not able to defend itself from the expansionism of the Israeli neighbor. The main "anti-Syrian" leader, general Michel Aoun, thought better of it and joined the opposition. Furious, Washington multiplied assassination plans to get rid of him. Michel Aoun formed an alliance with Hezbollah on a patriotic platform. It was about time: Israel attacked.

In every case, Washington prepared the "democratic" government in advance, which confirms that these are takeovers in disguise. The names composing the new team are kept secret for as long as possible. This is why the pointing out of the scapegoat is always done without suggesting a political alternative.

In Serbia, young pro-US "revolutionaries" chose a logo that belonged to the Communist popular imagination (the raised fist) to hide their subordination to the United States. They used "he is done!" as a slogan, which channeled anger against the personality of Slobodan Milosevic, who was held responsible for the bombing of the country even though it was done by NATO. This model was replicated numerous times, for example by the Pora! group in Ukraine, or by Zubr in Bielorussia.

The deceiving appearance of nonviolence

The PR staff members of the State Department maintain the non-violent image of the "color revolutions". They all put forward the theories of Gene Sharp, who founded the Albert Einstein Institution. Yet nonviolence is a combat method used to persuade authorities to a political change. In order for a minority to seize power and to exercise it, it must always use violence at some point. All "color revolutions" did.

In 2000, Slobodan Milosevic called for anticipated elections despite still having a year to run as president. After the first round, neither he nor his principal opponent, Vojislav Koštunica, had secured a majority of the votes. Without waiting for the second round, the opposition claimed voting fraud and took to the streets. Thousands of demonstrators walked on the capital, including the miners from Kolubara. Their daily salaries were paid indirectly by the NED, without them realizing that they were paid by the United States. The pressure from the demonstration was insufficient so the miners started attacking buildings with bulldozers that they had brought, hence the name "bulldozer revolution".

In cases when the tension is just dragging on, and when counter-demonstrations are being organized, the only solution for Washington is to throw the country into chaos. Inciting agents are then placed in both camps to fire on the crowd. Each party can then observe that the others are shooting while they are peacefully advancing. The confrontation spreads.

In 2002, Caracas’ upper-class took to the streets to protest the social policies of President Hugo Chavez [11]. Using clever manipulation, private TV stations created the impression of a human tidal wave. There were 50,000 people according to observers and 1 million according to the press and the State Department. Then there was the Llaguno Bridge incident. TV stations clearly showed armed pro-Chavez supporters firing on the crowd. In a press conference, the National Guard general and vice minister of domestic security confirmed that the "Chavez militias" fired and killed 19 people. He resigned and called for the dictator to be overthrown. The president was quickly arrested by military rebels. However millions of people descended in the capital’s streets and constitutional order was restored.

A subsequent journalistic investigation went over the details of the massacre of the Llaguno Bridge. It brought to light a deceptive picture manipulation, where chronological order was modified as proved by the protagonists’ watch dials. In reality, the pro-Chavez supporters were under attack and after having fallen back, they were trying to escape by using their weapons. The inciting agents were local policemen trained by a US agency [12].

In 2006, the NED reorganized the opposition to Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki. It funded the creation of the Orange party of Raila Odinga. He received the support of Senator Barack Obama, who was accompanied by destabilization experts (Mark Lippert, current chief of staff for the national security adviser, and general Jonathan S. Gration, current US special envoy to Sudan). During a meeting with Odinga, the Illinois Senator invented a vague family relationship with the pro-US candidate. However Odinga was defeated during the 2007 legislative elections. Supported by Senator John McCain as president of the IRI (the NED’s Republican pseudopod), he disputed the validity of the vote and called for his supporters to take to the streets. This is when anonymous text messages were sent en masse to ethnic Luo voters. "Dear Kenyans, the Kikuyu have stolen the future of our children… we must treat them in the only way that they understand… with violence." The country, despite being one of the most stable in Africa, suddenly erupted in violence.

After days of rioting, president Kibaki was forced to accept the mediation of Madeleine Albright as president of the NDI (the NED’s Democrat pseudopod). A prime minister position was created and offered to Odinga. Since the hate text messages had not been sent from the Kenyan installations, one can wonder which foreign power was behind them.

Mobilizing the international public opinion

During the last few years, Washington had the opportunity to instigate "color revolutions" with the understanding that they would fail to seize power but that they would help manipulate public opinion and international institutions.

In 2007, many Burmans were up in arms because of the domestic fuel price increase. Demonstrations spread as Buddhist monks took a leading role in the protest. This was the "Saffron Revolution" [13]. Washington could not care less about the Rangoon regime; however they were interested in orchestrating the people of Burma in order to exercise pressure on China which holds strategic interests in Burma (pipelines and military bases for electronic intelligence gathering). It was therefore crucial to distort people’s perception of reality. Pictures and films shot on mobile phones started to appear on YouTube. They were anonymous, impossible to verify and without context. It was precisely their lack of reliability that gave them authority, and allowed the White House to fit them with their interpretation of the situation.

More recently, a 2008 student demonstration brought Greece to a grinding halt following the murder of a 15 year old young man by a policeman. Hoodlums were soon seen rioting. They had been recruited in neighboring Kosovo and brought in by bus. The city centers were devastated. Washington was trying to scare foreign investors away in order to secure a monopoly on the investments in the gas terminals that were being built. The weak Karamanlis government was portrayed as being iron fisted. Facebook and Twitter were used to mobilize the Greek Diaspora. Demonstrations spread to Istanbul, Nicosia, Dublin, London, Amsterdam, The Hague, Copenhagen, Frankfurt, Paris, Rome, Madrid, Barcelona, etc.

The Green Revolution

The operation conducted in 2009 in Iran belongs to the long list of pseudo revolutions. First, a 400 million dollar budget was voted in 2007 by Congress to orchestrate a "regime change" in Iran. This was in addition to the ad hoc budgets of the NED, the USAID, the CIA & Co. How this money is being used is unclear, but the three main recipients are the following: the Rafsanjani family, the Pahlavi family and the People’s Mujahedin of Iran.

