TEN MILLION DEAD?

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TEN MILLION DEAD?

Postby seemslikeadream » Sat Jul 14, 2007 10:21 pm


SLAVERY, HOLLYWOOD, & GENOCIDE IN CENTRAL AFRICA


http://www.allthingspass.com/


Image


TEN MILLION DEAD?

SLAVERY, HOLLYWOOD, & GENOCIDE IN CENTRAL AFRICA

These two young men were captured by Congolese soldiers in the Kahuzi Beiga National Park, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. I was on a mission with these Congolese soldiers. The soldiers pillaged their village -- I was standing right there -- and the poorest people in the world were made poorer...

I want to tell the world this story... because I cannot get it into the mainstream "news" and the photos will not be shown there... I want you to know about the western interests behind this war, about the huge deceptions of it, about the hidden agendas of the National Geographic and the New York Times...about George Bush and Bill Clinton and their connections to mining operations in Congo...

Read the Africa stories on this site. keith's most recent expose -- Hotel Rwanda: Hollywood and the Holocaust in Central Africa -- is a must read for anyone concerned about democracy, truth, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Keep an eye on this site for keith's upcoming expose: KING KONG.



A look at the Democratic Republic of the Congo


keith harmon snow interview on Guns and Butter

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1U28joj6d1A&eurl=

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EMMQhHuI9_Y&eurl=

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=biEXCEOy_vs&eurl=

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IPKcgo4Es8E&eurl=

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pIM8kVSN8ug&eurl=

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L_WEY7xQEhk&eurl=
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Re: TEN MILLION DEAD?

Postby chlamor » Sat Jul 14, 2007 10:36 pm

seemslikeadream wrote:
SLAVERY, HOLLYWOOD, & GENOCIDE IN CENTRAL AFRICA


http://www.allthingspass.com/


Image


TEN MILLION DEAD?

SLAVERY, HOLLYWOOD, & GENOCIDE IN CENTRAL AFRICA

These two young men were captured by Congolese soldiers in the Kahuzi Beiga National Park, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. I was on a mission with these Congolese soldiers. The soldiers pillaged their village -- I was standing right there -- and the poorest people in the world were made poorer...

I want to tell the world this story... because I cannot get it into the mainstream "news" and the photos will not be shown there... I want you to know about the western interests behind this war, about the huge deceptions of it, about the hidden agendas of the National Geographic and the New York Times...about George Bush and Bill Clinton and their connections to mining operations in Congo...

Read the Africa stories on this site. keith's most recent expose -- Hotel Rwanda: Hollywood and the Holocaust in Central Africa -- is a must read for anyone concerned about democracy, truth, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Keep an eye on this site for keith's upcoming expose: KING KONG.



A look at the Democratic Republic of the Congo


keith harmon snow interview on Guns and Butter

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1U28joj6d1A&eurl=

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EMMQhHuI9_Y&eurl=

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=biEXCEOy_vs&eurl=

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IPKcgo4Es8E&eurl=

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pIM8kVSN8ug&eurl=

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L_WEY7xQEhk&eurl=


Does this mean I have to give up my (coltan) cell phone and laptop?

Sorry but in no way am I going to connect my personal desire for techno-gadgets to far-away slaughters.

i-POD Planet kills small black children by the score. News Not At 11.
Last edited by chlamor on Sat Jul 14, 2007 10:56 pm, edited 1 time in total.
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and these too sorry

Postby seemslikeadream » Sat Jul 14, 2007 10:43 pm

Tell Hilly


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Postby tal » Sat Jul 14, 2007 10:46 pm

11. THE INFORMER & TEN BELGIANS

Having read many articles, reports and books on the Rwandan Genocide, I have pictures in my mind of the places where significant events occurred and I wanted to see as many of them as possible while in Rwanda. On Thursday afternoon, after doing banking and going to the Rwanda Office of Tourism and National Parks (ORTPN) to pay for our upcoming Monday visit to see the gorillas, we hired a taxi and went on a bit of a tour of Kigali, including the Belgian Soldiers' Memorial, pictured below:



Image
the room where the Belgians held out for three hours,
located in the building to the left as you enter the compound

The place where the ten Belgian UN soldiers died was one of the most important - not because their deaths were more tragic than the deaths of anyone else - but because their deaths symbolize a travesty of justice, by the United Nations, which set the stage for the resumption of civil war and the genocide of a million civilian Rwandans.

