A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby jakell » Thu Feb 13, 2014 2:26 pm

Zombie Glenn Beck » Thu Feb 13, 2014 6:17 pm wrote:
Project Willow » Thu Feb 13, 2014 2:02 pm wrote:Okay, enough is enough already.

Jakell, I get that your initial interactions with AD were not very pleasant, and I'd understand if you were still angry, but now you're just trolling the hell out of this thread.

Find something constructive to contribute, another topic to focus on, or take a time out.

Everybody, this is not a forum for badgering, dogging, and psychoanalyzing each other through the virtual ether. Please keep posts centered on the topic and not on other posters' perceived foibles, inadequacies, quirks, or general assholery. Do pm a mod in the case of flagrant assholery.

Thank you.

Thats not very fair. AD can accuse Jakell of being a Nazi but Jakell cant get a few passive aggressive pot shots in return? As the defenders of this link spam thread have stated in the past, you are free to ignore anything you dont like. You are are free to ignore us poking the resident paranoid with a stick, and Jakell, Seemslikeadream, me and anyone else who AD has explicitly and implicitly stated are Fascists are free to ignore AD. But personally, I dont like being accused of being a Nazi so Im just going to keep on poking.


The only thing that really stung was me 'not contributing anything positive', when that has just been obscured by long winded spam.

I know AD is very good at this, but I would have thought the forum would be able to see through this by now.
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Thu Feb 13, 2014 2:29 pm

Europe is in deep trouble- not that North America is any better:

http://www.dissentmagazine.org/blog/the ... e-quenelle

The Unwelcome Arrival of the Quenelle

Image
Nicolas Anelka celebrates a goal with a quenelle salute (YouTube, December 2013)

By Dave Rich - January 30, 2014


The scene is the Zenith de Paris theatre, December 2008. French comedian Dieudonné M’bala M’bala is on stage, describing to his audience the genesis of the sketch they are about to watch. It is a response, he explains, to a hostile review by the “billionaire philosopher” Bernard-Henri Lévy—cue pantomime boos from the crowd—who had described Dieudonné’s previous show as “the biggest anti-Semitic meeting since the last world war.”

If you really want to “stick it to them the right way . . . to send them climbing up the wall,” he tells his cheering, laughing fans (without ever defining “them”), you will welcome on stage “the most unfrequentable person in France.” On walks Robert Faurisson, France’s best-known Holocaust denier, to applause, with Dieudonné shouting “Louder! Louder!” The audience responds to Dieudonné’s appeals by greeting Faurisson with cheers and whistles of acclaim.

The punch line to the sketch comes when Dieudonné calls on stage his assistant Jacky, in his “suit of light,” to give Faurisson an award “for unfrequentability and insolence.” Jacky’s “suit of light” is a mocked-up concentration camp uniform, complete with stitched-on yellow star. “Photographers, let it rip!” Dieudonné cries, as the three of them stand together on stage. “Look at the scandal! Let’s have an ovation!” And an ovation is what they get. “I’ve been treated, in my country, like a Palestinian,” Faurisson tells the audience. “I’m treated like a Palestinian and I can’t help making common cause with them.”

The manner in which Dieudonné maneuvered a Parisian audience into expressing its anti-establishment sentiments by cheering Robert Faurisson (has he ever had such an ovation, even from an exclusively far-right audience?) and laughing at Jacky’s “suit of light,” all on the premise of sticking it to “them,” shows the ease with which raw, old-fashioned anti-Semitism can be inserted into contemporary radical politics. “Making common cause” between Holocaust deniers, neo-fascists, the pro-Palestinian left, and the revolutionary Islamists of Iran is precisely what Dieudonné has spent the past decade trying to achieve. Originally from the political left, he has moved via anti-Israel rhetoric and the fascist Front National (FN) to the establishment of his own Parti Anti Sioniste (PAS, or Anti-Zionist Party). Alongside him in the PAS is essayist and filmmaker Alain Soral, who underwent a similar journey from the Marxist left to the FN before finding a political home with Dieudonné.

There are not many political movements that can embrace the neo-fascist right, the anti-capitalist left, and Iranian revolutionary Islamism. Dieudonné is close to FN leaders—Jean Marie Le Pen is godfather to one of his children—while also attracting fans who consider themselves to be left-wing radicals. He was a guest in Tehran of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and received Iranian funding for a film project. Historically, movements that successfully pulled off this kind of balancing act have tended to rely on anti-Semitism as their glue, expressed through the lingua franca of conspiracist anti-Zionism, and PAS is no different.

Strikingly, for a party that calls itself anti-Zionist, PAS’s political program makes no direct mention of Israel or Palestine. This is parochial, patriotic anti-Zionism, in which Zionism is portrayed primarily as a subversive, corrupting presence in French society. Zionist influence, domination, pressure, and advocacy must all be eliminated from “la Nation,” in order to establish a society of justice, progress, and tolerance. Only then can French power be restored at home and abroad. In 2009 PAS contested the European Elections on the slogan, to “Keep Europe free from censorship, communalism, speculators, and NATO.” In 2010 Dieudonné told Iran’s Press TV that France has been taken hostage by “the Zionist lobby.”

Dieudonné’s political vision could be mistaken for belonging to Europe’s radical right, but for the omission of immigration as a grievance. He could sit easily on the populist left, but for his friendship with the FN. His views carry echoes of the Third Positionist ideas developed by Nick Griffin and Roberto Fiore—who have both sat in the European Parliament—in the 1980s. He is emblematic of the a new, post–Cold War, post-9/11 radical politics, described by David Aaronovitch as “a loose coalition of impulses: anti-globalisation, broadly anti-modernist and anti-imperialist,”’ and bound together by an “anti-Israel tinge.’”

Dieudonné’s ethnicity (he is of French-Cameroonian parentage) and origins on the left have lulled some observers into viewing him as an example of a “new anti-Semitism,” originating in the left and in minority communities, and directed at Israel. This is a category error: Dieudonné’s anti-Semitism is very much of the old variety, blaming Jewish speculators and globalists for the erosion of Europe’s moral core and the sapping of the nation’s strength. However, whereas pre-war anti-Semites portrayed this Jewish influence as a hidden hand, pulling the strings of the elite, nowadays Jews are accused of being the very establishment themselves. Symbolized in France by Bernard-Henri Lévy, they are the new insiders—white, wealthy, and influential, accused of using their status to prevent others from achieving their rightful place in society. Thus, neo-fascist anti-Semitism that sees the “Big Jew” as the cause of all misfortune merges with the resentments of marginalized minorities, hoovering up the varied grievances of the disenfranchised into one amorphous movement. PAS’s program weaves classical anti-Semitism, reworked as conspiracist anti-Zionism, with a call for social justice and a lament for France’s lost power and purpose, thereby skillfully combining the populist anti-politics of left and right. It’s petty nationalism married to Occupy’s 99 percent.