The Bush Administration decided to instigate a "color revolution" in Iran after confirming a decision by the Joint Chiefs of Staff not to conduct a military attack of that country. This choice was then approved by the Obama Administration. The plans for a "color revolution" which had been drawn up by the American Enterprise Institute in 2002 with Israel were then reopened. I had published an article at that time regarding this plan [14]. In it, one can identify the current protagonists: that plan has not changed much since then. A Lebanese chapter was added which predicted an uprising in Beirut in case of a victory of the patriotic coalition (Hezbollah, Aoun), but it was later cancelled.

The script included huge support for the candidate chosen by Ayatollah Rafsanjani, the disputing of the presidential election results, widespread bombings, the toppling of president Ahmadinejad and of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei, setting up a transition government headed by Mousavi, restoring the Monarchy and creating a government headed by Sohrab Sobhani.

According to the 2002 plans, the operation was overseen by Morris Amitay et Michael Ledeen. It mobilized in Iran the Irangate network. Here is a necessary quick historical background: the Irangate (Iran–Contra affair) was an illegal arms deal. The White House wished to supply weapons to the rebels in Nicaragua (to fight against Sandinistas) and to Iranians (in order to drag the Iran-Iraq war for as long as possible), but was prevented from doing so by Congress. Israelis then offered to act as subcontractors for both operations. Ledeen, who has both US and Israeli citizenships, served as a link in Washington, while Mahmoud Rafsanjani (the brother of the Ayatollah) was his counterpart in Tehran. This took place over a background of widespread corruption. When the scandal broke out in the United States, an independent inquiry committee was headed by Senator Tower and General Brent Scowcroft (Robert Gates’ mentor) to investigate.

Michael Ledeen is an old fox involved in many secret operations. He could be found in Rome during the assassination of Aldo Moro. He also appears to have been linked to the fake Bulgarian connection after the assassination attempt on John Paul II, or more recently to the fake claims of Nigerian uranium supply to Saddam Hussein. He currently works for the American Enterprise Institute [15] (with Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowitz) and for the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies [16].

Morris Amitay is a former director of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). He is today the vice president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) and the director of a consulting company for the weapon industry.

On April 27, Morris et Ledeen held a seminar on Iran with Senator Joseph Lieberman at the American Enterprise Institute, regarding the Iranian elections. On May 15, a new seminar was held. The public part of the event consisted of a round table discussion headed by Senator John Bolton about the "haggling" over Iran: would Moscow agree to end its support of Tehran in exchange for Washington renouncing its missile shield project in Central Europe? French expert Bernard Hourcade took part in the debates. At the same time, the Institute launched a website, intended for the press, about the coming crisis: IranTracker.org. The website includes a section on the Lebanese elections.

In Iran, the responsibility for overthrowing old rival Ayatollah Khamenei rested on Ayatollah Rafsanjani. Born in a family of farmers, Hashemi Rafsanjani built his fortune on real estate speculation during the time of the Shah. He became the main pistachio dealer in Iran, and increased his wealth during the Irangate. His assets are estimated to several billion dollars. After he became the wealthiest man in Iran, he became successively president of the parliament, president of the Republic, and now chairman of the Assembly of Experts (an arbitration body for the parliament and the Guardian Council of the Constitution). He defends the interests of Tehran’s merchant class. During the electoral campaign, Rafsanjani required Mir-Hossein Mousavi, his former adversary who became his protégé, to promise he would privatize the oil sector.

With no connection to Rafsanjani, the People’s Mujahedin of Iran have been used by Washington [17]. This organization, protected by the Pentagon, is considered a terrorist organization by the State Department and has been considered as such by the European Union. Indeed, it is responsible for dreadful operations in the 80s, including a huge bombing which killed Ayatollah Beheshti, four department heads, six department head assistants and one fourth of the parliamentary group of the Islamic Republic party. The People’s Mujahedin of Iran is headed by Massoud Rajavi, who first married the daughter of former President Abol-hassan Banisadr and then the cruel Maryam. Its headquarters are located outside of Paris and its military bases in Iraq, first under the orders of Saddam Hussein, are now under the Defense Department. The People’s Mujahedin provided the logistics for the bombing attacks which took place during the electoral campaign [18]. They were responsible for instigating clashes – which they probably did – between Pro Ahmadinejad supporters and their opponents.

Should chaos have followed, the Supreme Leader could have been overthrown. A transition government, headed by Mir-Hossein Mousavi, would have privatized the oil sector and brought back the Monarchy. The son of the former Shah, Reza Cyrus Pahlavi, would have ascended to the throne and would have nominated Sohrab Sobhani as prime minister. With this in mind, Reza Pahlavi published in February a number of interviews with French journalist Michel Taubmann, the director of Arte’s information office in Paris, and who presides the Cercle de l’Observatoire, the club for French neo conservatives. It is useful to remember that Washington had made similar plans for the restoration of the Monarchy in Afghanistan. Mohammed Zahir Shah was supposed to ascend to the throne again and Hamid Karzai would have become prime minister. Unfortunately, at age 88, the pretender had become senile. Karzai thus became president. Both Sobhani and Karzai hold United States citizenships. Both were involved in the Caspian sea’s oil sector.

As far as propaganda was concerned, the initial plan had been given to Benador Associates, a public relations firm. But it evolved with the influence of Goli Ameri, the United States Assistant Secretary of State for Educational and Cultural Affairs. This American Iranian woman is John Bolton’s former colleague. As a new media specialist, she implemented infrastructure and Internet training programs for Rafsanjani’s friends. She also developed radio and television programs in Farsi for the State Department propaganda, in conjunction with the BBC.

Iran’s destabilization failed because the main drive behind the "color revolutions" was not appropriately initiated. Mir-Hossein Mousavi did not manage to make Mahmoud Ahmadinejad the focus of popular anger. The Iranian people did not fall into the trap; they did not hold the outgoing president responsible for the United States’ economic sanctions against the country. Therefore the protests were limited to the northern suburbs of Tehran. The authorities refrained from creating counter demonstrations, and let the plotters expose themselves.

However, it must be noted that the propaganda was successful with the Western media. International public opinions really believed that two million Iranians took to the streets, when the real figure was ten times lower. The fact that foreign correspondents were under house arrest facilitated these exaggerations because they were exempt from having to provide evidence for their allegations.

Having given up war, and having failed at overthrowing the regime, what is Barack Obama’s remaining option?

English version by J.C.