If General Romeo Dallaire, the Canadian commander of the United Nations Peacekeeping Mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR), had done the militarily right thing based on information he received from an informer, instead of following the contra-indicated orders of the powers-that-be at UN headquarters in New York, there would have been no Genocide and Rwanda would have arrived at democracy without bloodshed. Romeo Dallaire would have been a true hero - albeit unsung - instead of the object of pity and ridicule he is now - even though he's been made into an author, an honourary doctor from universities, a Senator, a UN Advisor on Genocide and the object of documentaries and movies. See THE MYTH OF SAINT ROMEO.

I don't mean to blame the Genocide on Romeo Dallaire, because at least his intentions, although thwarted, were to stop it. The real blame for the Genocide in Rwanda belongs to then-UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali and then-head of the UN Security-Council, Kofi Annan (who was subsequently promoted to Secretary-General). [*See NEW article RWANDA ARMS AGAINST RPF]

They are the people to whom General Dallaire sent the information from the informer and they are the people who not only forbade him to act on it, but also ordered him to go and SHAKE THE DEVIL'S HAND (Habyarimana) and warn him he had a defector in his midst.

In SHAKE HANDS WITH THE DEVIL (documentary and book) Dallaire says, "The future of a nation was riding on how the UN was doing it....My failure to persuade New York to act on Jean-Pierre's [the infomer's] information still haunts me."

I'm sure it probably does, but if so, then why, when he was asked if he ever considered not following Annan's orders he says, in the documentary made ten years later, "To me, having disobeyed the orders would have been showmanship, would have been Hollywood, would have been totally irresponsible".

But, that's getting ahead of the story. Here's the basic background:

Three months after his October 1994 arrival in Rwanda, to take up his role as Commander of the United Nations Peace Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR), General Dallaire received information, from an informer, that the Rwandan government, under Hutu President Habyarimana, planned to assassinate leaders of the opposition, exterminate Tutsis and kill ten Belgian soldiers so that Belgium would have an excuse to pull all of its soldiers out of Rwanda.

The informer proved everything he said was true by taking Dallaire's men to places in Kigali where weapons were being stored in preparation for the war and genocide. All the informer wanted, in return for this information, was safe passage out of the country for himself and his family.

General Dallaire, upon being convinced of the informer's reliability, faxed the information to UN Peacekeeping Headquarters in New York, headed by Kofi Annan, head of the Security-Council, requesting protection for the informer and notifying them that he would be using his soldiers to attack and seize the weapons where they were being stored.

He immediately received a fax back, from Kofi Annan, forbidding him to seize the weapons and ordering him to go and tell President Habyarimana, the Hutu tyrant, that he had an informer in his government who was exposing his plans for war, genocide and murder of Belgian UN soldiers.

This was on January 11th, 1994.

General Dallaire, upon receiving these orders from Kofi Annan and HIS boss, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Secretary-General of United Nations, followed them explicitly. He didn't raid the weapons caches and he made an appointment to see President Habyarimana and told him everything the informer had revealed, effectively signing his death warrant.

Three months later, on April 7th, 1994, everything the informer said would happen, happened - the politicians were assassinated, the genocide began, ten Belgian soldiers were murdered and the civil war re-started. The peace was over. There was no longer any peace to keep, and Dallaire, in his own words, again quoting from the documentary, said, "The bastards should have pulled us out".

Before reading the following excerpt from Dallaire's book SHAKE HANDS WITH THE DEVIL, which describes the informer and the information he provided, readers may want to read RWANDA'S UN SOLDIERS DIE so as to be able to put the Belgians into context. Also, perhaps read INFORMING ON INFORMER, an interview with Philip Gourevitch for his description of the informer and his information.

Now read the following excerpt from
SHAKE HANDS WITH THE DEVIL, by Romeo Dallaire, pages 141-151:
(Note: I've made explanations [in square brackets] each time a new name or set of initials is mentioned, so readers won't be confused by the bureaucracy-speak which, like Orwell's Newspeak is meant to "narrow the range of thought".

