Police State / Police Abuse

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Police State / Police Abuse

Postby beeline » Fri Mar 20, 2009 11:19 am

I figured I would start a thread on this topic. Given current social circumstances I can see how similar incidents might happen in the future.
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Drug raids gone bad

Postby beeline » Fri Mar 20, 2009 11:22 am

http://www.philly.com/philly/hp/news_update/20090320_DRUG_RAIDS_GONE_BAD.html?viewAll=y

Drug raids gone bad

Shopkeepers say plainclothes cops barged in, looted stores & stole cash

By WENDY RUDERMAN & BARBARA LAKER
Philadelphia Daily News

rudermw@phillynews.com 215-854-2860

ON A SWELTERING July afternoon in 2007, Officer Jeffrey Cujdik and his narcotics squad members raided an Olney tobacco shop.

Then, with guns drawn, they did something bizarre: They smashed two surveillance cameras with a metal rod, said store owners David and Eunice Nam.

The five plainclothes officers yanked camera wires from the ceiling. They forced the slight, frail Korean couple to the vinyl floor and cuffed them with plastic wrist ties.

"I so scared," said Eunice Nam, 56. "We were on floor. Handcuffs on me. I so, so scared, I wet my pants."

The officers rifled through drawers, dumped cigarette cartons on the floor and took cash from the registers. Then they hauled the Nams to jail.

The Nams were arrested for selling tiny ziplock bags that police consider drug paraphernalia, but which the couple described as tobacco pouches.

When they later unlocked their store, the Nams allege, they discovered that a case of lighter fluid and handfuls of Zippo lighters were missing. The police said they seized $2,573 in the raid. The Nams say they actually had between $3,800 and $4,000 in the store.

The Nams' story is strikingly similar to those told by other mom-and-pop store owners, from Dominicans in Hunting Park to Jordanians in South Philadelphia.

The Daily News interviewed seven store owners and an attorney representing another. Independently, they told similar stories: Cujdik and fellow officers destroyed or cut the wires to surveillance cameras. Some store owners said they watched as officers took food and slurped energy drinks. Other store owners said cigarette cartons, batteries, cell phones and candy bars were missing after raids.

The officers also confiscated cash from the stores - a routine practice in Narcotics Field Unit raids - but didn't record the full amount on police property receipts, the shop owners allege.

In one case, the officers failed to document about $8,200, and in another, about $7,000, the store owners said.

In all eight cases, Cujdik applied for the search warrant and played a key role in the bust. The store owners were charged with possessing and delivering drug paraphernalia, specifically the tiny bags. In the cases that have been settled, judges sentenced the store owners to probation or less.

As for those broken surveillance cameras, officers have "no reason to cut camera wires or destroy cameras," said a high-ranking Philadelphia police official, who requested anonymity. "None whatsoever."

"It would look like they're trying to hide something," the official said. "It would look like they don't want to be on the surveillance camera themselves."

George Bochetto, an attorney representing Cujdik, said the store owners' allegations are false.

"Now that the Daily News has created a mass hysteria concerning the Philadelphia Narcotics Unit, it comes as no surprise that every defendant ever arrested will now proclaim their innocence and bark about being mistreated," Bochetto wrote in an e-mail to the Daily News.

"Suffice it to say, there is a not a scintilla of truth to such convenient protestations."






"They didn't do the right thing," said Moe Maghtha, who helps run his father's South Philly tobacco shop, which was raided in December 2007. "You're not allowed to sell those bags, OK. Just take them out. You don't have to rob my store and steal cigarettes."

At least three former police informants who worked with Cujdik told the Daily News that he often gave them cartons of cigarettes.

"When he raided a corner store, he'd give me cigarettes," said Tiffany Gorham, a former Cujdik informant.

Cujdik is at the center of an expanding federal and local probe into allegations that he lied on search-warrant applications to gain access to suspected drug homes and that he became too close with his informants. He rented a house to one and allegedly provided bail money to Gorham.

After a Daily News report detailing the allegations, authorities formed a special task force, composed of FBI agents and police Internal Affairs officers, to investigate.

The store owners' allegations of theft and damage to surveillance cameras could implicate, in addition to Cujdik, at least 17 other officers and three police supervisors, all in the Narcotics Field Unit.