[1] The numerous reports and documents published by these committees are available online on the following website: The Assassination Archives and Research Center.

[2] « New York Intellectuals and the invention of neo-conservatism », Denis Boneau, Voltaire Network, November 26 2004.

[3] « The NED, the networks of democratic interference », Thierry Meyssan, Voltaire Network, January 22 2004.

[4] « The Albert Einstein Institution: non-violence according to the CIA », Thierry Meyssan, Voltaire Network, January 4 2005.

[5] « Tiananmen, 20 ans après », professor Domenico Losurdo, Réseau Voltaire, June 9 2009.

[6] At the time, the NED was relying in Eastern Europe on the Free Congress Foundation (FCF), operated by Republicans. Later on, this organization disappeared and was replaced by the Soros Foundation, operated by Democrats, with the assistance of which the NED would plot new « regime changes ».

[7] Concerned with smoothing out relations between France and the US, French president Jacques Chirac tried to establish better relations with the Bush Administration on Georgia’s back, all the more because of French economic interests in Georgia. Salomé Zourabichvili, number 2 in the French secret services, was nominated as ambassador in Tbilisi. She then switched nationalities and became the Foreign Secretary for the « Rose Revolution ».

[8] «The Secrets of the Georgian Coup», Paul Labarique, Voltaire Network, January 7 2004.

[9] « Géorgie : Saakachvili jette son opposition en prison » (Georgia: Saakachvili jails the opposition) et « Manifestations à Tbilissi contre la dictature des roses » (Protests in Tbilisi against the dictatorship of the roses), Réseau Voltaire, September 12 2006 and September 30 2007.

[10] The Bush Administration was hoping that this conflict would act as a smoke screen. Israeli bombers were supposed to take off simultaneously to strike neighboring Iran. But even before attacking Georgian military installations, Russia bombed the airports that had been rented out to Israel, pinning its planes to the ground.

[11] « Opération manquée au Venezuela » (Failed operation in Venezuela), Thierry Meyssan, Réseau Voltaire, May 18 2002.

[12] Llaguno Bridge. Keys to a Massacre. Documentary by Angel Palacios, Panafilms 2005.

[13] « Birmanie : la sollicitude intéressée des États-Unis » (Burma: United States’ selfish concern), Thierry Meyssan, Réseau Voltaire, November 5 2007.

[14] « False reasons to intervene in Iran », Thierry Meyssan, Voltaire Network, February 12 2004.

[15] « The American Enterprise Institute in the White House », Voltaire Network, June 21 2004.

[16] « Les trucages de la Foundation for the Defense of Democracies » (The Foundation for the Defense of Democracies’ tricks), Réseau Voltaire, February 2 2005.

[17] « Les Moudjahidin perdus » (The lost Mujahedin), Paul Labarique, Réseau Voltaire, February 17 2004.

[18] « Le Jundallah revendique des actions armées aux côtés des Moudjahidines du Peuple » (The Jundallah claims responsibility for actions with the People’s Mujahedin), Réseau Voltaire, June 13 2009.

http://www.voltairenet.org/article160764.html
"If you're not careful the newspapers will have you hating the oppressed and loving the people doing the oppressing." - Malcolm X
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Postby JackRiddler » Sun Jun 28, 2009 11:25 am

Pentagon Hoax Inventor and Apparent Stalinist Sympathizer Thierry Meyssan wrote:Young supporters of Zhao invaded Tiananmen square [5].


A million unarmed people peacably assembled at Tiananmen Square for several weeks, and millions more did so in other cities around China, demanding the basic political rights and democratic elections denied to them by the regime, until thousands of them were murdered by the army on the streets at Deng's orders. Deng then continued with implementation of a neoliberal agenda that turned China into the forced-labor workshop of global capitalism and the de facto primary foreign financial supporter of the US war machine, to this day.

Meyssan's dismissal of the 1989 protesters in a short paragraph entirely as "supporters of Zhao" conducting an invasion (of their own home cities?) on behalf of a "pro-American" policy is emblematic of his own bias and agenda, which goes far beyond exposing manipulation by USG and Western media and NGOs. He sides with the dictators in a number of other examples, but this one will suffice as beyond egregious and mildly vomit-inducing. He's a mirror image of the neocons in a world where all conflicts turn out to be elite splits and whole peoples are just naive footsoldiers. The truth is not simply the opposite of what the neocons would say in all cases, but that's the formula Meyssan follows. (And I can agree with AlicetheKurious on some things, while still rejecing her schematic ideology.)

The Iranian uprising is also not a product of the West. The theocracy weighs down the lives of millions who have a legitimate cause to protest. Perceptions of what's happening are orchestrated to make it seem like a majority voted against Ahmedinejad (which is almost certainly not true), and Mousavi appears to have recklessly triggered the uprising with false accusations of fraud, but Meyssan presents the other extreme, where everyone in the protests is dancing only because the CIA and Soros pulled a few levers. Great human tragedies are reduced to the mere matter of Tehran (or Beijing, or the Burmese dictators) righteously suppressing foreign agents, while Meyssan nods approval for the hardliners of all nations, long as he can characterize them as (nominally) anti-American.

.
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Postby JackRiddler » Sun Jun 28, 2009 11:46 am

From
http://truthaction.org/forum/viewtopic. ... &start=105

dicktater wrote:DON'T FORGET TO TWITTER. YOU TWITS!

I know how to read Anderson Cooperspeak.

June 16, 2009
State Department to Twitter: Keep Iranian tweets coming
Posted: 09:17 PM ET

http://ac360.blogs.cnn.com/2009/06/16/s ... ts-coming/

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Elise Labott
CNN State Department Producer

The halls of Foggy Bottom are ringing with the Tweets coming with Iran and the State Department is working to ensure they keep coming.

Senior officials say the State Department is working with Twitter and other social networking sites to ensure Iranians are able to continue to communicate to each other and the outside world.

By necessity, the US is staying hands off of the election drama playing out in Iran, and officials say they are not providing messages to Iranians or “quarterbacking” the disputed election process.

But they do want to make sure the technology is able to play its sorely-needed role in the crisis, which is why the State Department is advising social networking sites to make sure their networks stay up and running for Iranians to use them and helping them stay ahead of anyone who would try to shut them down.