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How to be nigerian

Postby seemslikeadream » Sat Jul 14, 2007 10:58 pm

Hey tal

now remind me, who was president during that time?



How to be Nigerian

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mxIzU4KKyWA

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Postby StarmanSkye » Sat Jul 14, 2007 11:49 pm

Maybe I'm overly cynical (is that possible today?), but I tend to think General Romeo Dallai was selected for his position precisely because it was known he wouldn't act on his own initiative -- he was well trained and disciplined to act ONLY on orders. The bit about turning-in the informer is reprehensible enough, but then he compounds the failure of his not using everything in his power to preserve the peace by lamely excusing his non-action on revulsion against irresponsible showboating. I mean, WHA???

WHAT a convoluted cop-out.

This ugly chapter suggests wheels within wheels, hidden 'bosses' calling the shots for the UN mission to prejudice continuing conflict in order to give primary economic interests an opportunity to exploit chaos. As per SOP.

Important, vital information that needs a much wider audience, esp. showing the western power's role in subverting peace, justice and freedom.
Thanks for the postings.
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The Use of Rwanda's External Debt (1990-1994)

Postby chlamor » Sun Jul 15, 2007 12:00 am

The Use of Rwanda's External Debt (1990-1994)
The Responsibility of Donors and Creditors

by Michel Chossudovsky and Pierre Galand

Global Research, March 30, 2004
- 1996-10-15

Ten years after the 1994 Genocide, the role of financial institutions has to be fully understood. Development aid and foreign loans were channelled towards financing the military and paramilitary. The donors turned a blind eye. This report examines the role of multilateral and bilateral donors including Western governments and the Bretton Woods institutions.

The mission was composed of Belgian Economist and Senator Pierre Galand (Mission head) and Canadian Economist Professor Michel Chossudovsky. The report, was based on field work conducted in Rwanda in 1996. The mandate of the mission was to identify the role of international financial institutions, donors and creditors in relation to the genocide and ethnic massacres of 1994.



The mission was set up at the request of the Rwandan authorities, formally under UNDP auspices (PROJET RWA/95/005 RÉHABILITATION DES CAPACITÉS DE GESTION DE L'ÉCONOMIE (CAGE).

Please note that the original text of this report is in French and that the English text contained herein is an unofficial translation, which has not be checked by the authors. In analyzing and quoting this document, please always refer to the French original. http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO403F.html

I INTRODUCTION

1.1 The aim of this report is to study the profile of Rwanda=s foreign debt acquired during the period between 1990 and 1994 so as to advise the Rwandan Government on methods of negotiation with the donors.

1.2 The process of debt acquisition during the 1990-1994 period was an exception compared to the previous debts. The debts of the former government (1990-1994) were mainly used to finance the armed forces and civilian militia.

1.3 The mission noted the increase in the debt load during the period immediately prior to the genocidal killings and massacres. This showed the importance for the Rwandan authorities of establishing methods of negotiation specially related to debt contracted between 1990-1994.

1.4 Mindful of the circumstances experienced by Rwanda as a result of the genocidal killings and massacres of 1994 and the difficulties related to the reconstruction of the country, the approach taken is therefore aimed at the reduction and conversion of foreign debt to relaunch lasting economic development.

1.5 The motive for such an approach was clearly stated by the Rwandan Government, and taken over by participants of the donors Round Table held in Geneva on 21 and 22 June 1996.

1.6 At this meeting, M. G. Livi, spokesperson for the EU made the following proposals:

On one hand, we have observed that according to any criteria - World Bank Atlas, Index of UNDP Human Development, eyewitness of anyone visiting Kigali, - we are talking about an exceptionally poor country, if not the worlds most poorest. In doesn=t even take into account the tragedies lived by the Rwandan people during the last two or twenty years. On the other hand, this same country is faced with a financial crisis, with no prospect of recovery, a crises which runs the risk of making futile any long-term rehabilitation and development strategy. Note that I am saying no perspective. Because most of the debt in question is towards the international financial institutions, save some very recent and very general initiatives which will surely not get anywhere by the end of the century. - There is still no possibility of talking about the rescheduling of Rwanda's multilateral debt. We simply cannot be blinded to this issue which risk compromising all the efforts made for the development of Rwanda.