This is the political movement that West Bromwich Albion striker Nicolas Anelka introduced to a British audience when he performed a quenelle salute upon scoring a goal in a Premier League match in December 2013—a salute he later dedicated to Dieudonné (the two are friends). It is claimed by Dieudonné’s defenders that the quenelle and what it represents—call it Quenellism—is an anti-system, not anti-Semitic, posture. For example, when the Manchester City footballer Samir Nasri was photographed performing a quenelle, he apologized, explaining that it “symbolizes being against the system.” Nasri has in fact done very well from “the system”: according to media reports he earns over £8 million annually playing football.

It may well be the case that not every quenellier is motivated by anti-Semitism; being “against the system” is cool, and Dieudonné has successfully helped the quenelle to become its signifying meme. For some it can genuinely represent a more general pose of rebellion against the structures and authorities that influence all of our lives, often not to our benefit. It appeals to some French footballers the way that gangsta rap appeals to some American sports stars. But Dieudonné’s association with the quenelle, as its inventor and popularizer, means that it can never be completely detached from his anti-Semitic politics. That Anelka not only performed a quenelle but then dedicated it to Dieudonné is doubly damning.

In France, the quenelle has become both cultural meme and political identifier for Dieudonné’s politics and the movement it has spawned. In place of the massed ranks of saluters or marchers that were the political theatre of totalitarianism, we have the viral online spread of quenelle selfies. This may be the first individualist mass movement of the social media age, in which there are no membership cards or party dues, no meetings in pubs or rallies in town centers; nothing more than a user-generated quenelle image is necessary to join, at a time and place and in a style of your choosing. Quenelle at Auschwitz? Fine. Quenelle at Upton Park? Fine. Quenelle in your living room? Fine. As long as you then tweet or post or blog your quenelle, you’re in. The power of this meme is demonstrated by its spread: Dieudonné has been much more successful in encouraging quenelliers than he was in attracting votes. However, this is also its political weakness: this is a mass movement of attitude rather than action, which so far has not translated into formal political power.

Now that the quenelle has arrived in Britain, the question arises as to the potential for Dieudonné’s politics to take root here. There is a plausible argument that anti-Semitic movements simply lack the potential in Britain that they have in France. Some of the most divisive episodes in the formation of modern France have revolved around Jews—or to be more precise, the Jewish Question. The granting of rights to Jews after the French Revolution; the Dreyfus Affair; the much-belated acknowledgement of Vichy France’s record and French collaboration in the Shoah during the Nazi occupation; are all events that lack parallels in modern British history, in which Jews have, to a certain extent, been protected by their marginality. Furthermore, Holocaust denial has had an association with the left in France, via political activists Paul Rassinier and later Pierre Guillaume, for example, that is lacking in Britain.

Yet it would be complacent to assume that Dieudonné’s anti-establishment appeal, expressed through angry, transgressive satire and political stunts, could not find a British audience. The personal followings of Nigel Farage MEP and George Galloway MP demonstrate the appetite in the UK for charismatic, populist anti-politics. The risk is heightened by the introduction of Quenellism to Britain via football, possibly the most culturally powerful and prominent stage of all. British football is a tribal world, where fans support their club against all rationality and young fans mimic their heroes’ goal celebrations in the park the next day. It is also one of the last remaining environments where mass anti-Semitic chanting is still heard in Britain from time to time, fueled by the tribal hatreds of inter-club rivalries. A Francophone comic with a taste for the surreal is likely to have trouble finding a mass audience in Britain; but his populist anti-politics, carrying a coded anti-Semitism and transmitted via social media, may have better luck in finding an audience.

Dave Rich is Deputy Director of Communications at the Community Security Trust.

This article will appear in the forthcoming issue of Fathom.
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby jakell » Thu Feb 13, 2014 2:31 pm

American Dream » Thu Feb 13, 2014 6:22 pm wrote:
Zombie Glenn Beck » Thu Feb 13, 2014 1:17 pm wrote: I dont like being accused of being a Nazi so Im just going to keep on poking.


I'm not going to distract from this thread for further discussion like this- would be willing to say some things in a thread specifically about board dynamics- but this is crap...


AD, you have been disrupting your own thread with wildly varying stuff, so you yourself are barely on topic.

Here's a very relevent question. Why should General discussion be just another 'Data dump'? Because that's what you've been doing, and certainly not discussing.
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby jakell » Thu Feb 13, 2014 2:34 pm

American Dream » Thu Feb 13, 2014 6:29 pm wrote:Europe is in deep trouble- not that North America is any better:

http://www.dissentmagazine.org/blog/the ... e-quenelle



In trouble.... how? The whole world seems in all sorts of different sorts of trouble

Discuss AD. this just looks like more spam to me. Tell us what you think.
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Thu Feb 13, 2014 2:39 pm

Jakell, I ain't discussing shit with you here.

Are you up for participating in a dedicate thread about how we can keep board dynamics healthy in general?
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby jakell » Thu Feb 13, 2014 2:44 pm

American Dream » Thu Feb 13, 2014 6:39 pm wrote:Jakell, I ain't discussing shit with you here.

Are you up for participating in a dedicate thread about how we can keep board dynamics healthy in general?


I have made plenty of urbane and relevent comments about the UK far right, somewhere where I live, and have up to date familiarity with, so why don't you wish to discuss this?

Of course I am up for any thread regarding forum dynamics, this is also a subject I have broached on other forums and something that is often overlooked.
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby jakell » Thu Feb 13, 2014 3:02 pm

Ok. This is for anyone who says I have been 'trolling' and not contributing. It's some of the stuff I've been posting over the last two days and it's actually stuff from the heart which has been obscured by masses of spam.

If that sort of stuff is deemed irrelevent here, then so be it.

British Nationalism has actually had little truck with all the Jew stuff that is reminiscent of White nationalism, and it's nearly always concerned with present situations and present immigration, of which the Jews don't form a part. You will hardly hear any antisemitism from your average British Nationalist.
Our Jews do ok compared to other countries and are quite well integrated, in addition to this British Jews are nowhere near as defensive as in your country and there is no defamation league etc.

The article quite properly states that the BNP is failing (contrary to your other C&P's), and stuff like this from NG is a measure of desperation that will most likely fall on deaf ears.


-----------------------------

I think one of your errors AD is to view the 'far right' as quite monolithic around the world the world.

This may be the view of American white nationalists (American hegemony again), but in Europe at least, this is not case, it even differs significantly from country to country, which is why it important to gain local knowledge too. These differences are another area where the Left have missed the boat.

I'd be much more interested in hearing about the American end of things, and this could be a good focus for you, we could then compare notes in a constructive fashion and hopefully inerest the rest of the board too.

---------------------------------

Talking of this, when are we going to get back to that discussion of what exactly constitutes anti-fascist activity in this environment?

I sort of touched on this today in 82_28's 'interesting observation' thread:

viewtopic.php?f=8&t=37712

Do you have any response to what what said there?