For example, senior officials say the State Department asked Twitter to refrain for going down for periodic scheduled maintenance at this critical time to ensure the site continues to operate. Bureau’s and offices across the State Department, they say, are paying very close attention to Twitter and other sites to get information on the situation in Iran.

Because the US has no relations with Iran and does not have an embassy there, it is relying on media reports and the State Department’s Iran Watch Offices in embassies around the world. The largest such offices are in Dubai, Berlin and London, all home to large Iranian expat communities.

But officials say the internet, and specifically social networking sites like Twitter and Facebook, are providing the United States with critical information in the face of a crackdown on journalists by Iranian authorities.

“There are lots of people here watching,” one senior official said. “There are some interesting messages going up.”

While officials would not say whether they were communicating with Iranians directly, one senior official noted that the US is learning about certain people being picked up for questioning by authorities through posts on Twitter.

“It is a very good example of where technology is helping,” the official said.

The situation in Iran is a real world example of the State Department’s efforts to increase use of technology in diplomacy, including social networking sites, Web Video and text messages to MONITOR reach large numbers of people who would otherwise be difficult to reach.
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Postby John Schröder » Sun Jun 28, 2009 7:12 pm

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/28/magaz ... -q4-t.html

Questions for Reza Pahlavi
The Exile

Image

By DEBORAH SOLOMON
Published: June 26, 2009

You are said to be a leader of the Iranian exile groups working to overthrow the regime whose clerics and mullahs overthrew your father exactly 30 years ago in the Islamic Revolution and forcedyour family out of the country. What do you do on a day-by-day basis, exactly?

I am in contact with all sorts of groups that are committed to a secular, democratic alternative to the current regime. We believe in a democratic parliamentary system, where there’s a clear separation between church and state, or in this case, mosque and state.

Has the American government aided you?

No, no. I don’t rely on any sources other than my own compatriots.

But presumably you’re working with American agents in the C.I.A. or elsewhere who have been trying to destabilize the Iranian regime for years.

Your presumption is absolutely and unequivocally false.

How did you end up settling in Bethesda, Md., with your wife and children?

It happens to be circumstantial. To me, it’s a temporary place to live.

Why would you call your decades of living near Washington “temporary”?

Because my desire has always been to permanently return to my homeland.

President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad claimed victory over Mir Hussein Moussavi in an election that was widely condemned as fraudulent. What do you make of him?

The cry for freedom you hear in the streets of Iran right now is well beyond the fact of whether it’s one candidate versus the other. It’s about the fact that for 30 years they have been denied their most basic rights.

Many people believe that Moussavi would be more a more moderate president than Ahmadinejad.

The same argument was made during the Soviet era, where one would argue that one person would be supposedly more moderate than the other. But at the end, they all represented a Communist, totalitarian system. I think that anyone the Iranian regime prescreens would not be a true representative of the nation.

What do you make of Ahmadinejad’s rants against Israel?

Of course it’s troubling, and it’s connected again to the viral, violent message embedded in the ideology that was brought about by Khomeini himself at the time of the revolution.

Did you see the speculation from Iran that Ahmadinejad has Jewish roots? Do you think the claim is true?

Look, we hear a lot of things, but the big picture here should not be forgotten. If we say Jewish roots, aren’t we all the children of Abraham if you come to think of it?

What religion are you?

That’s a private matter; but if you must know, I am, of course, by education and by conviction, a Shiite Muslim. I am very much a man of faith.

What do you say to those who associate your father’s rule with the violation of civil rights? He ran a brutal secret police.

I leave this judgment to history. My focus is the future.

Some say the media clampdown in Iran and censorship of the foreign press are tactics Ahmadinejad learned from your father. You don’t feel obligated to acknowledge your dad’s misdeeds?

The current regime is, by any measure, the standard-bearer and global poster child for militancy, brute autocracy and corruption. If they are in fact students of my father, his ultimate act of refusing suppressive bloodshed in favor of exile should be their test.

When your father fled Tehran and went into exile, he reportedly took a lot of money with him. Would you describe yourself today as a billionaire?

Those are the recycling of 30-year-old propaganda by the clerical militants of the time. If you were to learn of my net worth, you would be more than surprised.

Do you feel bitter about not getting to be shah?

This is not a personal matter. This is not about me.

INTERVIEW HAS BEEN CONDENSED AND EDITED.
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Postby AlicetheKurious » Mon Jun 29, 2009 6:29 am

JackRiddler wrote:
Pentagon Hoax Inventor and Apparent Stalinist Sympathizer Thierry Meyssan wrote:Young supporters of Zhao invaded Tiananmen square [5].


A million unarmed people peacably assembled at Tiananmen Square for several weeks, and millions more did so in other cities around China, demanding the basic political rights and democratic elections denied to them by the regime, until thousands of them were murdered by the army on the streets at Deng's orders. Deng then continued with implementation of a neoliberal agenda that turned China into the forced-labor workshop of global capitalism and the de facto primary foreign financial supporter of the US war machine, to this day.

Meyssan's dismissal of the 1989 protesters in a short paragraph entirely as "supporters of Zhao" conducting an invasion (of their own home cities?) on behalf of a "pro-American" policy is emblematic of his own bias and agenda, which goes far beyond exposing manipulation by USG and Western media and NGOs. He sides with the dictators in a number of other examples, but this one will suffice as beyond egregious and mildly vomit-inducing. He's a mirror image of the neocons in a world where all conflicts turn out to be elite splits and whole peoples are just naive footsoldiers. The truth is not simply the opposite of what the neocons would say in all cases, but that's the formula Meyssan follows. (And I can agree with AlicetheKurious on some things, while still rejecing her schematic ideology.)

The Iranian uprising is also not a product of the West. The theocracy weighs down the lives of millions who have a legitimate cause to protest. Perceptions of what's happening are orchestrated to make it seem like a majority voted against Ahmedinejad (which is almost certainly not true), and Mousavi appears to have recklessly triggered the uprising with false accusations of fraud, but Meyssan presents the other extreme, where everyone in the protests is dancing only because the CIA and Soros pulled a few levers. Great human tragedies are reduced to the mere matter of Tehran (or Beijing, or the Burmese dictators) righteously suppressing foreign agents, while Meyssan nods approval for the hardliners of all nations, long as he can characterize them as (nominally) anti-American.