"Taking property and not reporting it and not returning it - that's a crime," said Witold "Vic" Walczak, legal director of the state's American Civil Liberties Union.

"It's like this unregulated little band of rogue cops, is what it sounds like," Walczak said.




The store owners typically had thousands of dollars in cash on hand at the time of the raids. The money came from lottery, cigarette and phone-card sales. They also used cash to pay wholesale grocery vendors and store rent or mortgages, they said.

Luciano Estevez, 39, a Dominican who co-owns the J R Mini Market in West Philadelphia, which was raided in August 2008, told the Daily News that he had about $9,000 in the store, but the police property receipt documented about $800, he said.

"They take money and don't write it down. They [are supposed to be] the law," Estevez said. "Taking money like that, I don't think that's right. We pay a lot of taxes."

Estevez, who came to the United States in 1985, is a lot like other store owners who were interviewed by the Daily News - immigrants who live here legally and have no prior criminal records in Philadelphia. They commonly open their shops just after dawn and close long after dark.

"I believed in the American dream. I still do," said Emilio Vargas, who owns the building that houses the Dominguez Grocery Store, on Potter Street in Kensington, which was raided in March 2007.

"I believed that if you work hard, you get ahead. But everything changed after this," said Vargas, 29, who came to the U.S. from the Dominican Republic in 1996.

"I never had a drug in my hands. I never been in trouble. I used to believe in justice in America. I don't know now. It makes me question the justice system."

During the raid, Vargas said, Cujdik and fellow squad members confiscated $700 in phone-card money that he kept in a cigar box, $1,500 in a bag to pay vendors, $200 in the cash register and $1,400 from his pocket to pay the mortgage - totaling $3,800. The police property receipt that the officers filed, however, reports that only $1,456 was seized.

"They opened the fridge doors and took juices - energy drinks," Vargas said. "They emptied it."

A judge dismissed all charges against Vargas after ruling that prosecutors failed to present their case in a timely fashion, according to court records.

Rattled by the ordeal, Vargas said he now works in another grocery store, far from the rundown Kensington neighborhood of the Dominguez Grocery.

"I didn't want to go back," he said. "It was too much for me. I didn't want anything like that to happen again."

The store owners interviewed said they paid hundreds of dollars in bail and legal fees after their arrests. They lost thousands more because their stores were shuttered for periods of days or weeks.

"All my store was messed up," said David Nam, 62. "I found my wallet and my keys thrown on the floor. . . . Cigarette boxes all over floor. I think of this and get a headache."

His son, Steven Nam, said he found chocolate-bar wrappers on the floor.

"While they [the cops] were walking around, they helped themselves to Snickers and drank sodas," he said.

The ACLU's Walczak, who handles police-misconduct and immigration-rights cases, said foreign store owners who struggle with English are "easy targets" of police abuse because they're not likely to file complaints or "raise a fuss."

"[The officers] seem to be preying on what is a particularly vulnerable population," Walczak said. "It's really sad."

Danilo Burgos, president of the city's Dominican Grocery Store Association of more than 300 members, said one member recently alleged that police cut video-camera wires and stole $5,000 while searching his store. The store owner told Burgos that he didn't want to report it.

"Most of these people just want to earn a decent living and go on about their business," Burgos said.

And many Dominicans often are afraid to speak up because they come from a country where police are notoriously corrupt.

"Back home, police get away with everything, including murder," Burgos said.

"They fear something similar could happen to them here."

Moe Maghtha, who moved to the United States from Jordan in 1999, said his father's experience with Cujdik and the other narcotics officers has left him too scared to operate his South Philly tobacco shop.

"If he sees cops now, he freaks out," Maghtha said. "My dad never been in jail. My dad never been in trouble. Now he's like a little kid that got bit by a dog. He won't go out."

Maghtha, 23, said he had to give up his job as a satellite-dish technician to take over his dad's store. Maghtha's father, 53, recently suffered heart problems and did not want to be interviewed or allow his name or the name of his store to appear in this article.

The raid on the Maghtha shop happened on the afternoon of Dec. 7, 2007. Maghtha's father had just finished tallying about $14,000 in cash. Maghtha said he was on his way to the store to relieve his father, who'd planned to deposit the cash at a nearby bank.