-----------------------------------


I'm not sure that fascism exists as such in cyberspace, in that it is much more difficult to compel people, this can be done via bullying etc, but it is a much harder thing to put one's finger on relative to visceral, real world fascism.
This could be altered to 'the disruption of the transmission of fascist ideology'

With AD though, I was speaking more about strategies for combating fascism in this environment, and this is related to three points I identified earlier on in our relationship (altered to take the personal element out):

1) Sustaining an environment where these issues can be discussed rationally (ie, no heated repetitive arguments and conversely, protracted silences)

2) Discovering as conclusively as possible who is and who isn't a fascist (if anyone is, ie no baseless accusations)

3) Proceeding to tackle those who have been identified as the former above, and moving towards a resolution.

-----------------------------------------

Not sure what the 'Asian Youth movement' is, but I would think that, as a Sikh, he possibly had a different experience to the overwhelmingly Pakistani nature of 'British Asians'

The British far right (and the Left to an extent) still often make the mistake of lumping all immigrants together. and here they miss a big trick, which is taking into account of the sometimes quite significant tensions between immigrant communities, which have also had a formative effect on British race relations.
This will have had an effect on their ability to form a consistent and effective response to white racism, and the issues here are not that different to those discussed in the 'Class vs Race' J Sakei article (the Chinese bit)

------------------------------------------

Possibly quite appropriate use of the past tense there. As these were very likely an extension of white leftist movements, I suspect that they didn't form enough of their own identity to become a self sustaining movement in their own right. The culture of invasive and patronising political correctness developed during the 80's (aka 'The Loony Left') sort of confirms that the white Left took the reins again eventually.

Looking at the situation on the ground today, it seems they were not successful in tackling the patriarchal elements in their own cultures either. The lack of women in the above picture is quite telling, and quite predictable.

------------------------------------------

She's right about it being 'barely remembered', which again indicates how little it gelled with the traditional Left, even though it aped their values. Another echo of that J Sakei interview on race and class.

A good amount of these groups that tried to unite themselves under the banner of black and Asian (taken from the above) are now estranged at best, and in conflict at the worst. Again, the lack of women in the photographs is telling.

The one thing that does seem to 'unite' them (if only outwardly) is a contempt for the more recent wave of Eastern European immigrants. Ironically repeating almost word for word the attitudes that were directed at them. a couple of decades earlier. A factor that exacerbates this is that if you are a member of one of these groups, then such utterances are not seen in the same light as if they were to come from whites, this odd hangover is from what I previously described as invasive and patronising political correctness (which really went into into overdrive during the Blair years)

-------------------------------------------

It could be called a success in that, as you say, it was their only lucrative venture, and even that small amount of financial success has been quickly scattered to the winds.

I was aware of the 'nazi' groups during the eighties as I was going through a 'political music' phase at the time, and the main flashpoint seemed to be centred around Conflict and Skrewdriver.

The neo-nazi music scene stayed small and irrelevent though because it just revolved around really basic thrash metal (it never evolved from it's early attempts at infiltrating the Punk scene), and therefore had limited appeal. The anarcho bands on the other hand ranged from Crass type stuff to dub reggae to dance, even verging on psychedelia (as my own group did), and had the whole free festival scene to keep feeding it.

It therefore died of incest, and there wasn't even a trace of it in the grunge and hardcore scene of the early nineties, which could be said to be their only natural progression.

------------------------------------------

Going back to the few posts on Neo nazi music, I've just arrived at this again via a discussion on Bob Dylan on another forum.

Bob got me thinking the English singer Billy Bragg, who sort of got handed Woody Guthrie's baton by Nora Guthrie, passing Bob Dylan over and very likely putting Bob's nose right out of joint.

Even though I've never been a fan of Billy (he's too traditional Left, or rather he attracts that crowd). I do have some very fond memories of British Nationalists really hating him, not so much because of his left leanings, but because he has been quite vocal about his Englishness in a way that is also far more inclusive than traditional BN, ie an image of Englishness that is an alternative to the one they project.
Competition in other words.

Just wanted to get this down before the thoughts dissipate. There has been a lot of (often wordy and dated/inaccurate) pasted stuff about BN on here, so it sort of fits



etc etc.....
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Thu Feb 13, 2014 3:20 pm

http://www.whomakesthenazis.com/2013/07 ... ernes.html

Tuesday, 16 July 2013

Ben McPartland: Burzum's Varg Vikernes Arrested in Paris Terror Investigation

Originally published in 'Breivik-linked neo-Nazi held in Paris terror probe' in The Local

French police arrested a notorious Norwegian neo-Nazi living in central France on Tuesday morning over fears he was plotting a massacre similar to that carried out by terrorist Anders Behring Breivik, according to a report by French radio RTL.

Image
Anders Breivik (left) / Oslo. Kristian Vikernes (right)

Kristian Vikernes, nicknamed 'Wolf' (or Varg in Norwegian) who is reportedly a sympathizer of Breivik was detained by anti-terrorist officers from France’s specialist DCRI unit on Tuesday morning at his farm in the rural Corrèze region in central France.

According to reports in the media, French intelligence services acted out of fears he could have been about to carry out a massacre, like the one committed by Breivik in Norway two years ago, when he killed 77 people in a bombing and mass shooting.

Later on Tuesday France's Interior Ministry said Vikernes was detained because he was "likely to carry out a major terrorist attack".

"He was a potential threat to society, as evidenced by the violence of his remarks, notably those intercepted on the internet," the ministry added in a statement.

The initial probe, opened a month ago by anti-terrorism authorities in Paris has labelled Vikernes -- who investigators say wrote antisemitic and xenophobic messages online -- as 'dangerous', a police source told AFP.

Police acted after his French wife, the mother of his three children recently purchased four rifles. The wife has a license to own guns and is a member of a local shooting club but police feared the weapons had been bought for a far more sinister reason. The 25-year-old wife, named in French media as Marie Cachet, was also detained by police.

"That was at the origin of the investigation ... There were several suspicions that made the services fear he could possibly carry out a violent act," a source at the prosecutors office told Reuters news agency.

According to AFP officers seized several weapons at their home on Tuesday, including four 22 Caliber Long Rifles. Vikernes could be held in custody for the next 96 hours, as is allowed under French anti-terror laws.

Vikernes - a convicted murderer
According to news website Le Point, Vikernes settled in France after serving part of a 21-year prison sentence in Norway for stabbing a friend in the 90s.

As a prominent part of Norway’s black metal scene at the time, Vikernes, who recorded music under the moniker ‘Burzum’, was also involved in burning down at least three Christian churches in the country.

Since moving to France, he has continued to write about the purported demise of European culture, attributing the decline to immigrant communities and supposed Jewish conspiracies.

In a blog entry published on Saturday, the neo-Nazi blamed a fatal train crash near Paris the previous day on 'non-European scum' and made claims that 'immigrant youths' had thrown stones at emergency services personnel, while robbing from victims of the crash.

He then claimed the fact that no media outlet in France had reported any incident of this type on a Jewish conspiracy between the French government and media.