I don't know about whether Meyssan was the "Pentagon hoax inventor", but for what it's worth, when I hear "Pentagon hoax" I think of the Official Story according to which, long after it was known that 2 passenger planes had been made to crash into the WTC, a large passenger plane was inexplicably allowed to fly unimpeded through the world's most protected airspace and, through a number of complicated maneuvers, go right through a wall of the Pentagon. Unlike nearly everything else in our video-obsessed age, and despite this happening in broad daylight in the presumed presence of many tourists and others with cell-phone and video cameras, and the confirmed presence of security cameras trained right at the area in question, no film of said plane has ever emerged. Plus there's that hole thing.

And that's just a tiny sample of the many questions related to the Pentagon Hoax. I haven't read Meyssan's book, but I'm sure he raises many more.

I could perhaps wish that you, Jack, would train some of the skepticism you lavish on Meyssan, at those who brought you the figure of "thousands [of peaceful Chinese protesters that] were murdered by the army on the streets at Deng's orders". Documents from the U.S.' own National Security Archives estimate the total deaths to range from "180 to 500", with thousands injured. How many of those who lost their lives that day were peaceful demonstrators "murdered by the army"? We don't know, though according to some accounts, by the time the army began shooting most of the students had left and returned to their homes.

Even one death is one too many, but the simplistic narrative of the Army automatons coldly murdering unarmed students serves neither justice, nor our ability to understand how and why the events at Tiananmen unfolded as they did. The U.S. Embassy in China's own dispatches say: "The beating to death of a PLA soldier, who was in the first APC to enter Tiananmen Square, in full view of the other waiting PLA soldiers, appeared to have sparked the shooting that followed." Quoted here. In his study entitled "Burying Mao," Richard Baum, though placing the blame for the violence squarely on the shoulders of the Chinese government, provides a slightly more nuanced account than the usual manichean narrative (see page 286).

Wikipedia summarizes the wildly divergent estimates of how many were killed that day:

The number of dead and wounded remains unclear because of the large discrepancies between the different estimates. Many people suspect that troops burned the bodies of many citizens to destroy the evidence of the killings.[4]

Some of the early estimates were based on reports of a figure of 2,600 from the Chinese Red Cross. The Chinese Red Cross has denied ever providing such a figure.[4] According to a PBS Frontline report, this figure was quickly retracted under intense pressure from the government.[3] The official Chinese government figure is 241 dead, including soldiers, and 7,000 wounded.[3]

According to an analysis by Nicholas D. Kristof of The New York Times, "The true number of deaths will probably never be known, and it is possible that thousands of people were killed without leaving evidence behind. But based on the evidence that is now available, it seems plausible that about fifty soldiers and policemen were killed, along with 400 to 800 civilians."[4]

The Chinese government has maintained that there were no deaths within the square itself, although videos taken there at the time recorded the sound of gunshots. Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and State Council claimed that the basic statistics were: "Five thousand PLA soldiers and officers wounded, and more than two thousand local people (counting students, city people, and rioters together) also wounded." They also said no one died on Tiananmen Square itself.[25] Yuan Mu, the spokesman of the State Council, said that a total of 23 people died, most of them students, along with a number of people he described as "ruffians".[26] According to Chen Xitong, Beijing mayor, 200 civilians and several dozen soldiers died.[27] Other sources stated that 3,000 civilians and 6,000 soldiers were injured.[28] In May 2007, CPPCC member from Hong Kong, Chang Ka-mun said 300 to 600 people were killed in Tiananmen Square. He echoed that "there were armed thugs who weren't students."[29]

According to Jay Mathews who was The Washington Post's first Beijing bureau chief, "A few people may have been killed by random shooting on streets near the square, but all verified eyewitness accounts say that the students who remained in the square when troops arrived were allowed to leave peacefully. Hundreds of people, most of them workers and passersby, did die that night, but in a different place and under different circumstances."[30]

US ambassador James Lilley's account of the massacre notes that US State Department diplomats witnessed Chinese troops opening fire on unarmed people and based on visits to hospitals around Beijing a minimum of hundreds had been killed.[31]

A strict focus on the number of deaths within Tiananmen Square itself does not give an accurate picture of the carnage and overall death count, since Chinese civilians were fired on in the streets surrounding Tiananmen Square. In addition, students are reported to have been fired on after they left the Square, especially in the area near the Beijing concert hall.[4]


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tiananmen_ ... ts_of_1989

Though there is no question that the majority of the student demonstrators in Beijing were innocent pawns, there's also no reason to ignore the larger context and some of the players behind the scenes at Tiananmen:

The head of the Civil Society Against Corruption in Kyrgystan is Tolekan Ismailova, who organized the translation and distribution of the revolutionary manual used in Serbia, Ukraine and Georgia written by Gene Sharp, founder of a curiously-named Albert Einstein Institution in Boston. Sharp's book, a how-to manual for the color revolutions is titled ‘From Dictatorship to Democracy.’ It includes tips on nonviolent resistance -- such as ‘display of flags and symbolic colors’ -- and civil disobedience.

Sharp’s book is literally the bible of the Color Revolutions, a kind of ‘regime change for dummies.’ Sharp created his Albert Einstein Institution in 1983, with backing from Harvard University. It is funded by the US Congress’ NED and the Soros Foundations, to train people in and to study the theories of ‘non-violence as a form of warfare.’ Sharp has worked with NATO and the CIA over the years training operators in Burma, Lithuania, Serbia, Georgia, Ukraine to Taiwan, even Venezuela and Iraq.

In short virtually every regime which has been the target of a US-backed soft coup in the past twenty years has involved Gene Sharp and usually, his associate, Col. Robert Helvey, a retired US Army intelligence specialist. Notably, Sharp was in Beijing two weeks before student demonstrations at Tiananmen Square in 1989. The Pentagon and US intelligence have refined the art of such soft coups to a fine level. RAND planners call it ‘swarming,’ referring to the swarms of youth, typically linked by SMS and web blogs, who can be mobilized on command to destabilize a target regime.


http://www.engdahl.oilgeopolitics.net/G ... tions.html

In trying to get to the bottom of the events of Tiananmen Square, I found it interesting that of the hundreds of foreign journalists and Western human rights activists who claim to have personally witnessed a savage, sustained massacre by the Chinese army of peaceful protesters, there is a striking lack of documentary evidence such as photographs or video, of the "thousands" that they claim were killed, neither of the killing themselves, which some of these journalists claim to have watched from their balconies, nor of the piles of corpses that must have been visible.