1.7 Similarly, the IMF spokesman concluded his intervention as follows:

"Finally, the international approach for assisting Rwanda in the period ahead would also need to address the external debt service problem, which, as mentioned earlier, appears to be unsustainable unless exceptional external assistance is forthcoming."

1.8 During the same meeting, the World Bank representative concluded his intervention by describing the weight of Rwanda=s foreign debt.

"We agree that pushing the debt repayment problem to other years is not a long term solution".

1.9 The approach taken by the World Bank was stated in a letter to Mr. Pierre Galand sent on the 9th of September 1996. The letter was sent on behalf of President Wolfersohn, by the World Bank's Vice President, Mr. Ishrat Husain. He stated:

"I would certainly agree with you that the conventional instruments that the World Bank has (and indeed other multilateral agencies have) are inadequate the challenge of reconstruction in such a situation".

Experts Approach

1.10 Chapter II of this report shows a detailed analysis of the follow up documents of the Technical Committee for SAP in order to untangle the developments of the Defense Ministry budget, It also analyses correspondence between government and foreign creditor representatives concerning security expenditures. Chapter III analyses the purchasing of arms and weapons by the former regime, the use of various external financial sources, negotiations within the protocol and agreement of loans. The fourth chapter highlights the financing of military expenditure spent by the former regime following the genocidal killings of 1994, and the embargo imposed by the United Nations on arms sales. Chapter V presents the conclusions and recommendations.


II THE BUDGET OF MINISTRY OF DEFENSE

Economic Context

2.1 The Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) negotiated with the donors was put into practice while the country was still at war. The measures taken by the Bretton Woods institutions were obviously inappropriate.

2.2 On September 17 1990, before the outbreak of hostilities, the first devaluation was decided. This decision took place in Washington during a meeting between the IMF and a mission led by the Rwandan Finance Minister, Mr. Benoit Ntigurirwa. The main measures taken were applied only after the outbreak of the war. Following an IMF recommendation the Rwandan Franc was devalued (to 67%) in November 1990, merely six weeks following the outbreak. The usual formulations were made; liberalization of the market, currency devaluation, withdrawal of agricultural subventions, eventual elimination of the Equalization Fund, (used to buy coffee from planters), privatization of companies and public services, dismissal of officials..... Despite the beginning of war, none of the measures set up with the SAP were either reviewed or modified.

2.3 Inflation grew and real income slumped. The price of fuel and other necessities shot up. Inflation grew from 1% in 1989 until 19.2% in 1991. There was a deterioration of the balance of payments and negative economic growth. Foreign debt increased by 34.3 % between 1989 and 1992

2.4 Following the "green light" given by the IMF in November 1990, the army suddenly swelled from 5,000 to 40,000 men, thus supposing external financing despite budgetary austerity. Juvenile delinquents, resulting from an impoverished society were enrolled by the thousands into civilian militia, responsible for the genocidal killings and massacres.

2.5 External funds enabled the regime to acquire military material to organize and supply the militia with equipment. Besides the purchase of weapons, these imports included a steady flow of agro-foodstuffs, clothing, fuel, alcoholic beverages, etc, destined for members of the Armed Forces, the militia and their families

Inflated military expenditures

2.6 The austerity measures demanded by the donors under the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) affected exclusively non-military expenditures while the military expenditures took up a growing proportion of the State income and foreign loans (see table No. 2.1).

2.7 These cuts weighed on expenditures for education, health, infrastructure and production support. Economic reform resulted in the collapse of public services, famine, (hitting many areas since 1992), the shooting up of unemployment and an unstable social climate.

2.8 Developments of the budget structure is confirmed in a confidential letter from the Finance Minister to President Habyarimana relating to the 1991 National Defense Ministry budget estimate:

"the military expenditures brought about by the war contributed largely to the budget deficit. Military expenditures went up from 3.4 billion FRW in 1989 to 7.9 billion FRW in 1990 and from 12.7 billion FRW in 1991. Or an increase of respectively 132% and 274%.