In concluding, an angry Vikernes wrote: “I am so angry, and I have been the whole day, and I just don’t understand why Europe doesn’t revolt against this… It must stop; we must take actions to end this. Before it is too late.”

The neo-Nazi's links to Breivik are unclear other than the fact it is believed Breivik sent him a 1,500-page 'manifesto' entitled 2083: A European Declaration of Independence, that was attributed to the terrorist and contained details of the preparation for his attacks.

However, in a post on his blog Vikernes heavily criticised Breivik for killing innocent Norwegians. Nevertheless French police were clearly concerned that there was a link between the two.

Breivik was sentenced to a minimum of 21 years in prison in August 2012 for the mass killings after court in Norway found him sane. His sentenced can be prolonged at a later date if he is still deemed a danger to society.

Breivik insisted the killings were necessary to stop the 'Islamisation' of Norway.

Ben McPartland, The Local
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby jakell » Thu Feb 13, 2014 3:26 pm

As you've broken your silence AD, we should keep this up, perhaps you could respond to this:

jakell » Thu Feb 13, 2014 6:44 pm wrote:
American Dream » Thu Feb 13, 2014 6:39 pm wrote:Jakell, I ain't discussing shit with you here.

I have made plenty of urbane and relevent comments about the UK far right, somewhere where I live, and have up to date familiarity with, so why don't you wish to discuss this?
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby Project Willow » Thu Feb 13, 2014 3:50 pm

^ Look, whether or not it's unfair, AD has told you in word and deed, over and over again, that he will not get into a discussion with you. Your persistent and immediate responses to his every post and badgering him to respond is trolling at this point. Give it up. Start your own thread, pursue other discussions with people who are willing to interact with you. If you do not cease, I will have to give you a time out.

Zombie Glenn Beck, no, you will not keep poking unless you too want to go on a break.

AD, I will thank you to stop casting general aspersions on the board and other members here. If you have some specific statement or post that breaks board rules, then report it.

If any of you have complaints or issues with anything I've just said, address them to me via pm.

I mean that, pm, NOT HERE.
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby jakell » Thu Feb 13, 2014 4:08 pm

Project Willow » Thu Feb 13, 2014 7:50 pm wrote:^ Look, whether or not it's unfair, AD has told you in word and deed, over and over again, that he will not get into a discussion with you. Your persistent and immediate responses to his every post and badgering him to respond is trolling at this point. Give it up. Start your own thread, pursue other discussions with people who are willing to interact with you. If you do not cease, I will have to give you a time out.

Zombie Glenn Beck, no, you will not keep poking unless you too want to go on a break.

AD, I will thank you to stop casting general aspersions on the board and other members here. If you have some specific statement or post that breaks board rules, then report it.

If any of you have complaints or issues with anything I've just said, address them to me via pm.

I mean that, pm, NOT HERE.


AD has continually been addressing issues in my own country (my own backyard) and about issues I care about, I reserve the right to respond regardless of any theatrical posturing on his part. I will try to remain on a non personal level, but will also continue to ask rhetorical questions.

Don't give me a 'time out'. Instead, simply inform me in advance of this and I will leave forthwith.

That's pretty clear I think, no complaining here.
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Thu Feb 13, 2014 4:19 pm

Jakell, I have made it exceedingly clear that there will be no discussion with you here on this thread, though a thread about general board dynamics and health is a possibilty.

You long ago stepped into obsessive cyber-stalker mode, despite my repeated- and very clear- requests for you to cease immediately.

Stop it now.
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby jakell » Thu Feb 13, 2014 5:19 pm

Ok, I think I may have found a way around the unsatisfactory conditions laid out for me here. It might turn out that I'm not long for this place anyhow, as I really feel I have to be me, either here or somewhere else.

I'm going to try and post here, and relevantly in a way that is evidently not spam, which as most posters know can be a weapon in the form of wallpapering. Here goes....


------------------

Here's some personal observations and experiences regarding the far right in my country also about it's increasingly out of touch opponents (mainly on the left). Some of this may be factually incorrect regarding dates and certain figures, and is not to be regarded as a 'history, as I said, it's a personal account. I welcome any observations and corrections.

I was going to start with Nick Griffin's takeover of the BNP** from John Tyndall in 1999, this was probably the start of their ascent towards what we know today (ok, they're failing significantly now, but that's only relatively recently).
Looking back though, I feel inclined to give my own first politicised encounters with the Far Right (then pre BNP), as I think personal context is as important as data.


In the early eighties, I found myself more and more attracted to the anarchist scene, at the time this was mainly on the backend on punk's popularity. And a fair proportion of this concerned opposing fascism (a term I was a little unclear about at the time), this involved some fairly petty and relatively harmless street confrontations, going around removing grafitti (the NF were big on this as a way of creating tensions), attending, and sometimes playing at, some politicised gigs, and the occasional march (one of which has been mentioned a few times in this thread).

It was via these marches, as we never really saw them elsewhere, that I came accross 'The Left', and I had a gut feeling that this particular extension of it (UK posters will know about the Socialist Workers Party!), definately weren't my crowd, I found them too dogmatic and simply full of empty slogans, this was not just on marches, they were like this elsewhere too.

Another thing I noticed about these 'Socialist Workers' was that they seemed very keen to infiltrate and control the anarchist crowd (not socially, just to steal their political energy), and to my dismay, they were succeeding in a few ways, to the extent I had to make a choice who's side I was on (because I felt repelled by them). It doesn't really need stating that I chose the anarchists.

The above has just been a bit of background to any subsequent remarks I make about different 'styles' of anti fascism', and how some works and others are just hot air (or worse).



I'm not ready to jump to Griffin's BNP just yet, and there's some stuff in between that I need to have a think about first. Any remarks and observtions here are very welcome.


**ETA: Changed 'The Party' to 'the BNP'
" Orwell feared those who would deprive us of information. Huxley feared those who would give us so much that we would be reduced to passivity and egoism"
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby Luther Blissett » Thu Feb 13, 2014 6:12 pm

American Dream » Sun Feb 09, 2014 11:28 am wrote:]http://www.thenewsignificance.com/2012/11/01/fighting-the-the-fascist-phenomena-in-greece/

Fighting the Fascist Phenomena in Greece
November 1st, 2012



The increasing threat of Greece’s Neo-Nazi Golden Dawn party is punctuated by their violent acts against political opponents, immigrants and others. The Greek government and Police have shown their sympathy with Golden Dawn by persecuting journalists who speak out against them and people who show public opposition to their fascism. This video aims to communicate the underlying tension of these forces by using images to contrast the way Greece appears on the surface with voiceover by an anonymous anti-fascist motorcycle patroller who, as reported by the Guardian UK, was one of 15 people arrested and tortured by police for participating in a motorcycle demonstration against Golden Dawn.