This is a typical account, from a former TIME bureau chief no less, who, like his colleagues, apparently forgot, in all his busy scribbling in his notebook and riding around Beijing on a bicycle at the height of the "massacre" to bring along a camera to document the dramatic scenes carnage that he "personally witnessed":


I arrived in Beijing on the morning of June 3rd from Shanghai. And because I had been sent from the Washington Bureau of Time to watch what we all knew would probably be the denouement, the first thing I asked the driver to do was to take me straight to Tiananmen Square where we saw the playing out of the last peaceful scenes of this extraordinary demonstration for freedom within the People's Republic of China; and I walked up the steps of the Great Hall of the People to try and memorize the scene from my eyes because I was absolutely sure in a few hours it would all be smashed by the Chinese military which, of course, it was.

I stayed in and around Tiananmen Square for really the next — well, it wasn't possible to be in once the heavy shooting started because the Chinese military sealed it off — ^but at least from about 3 p.m. on June 3rd until about 10 p.m. June 3rd and then as close as one could get from about 4 a.m. until about 7 a.m. the following day when the shooting was getting very intense.

And I would just like to say that not only was I an eyewitness to many of the scenes which I will subsequently narrate but with some colleagues from Time Magazine at the time we arranged to write a book about the topic, so I spent several more days in Beijing.

We came out with a book called "Massacre in Beijing". I happened to write the chapter that covered the detailed narrative of what happened. I interviewed scores of people both in China just a few days after the events and subsequently on returning to the United States. So it is not the perfect book — that may never be written — but it is a very detailed analysis of the different reports and the different stories.

Before I come to that, I would just like to say that, to counter one of Greneral Chi's more absurd statements — here we are talking about statements from the commander in chief or at least the chief of staff of the armed forces of China, the largest armed forces in the world, where I believe he said there was pushing and shoving.

May I read from my notes? This is the notebook I actually had in my hand as the tanks went by, trucks went by, and machine guns were being fired. These are just a very few episodes from that particular occasion.

We are talking about 5:30 in the morning. Tanks and a truck storm past the barricades. A girl comes up to me — this is Chinese, and I speak Chinese — and she says. You must report everything. Machine gun firing extensively. More trucks going into the square. From the back of tne trucks, soldiers are shooting automatic weapons in all directions. Tear gas is being extended on all sides; and there were sounds of much heavier firing, probably from tank shells or very heavy machine guns.

At one point between 4 a.m. and 6 a.m. before it got light, I stood within about, I guess, 50 yards of the Beijing Hotel; and I counted shooting in eight different parts of the city of Beijing, tracer fire ricochetting through the sky. I mean, I have been in combat situations as a reporter before. This was some of the heavier shooting I had ever personally witnessed as a reporter.

Proceeding on, 5:45 a.m., machine gun firing and tank bursts. 5:45, people rushing back down a side street where we were taking cover from the shooting. A cart is wheeled by with a man wounded in the shoulder and the leg, possibly dead. I saw subsequently, just in this very short period of time, about 20 minutes, six carts with bodies either wounded seriously or dead being furiously bicycled away from the scene very close to where I was taking cover. Students or at least citizens of Beijing shouting, "Down with fascism," and some brave souls trying to throw a few bricks at the trucks as they dissipated into Tiananmen Square.

I wonder with your permission, Mr. Chairman, if I may read just a few paragraphs from this chapter in the book, narrating the events. I discuss the problematic issue of how many people died. It is a very difficult issue because there were many different sources, and we just don't know. But for General Chi's benefit I think this ought to be on the record.

How many people died in the battle for Beijing? No one may ever know the precise figures, even if the regime in China were to change and a truly honest investigation were to be conducted.

Children were killed holding hands with their mothers. A 9-year-old boy was shot seven or eight times in the back, and his parents placed the corpse on a truck and drove through the streets of northwest Beijing Sunday morning. "This is what the government has done," the distraught mother kept telling crowds of passersby through a makeshift speaker system.

A similarly gruesome traveling atrocity exhibition was arranged by students at the pro-democracy Political, Science and Law College of China. The cadavers of five students who had been crushed by armored personnel carriers after leaving Tiananmen Square early in the morning were packed in ice and carried in grisly pomp from university to university in northeastern Beijing.

Workers were shot bicycling to factories. Old people died in their apartments as bullets went into the building. Students were crushed even on Sunday morning by armored personnel carriers roaring west along China Avenue.

Moreover, many bodies may never be located. Aside from isolated soldiers thrown into canals or the question of the dead on Tiananmen Square, some corpses were dumped into rooms and buildings that had no connection with hospitals.

Mitch Presnick of Centreville, Virginia, a graduate student at Peking University, was taken surreptitiously into a building in north-eastern Beijing and shown several corpses, several of student age, lying on tables. He never discovered where they had been killed or what the bodies were doing there.

UPI's David Schweitzberg called several Beijing hotels for a body count for the first 3 days after the massacre and added up a total of 321 dead until the hospitals refused under government pressure to give out any more figures.

Officials at the Chinese Red Cross reported that 2,600 died, but then they, too, were ordered to keep silent and to deny that they had ever given out such figures. The mayor of Beijing announced that more than 1,000 army personnel had been killed or wounded in the street fighting, but he made no mention of civilian casualties, which, it stands to reason, would have been greater.

A courageous announcer for Radio Beijing's radfio service told listeners that "thousands of protestors" had died in the tragic incident and called upon the people of all countries to "join our protests against the barbarous suppression of the people." Several minutes later, another version of the same news item was broadcast; and the announcer who had read the first bulletin was never heard from again on the radio and so on.

I would just like to sum it up by saying 2 days after the massacre I got on a bicycle and I rode around the perimeter of Tiananmen Square, the Square and the side streets at that time being under the control of the military. For about 10 kilometers, say 7 or 8 miles, I bicycled all the way around. You could not see a single uniformed person, policeman, militia, army, any representative identifiably belonging to the government anywhere. The whole city, it seemed, had collapsed. Everywhere I went, because there were so few Westerners in Beijing, Chinese would come up to me and say, 'Tell the world what happened. Tell the truth to the world."