The ratio of military goods and services on the total of goods and services went from 28% in 1989, to 60% in 1990 and 71 % in 1991. At the same time civil goods and services went from 4.013 billion RWF in 1989 to 3,900 billion FRW, or dropped from 2.8% following a devaluation of 66.7%

The ratio of total actual military expenditures went from 14% in 1989, to 26% in 1990 to 38% in 1991. This shows that other main administration services did not have the means and had a very difficult time functioning.

Compared to total income, regular military expenditures used 14% of income. With the war military expenditures represented 37% in 1990 and 51% in 1991 of total state income".

Balance of payments and imports of military equipment

2.9 In 1991, military expenditures had already soaked up around 51% of state earnings and 71% as total expenditure goods and services. Since 1990, these military expenditures have been reflected in the structure as the trade balance. (25.1 million USD in 1990 and 37.6 million USD in 1991). In 1992, 1993 and 1994, while the importation of military material was increasing, non-military imports were on an ever decreasing scale. Moreover, many so-called non-military imports were actually disguised military imports.

2.10 Imported merchandise and fuel sold on the local market was also used to generate counter-part funds to finance the military system.

2.11 On the other hand, as of 1990, export earnings were decreasing constantly. This was mainly due to the drop in the price of coffee which resulted in a fall in production. State services were in complete confusion, companies were going bankrupt, public services were collapsing, interest rates were shooting up; there was a freeze on purchase price of coffee, (in Rwandan francs) regardless of inflation (recommended by the IMF).

2.12 Fully aware of the situation, the donors covered a Afinancial gap@ owing to inflated military expenditures. According to figures from the Technical Committee for SAP Follow-up (CSTP), 96% of the Rwandan budget deficit was covered by foreign aid.

2.13 Furthermore foreign financing helped alleviate the increasing imbalance on the balance of payments owing to the imports destined for the Armed Forces and the militia.

2.14 The precarious state of public finance was confirmed in a governmental note which was widely circulated and titled "The 1991 budgetary problems and the SAP objective pertaining to public finance".

"The SAP withheld the financial GAP foreseen at 13,111 million FRW of counter-part funds originating from the SAC (World Bank Structural Adjustment Credit) and contribution of donors participating in the SPA (Special Program for Africa - (France, Switzerland, Canada) and other donors (Austria, FAD, Belgium and The United States)".

<snip>

V CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Our study confirms that the planning and implementation of the genocidal killings and massacres required substantial financial commitments. Not counting the huge expenditures of the Armed forces and the militia, the expenditures on military equipment, machetes and other equipment add up to more than 112 million dollars. This analysis, together with the various documents and invoices confirm the setting up by the former regime of a systematic procedure for the misappropriation of funds. Military expenditures were financed by foreign debt.

5.2 The donors on the one hand demanded total restitution of public funding for civilian expenditure while at the same time establishing budgetary goals to be reached for security expenditures.

5.3 Not only were the donors aware of what was going on but the World Bank and the IMF even gave technical support to the authorities through the SAP follow-up committee to establish budget objectives for the National Defense Ministry.

5.4 In other words, through intervening with loans and donations, the donors covered the National Defense=s budgetary deficit, and by doing so financed the war and, finally the civilian militia.

5.5 The mission was able to confirm that there was negligence on the part of the donors first of all concerning the management of the State budget and secondly on the follow-up procedures, verification and auditing of loan agreements.

5.6 The situation is particularly serious in that some of the quick disbursing loans were used under Aeligible importation provisions@, for importing huge quantities of machetes. No action was taken by the supervising and auditing missions to stop these imports.

5.7 This is where the question of responsibility comes in. Do the donors not have responsibility towards the victims of the genocidal killings and the massacres?

5.8 This responsibility not only brings up the formal legitimacy of foreign debt contracted by the former regime between 1990 and 1994 and the question of it=s cancellation, but it also obliges the donors and the International Community to contribute to a special, post-genocide reparation programme aiming to bring compensation to families of victims and survivors and the economic and social reconstruction of the country.

5.9 By the end of 1995, Rwanda=s foreign debt was around one billion dollars, which is unbearably heavy. Our mission is of the opinion that all the debt contracted during the 1990-1994 period has to be treated in a very special way so that the present government can be released from the commitments contracted by for the former authorities, responsible for the genocide.