Produced, Filmed and Edited by Chris Spannos
Music by Godspeed You! Black Emperor, song: “Strung Like Lights at Thee Printemps Erable”
Length: 17:09


Very chilling, thanks for sharing. Some subtle and not-so-subtle reminders for how fascism grows in contemporary societies. Even in cultures far different from the U.S., a clear analog exists.
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Thu Feb 13, 2014 6:13 pm

It's all connected:

http://www.whomakesthenazis.com/2010/10 ... -boyd.html

Friday, 29 October 2010

Just Say Non: Nazism, Narcissism and Boyd Rice

"Boyd's rather unimaginative sadism used to embarrass me, but then he explained it using words like 'Weltanshauung'"
Lisa Crystal-Carver, Drugs are Nice [LC, p215]


ImageI last saw Boyd Rice play (as 'Non') back in August 1981, alongside Throbbing Gristle (TG), Z'ev, Cabaret Voltaire and Clock DVA as part of the 'Industrial Night Out' at the Lyceum, London, which brought together the big cheeses of Industrial Music in what was to be something of a coming out party for the scene but turned out also to be its swansong (it was TG's last UK concert; they broke up a few months later). At the time Rice presented himself as a Dadaist and prankster though his aesthetic was actually closer to the sub-Futurist 'instant karma for kids' noise-racket that Merzbow has since successfully appropriated and turned into a brand / 'racket' of his own. While TG boasted of making music from ugly noise, Rice tried to outflank them by serving up the ugliness directly, unfiltered by any obvious concern for form. In fairness Boyd Rice could be said to be among the key players of early Industrial Music, and as a result he perhaps has a shade more kudos than some of the complete musical non-entities we're generally concerned with around here (Wakeford, Pearce, Moynihan, et al). Rice has declared his Fascism in a number of statements, in his art, and through public actions such as appearing in full Fascist regalia and holding a dagger in a photograph alongside Bob Heick, taken in 1989 to promote the latter's organisation, the neo-Nazi skinhead party, American Front. He has also appeared on White Aryan Resistance founder Tom Metzger's cable TV show Race and Reason, where he declared that his friends in Current 93 and Death in June were promoting a 'racialist' agenda and emphasised the importance of Industrial and Neo-Folk music for building the 'Aryan youth movement'.

Since the 80s Rice has continued to release records as well as dabbling ineptly in other media (photography, painting) and playing a leading role in the Church of Satan (he has recently been installed as its leader and 'High Priest') as well as getting involved with Grail mythology, Tiki culture, alcoholism and various other similarly moronic pastimes. Along the way he's written essays and articles outlining his evolving concerns and hobbies for a string of publications, which are collected here along with some previously unpublished writings in the book Standing in Two Circles: The Collected Works of Boyd Rice, edited by Michael Clark and published in 2008 by Creation Books. This collection offers an opportunity to pin down the peculiarly slippery Rice; 'slippery' because his defenders claim that he sets out essentially to 'provoke', which lends him a degree of insulation from the charges of Fascism that would be trivially obvious in any other context. The way this works is that Rice can openly declaim and publish Fascist and racist ideas, and yet confused fans and commentators - who have bought into the mistaken idea that provocation in and of itself is the ne plus ultra of artistic radicalism - still refuse to accept that by buying his records and attending his gigs they are financing a Fascist propagandist since, after all, he is 'merely' trying to provoke. Perhaps these people are by now so utterly stupefied that they're just grateful to anyone who can still manage to wring a response out of them - even if it's by promoting ideas that threaten themselves and everyone they know. This was brought home to me earlier this year when a photographer friend attended Rice's gig in New York to record it for a local paper. Despite the fact that this person has a background as an anti-Fascist, having watched an entire evening of Rice dressed in Fascist military gear, surrounded on stage by Sieg Heil'ing Nazi goons while projecting images of the Swastika and Wolfsangel (the SS symbol Rice used for years as his logo) and reading selections from racist, Social Darwinist tracts, and with the support groups being open White Suprematists, the best he could come up with at the end was that Boyd might perhaps be "a little dodgy". I mean, what does a Fascist have to do these days to get the recognition they deserve?

One reason that Rice's ideology is difficult to get to grips with is that he is patently stupid, meaning that people are loath to take him seriously in case it reflects poorly on their sense of humour or proportion. But that is to miss the fact that condescending to Rice's idiocy by not taking him seriously also makes it easier for him to sell his ideas. While Fascist ideology is by its very nature irrational and essentially incoherent - it doesn't seek to understand the social world in order to place it under collective human control but rather to justify post hoc the Fascist's pre-existing drive to annihilate large parts of society in the name of racial and spiritual 'purity' - this is made worse in Rice's case due to his inability to grapple in even the slightest way with history, politics or anything else requiring a modicum of intellectual focus. His arguments are confused and contradictory, and on top of this he shares the Fascist-occult regard for portents and symbols, for 'mysterious forces', innate biological imperatives, occult machinations and Chthonic powers as the determinants of history, which means that his thought necessarily has the chaotic, cobbled-together quality of childhood obsessions and superstitions.

Despite the fact that there is very little logic or sense in his thought there is nevertheless another kind of coherence at work to the extent that his obsessions cohere with those of his comrades, overlapping neatly with those of the other players in the Fascist-occult 'Apoliteic' counter-culture. Their ideas may well be an incoherent mess when considered purely as ideas, but they share them in common in practical terms as they thrust their hands into the lucky-dip bowl of Fascist esoteric idiocy to pluck out those notions they like they sound of and dole them out among their peers. So it's no surprise that in these essays Rice touches on many of the core themes that tie him to the likes of Michael Moynihan, Doug Pearce and other musicians he has collaborated with over the years (both Moynihan and Pearce provide blurb texts promoting the book; Pearce even providing a rare dash of humour when he salutes Rice as an "inspirational genius"). These people may be in different stages of denial or employing different degrees of deception when it comes to admitting their Fascist allegiances, but they all draw from the same pool of half-baked atavistic notions and gladly share what they find, disagreeing only in points of detail (and then largely only on the basis of minor variations in taste or as a matter of mutual brand positioning). Among Fascist ideologues ideas are essentially fuel for the creation of a mobilising myth, so coherence doesn't matter that much. But while it is impossible to take Boyd Rice seriously as a man or a thinker it would be irresponsible not to register the threat his ideas represent.

Image
Balding alcoholic Boyd Rice
(Photo by Brian Clark)


A good place to start into this mess of a book is Michael Clark's 'Introduction', which runs through a few of the set-piece arguments the Fascists and their supporters use in their defence. First up is Clark's defence of Rice's use of Fascist motifs;
"To conform to the edicts of contemporary Western social mores one must totally accept or reject controversial taboo subjects... In considering the issue of Nazism, for example, there can be no grey area, no possibility whatsoever that certain facets of such a subject might hold a kernel of merit or glimmer or redemptive worth... The use of Fascistic or Nazi aesthetics and symbolism is resolutely - aggressively - forbidden in all but the most comedic of contexts, while... the Hammer and the Sickle and The Red Star are so ubiquitous as to verge on countercultural corporate branding... Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini are unilaterally and universally anathematised, while their despotic Communist counterparts Joseph Stalin and Mao Tse Tung and regularly given a pass - despite the fact that the latter wrested exponentially more human life from the planet than did the former." [38]

The first thing to note about this is that it skirts the fact that Rice not only uses Fascist 'aesthetics and symbolism' but promotes Fascism itself (in the very book Clark is introducing, for example): Clark presumably hopes that the reader is as stupid as his author and won't notice his equivocation. More importantly, this line of argument exemplifies one of the defining characteristics of the book as a whole since it remains trapped entirely within the framework of a bourgeois thought. To put it bluntly, Rice and his friends repeatedly accept a liberal perception of the world and then simply reverse its particular judgements (Fascism is taboo <-> Fascism is grand). This does not allow the individual to escape bourgeois thought in the way that is promised to the consumer, but rather keeps them entirely within its clutches, albeit perhaps looking a little racier now they sport Totenkopf patches and worship Satan.