A few days later the buses started running, the military patrols started moving out; and Beijing resumed its normal life; and the regime which is in charge today carried on as though nothing had really happened.

I would just like to conclude with the following comment, if I may, Mr. Chairman. Eventually, the truth of what happened in the democratic movement in the spring of 1989 and on the night of June 3rd and 4th will become published for the Chinese people to make their own judgment of General Chi Haotian's role in that affair.

The American people are not subject to an Orwellian control of the media and all publishing activity. As Americans and as human beings, we owe it to the people of China at the very least to honor those who died in the cause of truth and freedom that night, June 3rd and 4th, 12 years ago during the Tiananmen massacre.

To honor them doesn't mean to have no contact with a dictatorial and mendacious regime, but it does mean we should not extend honors and obsequious treatment to the highest commanding general of the troops who deliberately engaged in that massacre.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. Smith. Thank you, Mr. Aikman, for your eyewitness accounts, for faithfully and competently reporting on what happened. That woman said to you, "Tell the truth," and you have done so and continue to do so. We are all very grateful for the work you have done. Thank you very much.


http://www.archive.org/stream/wastheret ... t_djvu.txt

We were all more gullible in 1989 than we are today -- this was before the internet, and there were few sources of information other than the mainstream media. I also believed what I was told then, but the events at Tiananmen occurred less than two years before the very same sources were informing us that Iraqi troops were tearing premature babies out of incubators and throwing them on the floor, which I, limited to watching tv and reading newspapers in Canada, also believed.

Since then, we've had WTC7's collapse due to fire, the dire warnings of global Armageddon menaced by Saddam Hussein's massive stockpile of biological and chemical weapons, Saddam's nefarious alliance with "al-Qaeda"; the "mushroom cloud over Chicago", the elaborate high-tech underground complex at Tora Bora, "Abu Musab al Zarqawi" of the miraculous leg, Jessica Lynch's near-rape at the hands of her Iraqi captors, all the 'color revolutions', Chavez' "resignation", the Darfur "genocide" of 300,000 "black Africans" at the hands of "Arabs" etc., etc.

From the perspective of 2009, I for one am willing to entertain far more skepticism about the Official Story of what happened in 1989 than I was then. For one thing, the presence of the father of color revolutions, Gene Sharp, in Beijing two weeks before the "massacre" is intriguing. So is the fact that the National Endowment for Democracy and other CIA fronts had been active in that city for years, and that according to so many of the students themselves, the demonstrators depended on Voice of America for almost all their 'news' about what was happening, just as we depended on the mainstream "news" for ours.


The Myth of Tiananmen
And the Price of a Passive Press


From Columbia Journalism Review, September/October 1998

by Jay Mathews


Mathews is an education reporter for The Washington Post. He was the paper‘s first Beijing bureau chief and returned in 1989 to help cover the Tiananmen demonstrations. With his wife, Linda Mathews, he is the author of One Billion: A China Chronicle.

President Clinton‘s precedent-setting visit to China filled the front pages of American newspapers and led the evening television news for many days this summer. The stories focused on his controversial decision to attend a welcoming ceremony in Tiananmen Square, despite the stain of what reporters called the massacre of Chinese students there on June 4, 1989.

Over the last decade, many American reporters and editors have accepted a mythical version of that warm, bloody night. They repeated it often before and during Clinton‘s trip. On the day the president arrived in Beijing, a Baltimore Sun headline (June 27, page 1A) referred to „Tiananmen, where Chinese students died.“ A USA Today article (June 26, page 7A) called Tiananmen the place „where pro-democracy demonstrators were gunned down.“ The Wall Street Journal (June 26, page A10) described „the Tiananmen Square massacre“ where armed troops ordered to clear demonstrators from the square killed „hundreds or more.“ The New York Post (June 25, page 22) said the square was „the site of the student slaughter.“

The problem is this: as far as can be determined from the available evidence, no one died that night in Tiananmen Square.

A few people may have been killed by random shooting on streets near the square, but all verified eyewitness accounts say that the students who remained in the square when troops arrived were allowed to leave peacefully. Hundreds of people, most of them workers and passersby, did die that night, but in a different place and under different circumstances.

The Chinese government estimates more than 300 fatalities. Western estimates are somewhat higher. Many victims were shot by soldiers on stretches of Changan Jie, the Avenue of Eternal Peace, about a mile west of the square, and in scattered confrontations in other parts of the city, where, it should be added, a few soldiers were beaten or burned to death by angry workers.

The resilient tale of an early morning Tiananmen massacre stems from several false eyewitness accounts in the confused hours and days after the crackdown. Human rights experts George Black and Robin Munro, both outspoken critics of the Chinese government, trace many of the rumor‘s roots in their 1993 book, Black Hands of Beijing: Lives of Defiance in China‘s Democracy Movement. Probably the most widely disseminated account appeared first in the Hong Kong press: a Qinghua University student described machine guns mowing down students in front of the Monument to the People‘s Heroes in the middle of the square. The New York Times gave this version prominent display on June 12, just a week after the event, but no evidence was ever found to confirm the account or verify the existence of the alleged witness. Times reporter Nicholas Kristof challenged the report the next day, in an article that ran on the bottom of an inside page; the myth lived on. Student leader Wu‘er Kaixi said he had seen 200 students cut down by gunfire, but it was later proven that he left the square several hours before the events he described allegedly occurred.

Most of the hundreds of foreign journalists that night, including me, were in other parts of the city or were removed from the square so that they could not witness the final chapter of the student story. Those who tried to remain close filed dramatic accounts that, in some cases, buttressed the myth of a student massacre.

For example, CBS correspondent Richard Roth‘s story of being arrested and removed from the scene refers to „powerful bursts of automatic weapons, raging gunfire for a minute and a half that lasts as long as a nightmare.“ Black and Munro quote a Chinese eyewitness who says the gunfire was from army commandos shooting out the student loudspeakers at the top of the monument. A BBC reporter watching from a high floor of the Beijing Hotel said he saw soldiers shooting at students at the monument in the center of the square. But as the many journalists who tried to watch the action from that relatively safe vantage point can attest, the middle of the square is not visible from the hotel.