5.10 Since most of these debts are multilateral, steps have to be taken going beyond the usual procedures concerning multilateral debt restructuring.

5.11 It must be understood that in this same view, the solutions proposed by the Group of Seven (G7) for the least developed countries, following the Lyon Summit in June 1996 and the meetings in Washington in September 1996 of the Bretton Woods institutions, are completely inappropriate to the situation in Rwanda.

5.12 The foreign debt load is so heavy that all the proposals made for special treatment (with conditionality) and new capital in form of loans and donations, are at this time insufficient to secure the debt service.

5.13 The new loans will be of no use to the reconstruction of the country without complete and unconditional cancellation of the 1990-94 loans. On the contrary, they will help maintain the country in its present state and make the debt load even heavier.

<snip>

http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php? ... va&aid=364
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Rwanda: Installing a US Protectorate in Central Africa

Postby chlamor » Sun Jul 15, 2007 12:02 am

Rwanda: Installing a US Protectorate in Central Africa
The US was behind the Rwandan Genocide

by Michel Chossudovsky

Global Research, May 8, 2003
- 2005-06-18

Originally written in May 2000, the following text is Part II of Chapter 7 entitled "Economic Genocide in Rwanda", of the Second Edition of The Globalization of Poverty and the New World Order , Global Research, 2003. This text updates the author's analysis on Rwanda written in 1995 , which was published in the first edition of Globalization of Poverty, TWN and Zed Books, Penang and London, 1997. To order the Second Edition of The Globalization of Poverty, click here .

This text is in part based on the results of a study conducted by the author together with Belgian economist Pierre Galand on the use of Rwanda's 1990-94 external debt to finance the military and paramilitary.

The civil war in Rwanda and the ethnic massacres were an integral part of US foreign policy, carefully staged in accordance with precise strategic and economic objectives.

From the outset of the Rwandan civil war in 1990, Washington's hidden agenda consisted in establishing an American sphere of influence in a region historically dominated by France and Belgium. America's design was to displace France by supporting the Rwandan Patriotic Front and by arming and equipping its military arm, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA)

From the mid-1980s, the Kampala government under President Yoweri Musaveni had become Washington's African showpiece of "democracy". Uganda had also become a launchpad for US sponsored guerilla movements into the Sudan, Rwanda and the Congo. Major General Paul Kagame had been head of military intelligence in the Ugandan Armed Forces; he had been trained at the U.S. Army Command and Staff College (CGSC) in Leavenworth, Kansas which focuses on warfighting and military strategy. Kagame returned from Leavenworth to lead the RPA, shortly after the 1990 invasion.

Prior to the outbreak of the Rwandan civil war, the RPA was part of the Ugandan Armed Forces. Shortly prior to the October 1990 invasion of Rwanda, military labels were switched. From one day to the next, large numbers of Ugandan soldiers joined the ranks of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). Throughout the civil war, the RPA was supplied from United People's Defense Forces (UPDF) military bases inside Uganda. The Tutsi commissioned officers in the Ugandan army took over positions in the RPA. The October 1990 invasion by Ugandan forces was presented to public opinion as a war of liberation by a Tutsi led guerilla army.

Militarization of Uganda

The militarization of Uganda was an integral part of US foreign policy. The build-up of the Ugandan UPDF Forces and of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) had been supported by the US and Britain. The British had provided military training at the Jinja military base:

"From 1989 onwards, America supported joint RPF [Rwandan Patriotic Front]-Ugandan attacks upon Rwanda... There were at least 56 'situation reports' in [US] State Department files in 1991… As American and British relations with Uganda and the RPF strengthened, so hostilities between Uganda and Rwanda escalated… By August 1990 the RPF had begun preparing an invasion with the full knowledge and approval of British intelligence. 20

Troops from Rwanda's RPA and Uganda's UPDF had also supported John Garang's People's Liberation Army in its secessionist war in southern Sudan. Washington was firmly behind these initiatives with covert support provided by the CIA. 21

Moreover, under the Africa Crisis Reaction Initiative (ACRI), Ugandan officers were also being trained by US Special Forces in collaboration with a mercenary outfit, Military Professional Resources Inc (MPRI) which was on contract with the US Department of State. MPRI had provided similar training to the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and the Croatian Armed Forces during the Yugoslav civil war and more recently to the Colombian Military in the context of Plan Colombia.