Stalinism did indeed pile up the bodies of its victims, slaughtering millions on the road to conquering and then consolidating its social power. But Stalinism and Fascism do not represent political antitheses in the way that both Clark and Fascist thought like to pretend. They are simply different forms of rule peculiar to different stages and conditions of capitalism. Both Stalinism and Fascism murdered Jews, homosexuals, national minorities,'revisionists' and backsliders, trade unionists and socialists. The difference is that Stalinism in both Russia and China did so as part of a process of primitive (state-) capitalist accumulation similar to that by which Britain, for example, achieved much the same ends at a corresponding stage of development through, eg., the slave trade and Highland Clearances (though Stalinism appears bloodier because it compressed the same phase of development into a far shorter period of time). This does not justify Stalinist violence in any way, but it begins to explain it. Fascism serves a different end and achieves it differently. It is essentially a form of emergency rule at a time of extraordinary capitalist crisis in which the working class is terrorised into submission by unleashing waves of destructive violence against any and all perceived enemies of the state, internal and external. Fascism has its ideological dimensions, of course, but in practice they are ultimately subordinate to its self-appointed task of integrating and stabilising capitalist society at times of danger to the state by liquidating it's enemies, both real (the class conscious working class) and imagined (any and all impure and degenerate elements as defined by whatever myth or prejudice inspires the particular strand of Fascism under consideration and mobilises the masses behind it). This is done in order to create an 'organic' / integral society where all the parts are subordinated to the social totality, existing only to serve it.

All of this is opaque to Clark, who talks instead like a consumer in the shopping mall of history, choosing between competing brands of totalitarianism on the basis of which is less fattening for his notional conscience. He wants to pile up the bodies and count them rather than understand the ideas that coordinated their destruction. Instead of considering the politics of Rice's Fascism he likes to present Rice simply as someone 'brave' enough to challenge the 'taboo' against Fascism, as if he might shake bourgeois society to its core merely by invoking the negative theology it shrouds itself in. But this taboo is, after all, only the socially constructed fetish of a particular epoch and doesn't mean that crisis-ridden capitalism won't reach toward Fascism again in future (there are faint indications of this already in Europe). And this turn will be made easier to the extent that ideologues and propagandists, even feeble ones like Boyd Rice, have helped clear the route back to Fascism by normalising it's anti-democratic, mythic values.

A similar logic is apparent in Clark's defence of Satanism;
"The Church of Satan is often dismissed outright as illegitimate by practitioners of more established belief systems... it's difficult to deny that conventional organised religion has been responsible for scores of large scale wars, genocides, inquisitions, witch hunts, crusades and other varieties of human strife over the centuries, but one would be hard pressed to find so much as a single example of a major conflict undertaken in the name of Satan." [39]

Once again, the ignorance of basic historical processes (if it isn't entirely feigned) is astonishing. Does he really imagine that the Crusades were simply an expression of Christian values, as opposed to social and political struggles for which the language of religion served merely as a smokescreen and ideology? Clark takes religious ideology at its own word and assigns to it a primordial power over events, as if religion created man rather than the other way about. Worse than this, in treating Satanism as merely an abstract negation of Christianity he ignores the positive content that modern Satanism has developed, which is rooted in racist and proto-Fascist ideas. Modern Satanism begins with the work of Howard Stanton Levey (aka Anton LaVey) and his Church of Satan. As is well known, the key text of his church, The Satanic Bible, which has influenced all of the main Satanist cults since, plagiarises the 19th Century Social Darwinist tract Might is Right, by Arthur Desmond (aka Ragnar Redbeard), a work brimming with violent anti-Semitism and racism. Partly as a result of LaVey's promotion of it, Desmond's book has become a favourite of modern racists, right-wing Libertarians and Fascists, and was even republished by 14 Words Press, the company founded by David Lane, the notorious Klan member who also helped lead the armed Fascist group, The Order, and who died in prison after being convicted of conspiring in the murder of Denver Radio talk show host (and Jewish anti-Fascist) Alan Berg. Entire sections of Might is Right are simply transferred wholesale into Levey's Bible. If Satanism has not yet proved as practically malevolent as Christianity in Clark's estimation it is certainly not for the want of effort on the part of those who have taken the core of Levey's teaching to its logical conclusion, such as Lane and, eg., the members of The Order of Nine Angles and other Nazi-Satanic cults.

As a collection of occasional pieces it's hard to get to grips with Rice's book as a whole. Large parts of it document his obsession with all kinds of ephemera: over the course of the book he discusses things such as novelty soaps, The Lawrence Whelk Retirement Home and Museum, bumper stickers and campaign ribbons, Disneyland, Tiny Tim, 'Leave it to Beaver', Martin Denny and Tiki bars, Mondo films, bubblegum pop and similar avowedly lightweight culture. I've heard it argued that Rice's love of trivia shows that he can't really be a Fascist since he clearly doesn't take anything that seriously (whereas Fascists are presumably permanently dour, focussed solely on their destiny and the tasks of history). But that is to seriously overestimate the Fascist mind which, in reality, feels quite at home with the banal, the kitsch and the maudlin. Rice's debunking attitude is represented as a levelling, critical iconoclasm, but in fact it expresses a much more systematic and thoroughgoing narcissism and cynicism which ultimately sees everything (other than his own übermensch ego) as essentially worthless. This conception perhaps represents the point at which Fascist narcissism blends into post-modern affectlessness. For the Fascist the social world (as opposed to nature) really is a meaningless pit. In Boyd Rice's mind a bar of novelty soap might well be the perfect symbol of the supposed vacuity of existence. The twist in his case is only that he revels in this vacuousness; "it is my view that the best way to inoculate oneself against the prevailing dystopia is to simply decide to love it" [144]. Boyd celebrates the trivial because, as Terry Eagleton put it, "Nihilists and buffoons are allergic to the slightest hint of significance" [TE, 87].