A common response to this corrective analysis is: So what? The Chinese army killed many innocent people that night. Who cares exactly where the atrocities took place? That is an understandable, and emotionally satisfying, reaction. Many of us feel bile rising in our throats at any attempt to justify what the Chinese leadership and a few army commanders did that night.

But consider what is lost by not giving an accurate account of what happened, and what such sloppiness says to Chinese who are trying to improve their press organs by studying ours. The problem is not so much putting the murders in the wrong place, but suggesting that most of the victims were students. Black and Munro say „what took place was the slaughter not of students but of ordinary workers and residents — precisely the target that the Chinese government had intended.“ They argue that the government was out to suppress a rebellion of workers, who were much more numerous and had much more to be angry about than the students. This was the larger story that most of us overlooked or underplayed.

It is hard to find a journalist who has not contributed to the misimpression. Rereading my own stories published after Tiananmen, I found several references to the „Tiananmen massacre.“ At the time, I considered this space-saving shorthand. I assumed the reader would know that I meant the massacre that occurred in Beijing after the Tiananmen demonstrations. But my fuzziness helped keep the falsehood alive. Given enough time, such rumors can grow even larger and more distorted. When a journalist as careful and well-informed as Tim Russert, NBC‘s Washington bureau chief, can fall prey to the most feverish versions of the fable, the sad consequences of reportorial laziness become clear. On May 31 on Meet the Press, Russert referred to „tens of thousands“ of deaths in Tiananmen Square.

The facts of Tiananmen have been known for a long time. When Clinton visited the square this June, both The Washington Post and The New York Times explained that no one died there during the 1989 crackdown. But these were short explanations at the end of long articles. I doubt that they did much to kill the myth.

Not only has the error made the American press‘s frequent pleas for the truth about Tiananmen seem shallow, but it has allowed the bloody-minded regime responsible for the June 4 murders to divert attention from what happened. There was a massacre that morning. Journalists have to be precise about where it happened and who were its victims, or readers and viewers will never be able to understand what it meant.

http://www.studien-von-zeitfragen.net/Z ... anmen.html

All this is to say, Jack, that your own characterization of the events of June 1989 in Tiananmen Square is just as simplistic and distorted as you accuse Meyssan's of being. Furthermore, there's no excuse for dismissing the significant participation of CIA operatives and fronts before, during and after the so-called "Tiananmen massacre", especially as Tiananmen shares all the characteristics of what have later become known to be CIA-fomented and media-distorted "popular uprisings" in states targeted by America's predators. As one of the student demonstrators later said:

In late 1980s there were few reports about western countries and from what I could recall there was no negative reporting (Maybe there was but it was filtered through my brain and discarded into the CCP propaganda bin). The Voice of America introduced democracy and America to us and we loved the life Americans had, free, rich, and happy. To us at that time the America was the model country of the world. Today after 11 years living in a democratic country I have to admit that I knew very little about democracy. All I knew was a beautiful words plus a belief that democracy will fix up all the problems for China.

My family emigrated to Australia in 1998. The old scar of Tiananmen was then reopened again and again. From Australian high school textbook I found that “thousands killed by the communist government”. The number varies from one source to the other. There is no doubt the killing happened, but why is it exaggerated so much? Good teaching material? I have grown a strong nauseated feeling towards this kind of distortion over the last 10 years. The students were pushed against the PLA like an egg was thrown to a hard rock; surely the rock broke the egg but shouldn’t the one who threw the egg be also held responsible? Adding to my suspicion is the behavior of those student leaders we once followed. They have drifted apart from my friends and me when they mixed themselves up with separatists, FLG [Falun Gong - Alice]…


From my previous link to here


Jack said:
The truth is not simply the opposite of what the neocons would say in all cases, but that's the formula Meyssan follows.


I'd say, given their history and their well-documented propensity to propagate outrageous lies, it's a pretty good working hypothesis, at least until enough credible evidence has become available to decide one way or another.
"If you're not careful the newspapers will have you hating the oppressed and loving the people doing the oppressing." - Malcolm X
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Postby AlicetheKurious » Mon Jun 29, 2009 9:45 am

Hmmm...


Iran deadline nears without complaint filed

TEHRAN, Iran (CNN) --
No Iranian presidential candidates had filed complaints as a Monday deadline approached in the country's disputed presidential election, state-run Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting reported.

The powerful conservative Guardian Council last week extended the deadline for filing complaints after two candidates -- Mir Hossein Moussavi and Mehdi Karroubi -- questioned the legitimacy of the June 12 vote count.

Separately, the council -- a body of judges and religious scholars that oversees elections -- ordered a "partial recount of 10 percent of random ballot boxes across the country," government-funded Press TV reported Monday.

"The order has been made following the hesitation of representatives of ... Moussavi and an ineffective joint meeting between certain members of the special committee of the Guardian Council and Moussavi," the office of the council's spokesman said on Monday. The office said the results would be announced, but didn't say when.

Moussavi rejected the offer of a partial recount and refused to appoint a representative to the committee, according to Press TV. CNN could not immediately reach Moussavi for comment. ...

http://edition.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/meast ... pstoryview
"If you're not careful the newspapers will have you hating the oppressed and loving the people doing the oppressing." - Malcolm X
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Postby Searcher08 » Mon Jun 29, 2009 10:00 am

A cynical but funny friend of mine said, upon hearing of the death of Michael Jackson,

"Well, that's the end of the Iranian Revolution then"

which I thought cut through acres of propaganda.

BTW Alice, I'm interested in your explanation for where the charred bodies found inside the plane fuselage at the Pentagon were from? Were the dozens of people who saw the plane that day all plants?
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Postby Sweejak » Mon Jun 29, 2009 11:56 am

There's Gene Sharp again. I don't know what the truth is, but once you've "weaponized" non-violence how are you going to tell the difference? And when a real revolution rises, how will you know? I suppose follow the money would be the key.

Anyway, it was Steve Zunes who went on the defense for Sharp, read it here:
http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/5327

And a petition:
http://www.stephenzunes.org/petition/

I'm sure it matters to Sharp, but on the streets does it matter if it's Sharp or only his ideas.
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