Militarization and the Ugandan External Debt

The buildup of the Ugandan external debt under President Musaveni coincided chronologically with the Rwandan and Congolese civil wars. With the accession of Musaveni to the presidency in 1986, the Ugandan external debt stood at 1.3 billion dollars. With the gush of fresh money, the external debt spiraled overnight, increasing almost threefold to 3.7 billion by 1997. In fact, Uganda had no outstanding debt to the World Bank at the outset of its "economic recovery program". By 1997, it owed almost 2 billion dollars solely to the World Bank. 22

Where did the money go? The foreign loans to the Musaveni government had been tagged to support the country's economic and social reconstruction. In the wake of a protracted civil war, the IMF sponsored "economic stabilization program" required massive budget cuts of all civilian programs.

The World Bank was responsible for monitoring the Ugandan budget on behalf of the creditors. Under the "public expenditure review" (PER), the government was obliged to fully reveal the precise allocation of its budget. In other words, every single category of expenditure --including the budget of the Ministry of Defense-- was open to scrutiny by the World Bank. Despite the austerity measures (imposed solely on "civilian" expenditures), the donors had allowed defense spending to increase without impediment.

Part of the money tagged for civilian programs had been diverted into funding the United People's Defense Force (UPDF) which in turn was involved in military operations in Rwanda and the Congo. The Ugandan external debt was being used to finance these military operations on behalf of Washington with the country and its people ultimately footing the bill. In fact by curbing social expenditures, the austerity measures had facilitated the reallocation of State of revenue in favor of the Ugandan military.

Financing both Sides in the Civil War

A similar process of financing military expenditure from the external debt had occurred in Rwanda under the Habyarimana government. In a cruel irony, both sides in the civil war were financed by the same donors institutions with the World Bank acting as a Watchdog.

The Habyarimana regime had at its disposal an arsenal of military equipment, including 83mm missile launchers, French made Blindicide, Belgian and German made light weaponry, and automatic weapons such as kalachnikovs made in Egypt, China and South Africa [as well as ... armored AML-60 and M3 armored vehicles.23 While part of these purchases had been financed by direct military aid from France, the influx of development loans from the World Bank's soft lending affiliate the International Development Association (IDA), the African Development Fund (AFD), the European Development Fund (EDF) as well as from Germany, the United States, Belgium and Canada had been diverted into funding the military and Interhamwe militia.

A detailed investigation of government files, accounts and correspondence conducted in Rwanda in 1996-97 by the author --together with Belgian economist Pierre Galand-- confirmed that many of the arms purchases had been negotiated outside the framework of government to government military aid agreements through various intermediaries and private arms dealers. These transactions --recorded as bona fide government expenditures-- had nonetheless been included in the State budget which was under the supervision of the World Bank. Large quantities of machetes and other items used in the 1994 ethnic massacres --routinely classified as "civilian commodities" -- had been imported through regular trading channels. 24

According to the files of the National Bank of Rwanda (NBR), some of these imports had been financed in violation of agreements signed with the donors. According to NBR records of import invoices, approximately one million machetes had been imported through various channels including Radio Mille Collines, an organization linked to the Interhamwe militia and used to foment ethnic hatred. 25

The money had been earmarked by the donors to support Rwanda's economic and social development. It was clearly stipulated that funds could not be used to import: "military expenditures on arms, ammunition and other military material". 26 In fact, the loan agreement with the World Bank's IDA was even more stringent. The money could not be used to import civilian commodities such as fuel, foodstuffs, medicine, clothing and footwear "destined for military or paramilitary use". The records of the NBR nonetheless confirm that the Habyarimana government used World Bank money to finance the import of machetes which had been routinely classified as imports of "civilian commodities." 27