In 'Burning the Ice' (1989) Rice recalls "one of the pivotal episodes of my youth", in which he watches through a picture window as an anonymous man within irons his shirt then makes himself a sandwich and packs his lunch before setting off in his car for work. "I was horrified", says Rice [56]. This experience leads him into a life of desperate opposition to conventional morality, which expresses itself through his stealing money from purses he finds in the cloakroom at parties and breaking into his neighbour's flats through open windows in order to have a sniff around. Terrifying stuff. In 'Sin in the Suburbs' (1994) Rice details his early sexual experiences, including an unintentionally hilarious story about how he was told as a youngster that every time he masturbated he was destroying the millions of potential souls contained in his sperm. This naturally led him to embark on a prolonged course of intense wanking. The image of the red-faced Rice furiously pulling on his cock while fantasising impotently about annihilating non-existent Christian souls seems somehow a fitting tribute to the man and his career.


ImageThings start to take a more genuinely sinister turn when, as the next stage in the planned development of his psychopathy, he decides to stalk a waitress from a local restaurant. He follows her around to learn about her daily movements and then engineers a 'chance' meeting with her on her way home from work. This leads to a date after which, back at the woman's flat, he talks her into letting him tie her up for some S&M fun. Once she is bound he goes into the kitchen to fetch a carving knife then convinces the woman that he is going to cut her open. He then suddenly departs, leaving his victim terrified. Such violent misogyny would become a staple of Rice's life. In 1994's 'Revolt Against Penis Envy' (notice the acronym) he works himself up into a fever of hatred and contempt for women;
"At one time all was right with the world. It was lorded over by men who imposed their will by force. Women kept their mouths shut, underlings knew their place... In a once glorious past, woman was a creature without rights; a second class citizen... She was part cook, part whore, part servant and all child... Woman must be put in her place... These days the only way to restore balance between the sexes is by fear and pain... Rape is the act by which fear and pain are united in love... Now is the time to subjugate. Now is the time to dominate. Now is the time to rape. Let the RAPE commence. Go forth! Rise up! Rape, rape, rape!" [81-83]

Clearly this was written as a provocation and, according to the reasoning usually applied to Rice, can't be taken entirely seriously. But why not? If the ideas conform to his practice we can assume that for all that these opinions are expressed so as to 'provoke', they nevertheless also represent his thinking. In her book, Drugs are Nice, Lisa Crystal Carver (aka Lisa Suckdog) details the long-term mental and physical abuse she suffered as Rice's partner and the mother of their child, leading to a brutal attack which saw her badly injured and Rice imprisoned ("Boyd strangled me and threw me against walls and bashed my head against the futon frame, [finally he] released his hands from my neck and stood up, dazed, like a big, stupid oaf and smacked his lips with the satisfaction of having given in to impulse" [LC, 309]).

Other parts of Rice's book concern individuals who have become icons for the Fascist counter-culture; Anton LaVey, Savitri Devi and Charles Manson. In 'I'll Call You Abraxas' (1994) Rice details his various meetings and interviews with Manson. Indeed, Manson gave this book it's title, having said to Rice, "I'll call you Abraxas, because you stand in two circles at once" [100] (Abraxas being a Gnostic deity which Rice believes, after Jung, is "the ultimate archetype", being beyond all dualities - and therefore 'beyond good and evil'). Rice claims to have been a fan of Manson since his teenage years. He also claims that it was him who took Throbbing Gristle out to Manson's old base at Spahn Ranch to have the photographs taken which appeared in Re:Search's early feature on TG, and which cemented the association between them and Manson. Naturally, Manson is a hero to Rice, and a font of tremendous wisdom;
"... he seemed to be an expert in many things... He knew about ancient history and current history, and the forces that shaped both. He seemed to posses a comprehensive overview of the history of the whole world; not just the events as they are presented, but all the unseen factors that preceded and resulted from those events." [97]

Even Rice cannot fail to notice that Manson is a fantasist (at one point he tells Rice that his supporters have hijacked a fleet of nuclear submarines and are holding the leaders of the world to ransom while negotiating his release). He also notices the disparity between Manson's supposed omniscience and the fact that, apart from anything else, he is by normal standards a hopeless loser. But that only leads Rice to conclude that Manson is "a far more complex and multi-faceted character than even I'd imagined" [100]. What binds Rice and Manson together is a titanic narcissism which leads them to take for granted their own effortless superiority to the general run of worthless mankind (an impression which strikes me as incredible, given the poverty of the human material in question). Rice certainly approves of Manson's violent misanthropy, which mirrors the attitude expressed in LaVey's Satanic Bible and Redbeard's Might is Right. At one point Rice encourages Manson to attempt to get people to understand his point of view, to which Manson responds;
"People? Understand? People don't understand a fucking thing. They have lower awareness than turds. If this table were the world, and it was covered with turds representing humans, and you exercised complete control over them... You could move the turds from here to there... and it wouldn't make a bit of difference. Not one bit. They have no souls. No intelligence. You could flush three fourths of them down the toilet and the planet would never miss them." [99]
"When the person finally comes along to restore the balance in this world... There will be more blood, more death, more destruction and more suffering than there has been in the history of life on Earth. And I don't say that just because it's what all the worthless fuckers out there deserve... but because that is what will be necessary." [99]

A love of Manson's systematic misanthropy ties Rice squarely to James Mason and The Universal Order, a Nazi group dedicated to promoting Manson as a Fascist icon. Mason's book, Siege, celebrates Manson's vicious alienation and was published by Rice's friend and collaborator Michael Moynihan (and discussed in a earlier post). In the early nineties Rice appeared alongside Mason and Moynihan on radio evangelist Bob Larson's show, during which Moynihan and Rice not only defended Manson but even taunted the mother of Sharon Tate (one of the victims of the Manson Family's killing spree), who had called in to protest. Mason famously has even defended the murder of Tate's unborn baby, saying that "it was, after all, a Jew" [JM, 328].

Rice also has essays here on Anton LaVey and Savitri Devi. Both are important figures in the Fascist-occult underground; LaVey as the fantasist who founded The Church of Satan, and Devi as an obscurantist who tried to combine Fascism with ideas drawn from Vedic culture, arguing that Hinduism is the nearest thing we have today to the Pagan religion of the original Aryans. In her book The Lightning and the Sun she argues that Hitler is 'Kalik', an incarnation of Vishnu destined, according to the Vedas, to end the current cycle of world history and initiate a new age (she was clearly wrong about that, but that doesn't bother her followers). Devi was also an active Fascist, imprisoned by Allied Forces in 1949 for spreading Nazi propaganda in post-War Germany. Her work has been praised by such conspicuously un-diverse figures as repeat-offending aspirant British Führer Colin Jordan, James Mason, and 'Squeaky' Fromme from the Manson Family. As it happens Rice has little of interest to say about either LaVey or Devi, except inasmuch as he gives away aspects of his own mindset. Apart from celebrating LaVey's misanthropy ("He would often speak at great length (and in great detail) of unspeakable acts of cruelty and violence" [133]) he is also impressed because LaVey normally "only deals with millionaires and movie stars" [ 131]. In Devi's case he notes that "she tested as having genius level IQ" [152]. Reified wealth, celebrity and intelligence are all equally attractive to Rice's banal mind.