An army of consultants and auditors had been sent in by World Bank to assess the Habyarimana government's "policy performance" under the loan agreement.28 The use of donor funds to import machetes and other material used in the massacres of civilians did not show up in the independent audit commissioned by the government and the World Bank. (under the IDA loan agreement. (IDA Credit Agreement. 2271-RW).29 In 1993, the World Bank decided to suspend the disbursement of the second installment of its IDA loan. There had been, according to the World Bank mission unfortunate "slip-ups" and "delays" in policy implementation. The free market reforms were no longer "on track", the conditionalities --including the privatization of state assets-- had not been met. The fact that the country was involved in a civil war was not even mentioned. How the money was spent was never an issue.30

Whereas the World Bank had frozen the second installment (tranche) of the IDA loan, the money granted in 1991 had been deposited in a Special Account at the Banque Bruxelles Lambert in Brussels. This account remained open and accessible to the former regime (in exile), two months after the April 1994 ethnic massacres.31

<snip>

http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php? ... va&aid=373
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A Tale of Two Genocides, Congo and Darfur

Postby chlamor » Wed Jul 18, 2007 10:07 pm

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A Tale of Two Genocides, Congo and Darfur: The Blatantly Inconsistent U.S. Position

by BAR executive editor Glen Ford

"A human death toll that approaches the Nazi's annihilation of Jews in World War Two unfolds without a whiff of complaint from the superpower."

CongoImpaled Possibly a quarter million people have lost their lives in Darfur, western Sudan, in ethnic conflict. The U.S. government screams its head off in denunciation of genocide, in this case. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), as many as five million have died since 1994 in overlapping convulsions of ethnic and state-sponsored massacre. Not a word of reproach from Washington. A human death toll that approaches the Nazi's annihilation of Jews in World War Two - an ongoing holocaust - unfolds without a whiff of complaint from the superpower.

Why is mass death the cause of indignation and confrontation in Sudan, but exponentially more massive carnage in Congo unworthy of mention? The answer is simple: in Sudan, the U.S. has a geopolitical nemesis to confront: Arabs, and their Chinese business partners. In the Congo, it is U.S allies and European and American corporate interests that benefit from the slaughter. Therefore, despite five million skeletons lying in the ground, there is no call to arms from the American government. It is they who set the genocidal Congolese machine in motion.

Active U.S. Passivity

In 1994, Rwanda was on the brink. The Hutu majority, which had for a century been oppressed by Tutsi surrogates for European colonialists, feared that another massacre of their kin was imminent. There had been many massacres of Hutus, before, in Rwanda and neighboring Burundi, also under minority Tutsi control. Pent-up hysteria exploded in an orgy of violence that claimed the lives of as many as 800,000 Tutsis and Hutus that did not support the genocide.CongRPG

The U.S. did nothing to interfere, because they had two actors in the game. Ugandan dictator Yoweri Museveni was now the Americans' guy in central Africa. Tutsi Rwandan exiles, headed by Paul Kagame, were an integral part of Museveni's army. As the genocide began, Kagame's forces launched an offensive from Uganda into Rwanda. It did not halt the massacre of Tutsis, but succeeded in driving the disorganized Hutus into neighboring Congo. The Americans now had another player in the African game: the new head of the Rwandan Tutsi-dominated state, Paul Kagame. His forces then invaded eastern Congo, chasing the fleeing Hutus.

"The eastern Congo was up for grabs, and everybody grabbed some."

All hell broke loose. President Mobutu Sese Seko, America's man in the Congo, then called Zaire, was terminally ill. He fled and died in exile in 1997. The eastern Congo was now up for grabs, and everybody grabbed some. Eastern Congo is one of the most minerally rich places on Earth, an extractors' paradise. According to the CIA's "Factbook," the DRC abounds with "cobalt, copper, niobium, tantalum, petroleum, industrial and gem diamonds, gold, silver, zinc, manganese, tin, uranium, coal, hydropower, timber." All of these resources are exploited by European andCongoMap American corporations that maintain their own mercenary armies to guard the extraction fields. For generations they have run their patches of Congolese land like governments, with the support of France, Belgium, the United States and other powers. The so-called civil war effectively gave them full autonomy in the wake of Mobutu's corrupt demise, as the power of the central government in Kinshasa, crumbled. Mass carnage raged around them, but did not interrupt the extraction process.

<snip>

http://www.blackagendareport.com/index. ... &Itemid=37

Not a word. No white people involved. Except on the killing end.
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