ImageA number of essays in the book deal with the weighty matter of Rice's 'philosophy' and world-view. In them he touches on ideas that are common currency among his Fascist peers. Rice's 'big' idea, which he returns to over and again, consists of a reactionary-romantic elevation of nature over culture. It is not so much that his view is reductive (in which case culture would be a mere epiphenomenon of nature); he sees everything that is specifically human as an unnatural and arbitrary excrescence on top of nature. His train of thought starts with an idea he quotes from the German naturalist and artist (and Social Darwinist racist) Ernst Haeckel; "Man is not above nature, but in nature" [89]. As far as it goes, this is true. The problem is that Rice's rigidly mechanical mind cannot grasp the thought dialectically, so he draws the mistaken conclusion that "man is synonymous with nature" [65]. But this is a very different argument, and it leads to the conclusion that that part of man which is not strictly natural is abstract to the point of unreality. This is clearly a self-cancelling and redundant philosophy: to see this you need only ask yourself why somebody who believes that nature is everything, and ideas are airless distractions, would bother publishing a book at all. The point is that man, while wholly part of nature, is at the same time distinguished from it by culture, and that this culture is every bit as real and effective as nature.

To see what this implies, consider the next stage of Rice's argument, which involves pointing out that nature has no sense of right and wrong, good or bad; "Nature, unlike man, is utterly indifferent to subjective judgements such as 'good' and 'bad'" [142]. The obvious response is to point out that the converse is equally true - that man, unlike nature, simply is not indifferent to subjective judgements. If that were not true then Rice would have nothing to rant about, and his attempts to persuade you of anything at all would be pointless. In fact, the distinction between nature and culture which Rice's entire 'philosophy' turns on is itself cultural and unnatural (but nonetheless real). It is culture that generates the dialectical distinction between ourselves and the nature that is the 'other' we transform in production: Rice's mistake is to reify this distinction and make it absolute, rather than relative.

Rice claims that "Nature adheres to an immutable order" [63], but in fact nature is very much mutable and has a substantial history of its own. One thing we know with absolute certainty is that nature at some point gave rise to culture. This mechanical idea of an unchanging nature is also at the root of traditional religious metaphysics. If nature was immutable then you might ask; where did humans and their culture - where did 'spirit' - suddenly arise from? The traditional answer is that God breathed spirit into matter as part of his creation, and yet this spirit is still separate from matter and exists in its own right, being 'unnatural'. In this way the crude materialism Rice advocates inevitably gives rise to religiosity and occultism ('spiritualism'), as it does with Rice himself: his book is littered with tales of ghosts (autonomous 'spirits'), uncanny happenings, mysterious portents and other such occult banalities: stupid materialism (mechanical and biological determinism) and stupid spirituality (occultism) are conjoined twins.

While Rice's explanation of his ontology and 'spirituality' are a nothing more than jumble of 19th Century solecisms, they nevertheless form the basis for the further development of his boneheaded narcissistic resentment. Having separated nature and culture his next trick is to argue that nature itself knows nothing of equality or human rights;
"In truth, the concept of natural equality is not natural at all - and in fact contradicts every dictate of nature." [63]

"Nature adheres to an immutable order; humanity to an ever increasing chaos. Nature recognises no equality at any level of its order; humanity preaches an all-pervasive equality and freely hands out unearned 'rights'... In short: humanity is Democratic, nature is Fascist." [63]

This naturally allows him to launch into a series of bitter tirades against 'inferiors' of every kind, who he believes have no rights and should expect no mercy, since talk of 'rights', 'equality' and so on is rooted in the unreality of culture and out of step with natural law. In an act of extraordinary special pleading he argues that the intellect is nothing to be proud of anyway, and not to be taken seriously because it is out of kilter with 'reality'. Instead he argues that man should rely on instinct alone;
"Man follows his intellect, employing logic and reason, and yet in so doing he betrays his most primal, basic desires." [88]

"Man's instincts will always and forever reflect the will of the natural order. Conversely, man's intellect has become divorced from the hard realities of life on earth, having instead become lost in a nebulous realm of ideas, theories, beliefs and opinions, which largely have no basis in tangible fact. Unless man's intellect comes to reflect his instinctual, soul-oriented values it will always place him at odds with himself." [61]

His trick here is to try to divide the human being schematically in two, one part (ideas and values) corresponding to culture, the other (instincts) corresponding to nature. Once again he makes absolute what is in reality only a relative distinction. Of course some human responses are more deeply wired into the physical, biological and genetic 'nature' of man than others, but certainly the 'instincts' that Boyd is covertly trying to justify (racism, misogyny, etc.) are in fact very much cultural products, as can be seen by anyone who spends any time at all considering their long development and the way that different societies have taken different attitudes towards them.

Morality too has nothing to do with nature in Rice's estimation, and so he's against it and wants you to slough it off. He believes that "a true understanding of natural law would render conventional morality obsolete." [87]. What Rice advocates is an eternal feeding frenzy in which the strong annihilate the weak in a totally amoral struggle for domination, for "higher men disdain the lives of the weak and cowardly - slave types" [61]. You might call this 'unprogrammatic Fascism', as he doesn't believe that things could ever be otherwise and criticises his Nazi heroes because they "still harboured the naively romantic dream that they could somehow turn the tide around" [141]. So that is Rice's philosophy in a nutshell: Fascism without its noble ideals (like the old joke about Hitler returning to Earth and declaring "this time - no more Mr. Nice Guy").

The only remaining thing to say about Rice's cod-philosophy is how neatly it mirrors that of his hard-core Nazi friend James Mason. Both fetishise extreme alienation and violent misanthropy: Mason's Universal Order has adopted Manson as the ideal Nazi icon because of a combination of this and the fact that he has counter-cultural clout. Both believe that that the process of social 'degeneration' (from a fascist point of view: multiculturalism, democracy, etc.) is so advanced that they will support any and all violence against it. Both prioritise 'instinct' (their prejudice) over reason. And both, in different ways, are finding an audience.

This utterly stupid and offensive book should be warning enough that Boyd Rice is not a prankster and certainly not someone who should be lauded for 'pushing the envelope', but rather a Nazi who uses the cover provided by slack-jawed concepts of what constitutes radical art in order to promote - and create a focus for - the violence and hatred of a small but growing section of the Fascist movement internationally. As such he should be opposed in every possible way in order to stop his operation in its tracks, precisely as we would with any other Fascist shithead.


Unless noted otherwise, references are to Boyd Rice, Brian M Clark (ed), 2008, Standing in Two Circles: The Collected Works of Boyd Rice, Creation Books, London.

LC: Lisa Crystal Carver, 2005, Drugs are Nice, Snowbooks, London.
TE: Terry Eagleton, On Evil, Yale University Press, New Haven, CT.
JM: James Mason, 2010, Siege: The Collected Writings of James Mason, edited by Michael M. Jenkins (Michael Moynihan), introduction by Ryan Schuster, Black Sun Publications, Bozeman, MT.
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