Maghtha said he arrived just after Cujdik and six other officers had burst into the shop. The officers told Maghtha to stay outside. He watched through the window as an officer used wire cutters to clip wires to all four security cameras in the shop, Maghtha said.

The officer, who wore a navy blue jacket and a baseball cap, kept his head down as he cut the wires so the camera wouldn't capture his face, Maghtha said.

Police arrested Maghtha's father for selling little bags that he had ordered from a local tobacco wholesaler.

When Maghtha opened the store a few days later, he couldn't see the floor because of the mounds of dumped coffee grinds, candy wrappers and crushed cigarette cartons, he said.

Nearly 40 cartons of Newports were missing, Maghtha said.

The officers left a copy of the property receipt, prepared by Cujdik and signed by Cpl. Mark Palma, which stated that the officers seized $7,888.

Palma did not return a phone message yesterday.

"My dad said, 'There is no way, because I know how much money I had that day. I had counted it all up so I can take it to the bank and pay the wholesaler,' " Maghtha said.

Last August, a judge found Maghtha's father guilty of possessing and selling drug paraphernalia and sentenced him to nine months' probation, court records show.

He appealed the case - and then narcotics officers came back.

On Nov. 6, 2008, 11 months after the first raid, officers returned, alleging that they witnessed three people buying drugs from Maghtha's dad at the shop.

Police found no drugs in the store during the raid, court documents show.

"My dad never seen drugs in his life. He don't know what drugs look like," Maghtha said.

Maghtha and his uncle contend the officers raided the store to retrieve video footage from the first raid.

Maghtha had saved images on a shop computer of an officer, wearing a baseball cap, clipping the wires during the December 2007 raid, he said.

When the cops returned, an officer put a gun to the head of Maghtha's father and demanded the video, said Maghtha's uncle, Abdallah Sarhan.

"The first question that he asked was, 'Where is the videotape?,' " said Sarhan, 33, who was helping out at the store that evening.

The same officer then slapped Maghtha's father across the face, Sarhan said.

"I said, 'You don't have the right to slap him. Why you touch his face?' " Sarhan said. "I never, ever, ever in my life see something like this."

Four days after the raid and the arrest of Maghtha's father, he re-opened the store and discovered the computer that controlled the video surveillance system was gutted, Maghtha said.

"They took everything from the computer - the hard drive, the DVR [video] card, the DVD and CD-ROM player," Maghtha said.

Maghtha's father was charged with drug dealing. The case is pending.




Most store owners interviewed for this report said that when the plainclothes cops barged through their doors, they believed they were being robbed at gunpoint.

Sirilo Ortiz said that on the evening of Nov. 1, 2007, he had emerged from the basement of Lycomings Grocery in Hunting Park to see a gun barrel pointed at his face.

After Cujdik and his squad members burst into the store, they cut the wires to the surveillance camera with wire cutters, he said, then looted the store.

Ortiz, 39, who came to the U.S. from the Dominican Republic in 1996, had owned the store just five days.

One cop took a Black & Mild, a slender cigar, from the shelf and started to smoke, said Ortiz, speaking in Spanish through an interpreter.

The officers took three brown boxes from his kitchen and loaded them with food, he said.

"It was like they was shopping," said Maria Espinal, who was working in the kitchen and saw the cops take boxes stuffed with packaged goods.

The cops put a gun to Espinal's head, too, she said, before identifying themselves as police. "I thought I was going to die," she said.

Ortiz said he had about $500 in his pocket and $700 in the cash register. But the police recorded taking a total of only $918 on property receipts.

Ortiz said he took a plea deal and served six months' probation and 25 hours of community service for selling the tiny plastic bags.

He was so depressed and anxious, he lost 25 pounds and could no longer work in the store, he said.

"I couldn't take it no more," said Ortiz. "Every time someone opened the door, I thought something bad would happen."

He gave the store to his brother and now drives a cab.

"Cops are supposed to take care of people and do the right thing," Ortiz said. "I don't trust them anymore. You're supposed to trust the police, but they're the ones you can't trust.

"They weren't supposed to be the ones."


.
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Postby American Dream » Fri Mar 20, 2009 11:39 am

What bullshit!

Such hypocrisy, especially given the fact that the drugs flood through Philly and South Jersey with the active collusion of law enforcement and politicians, on all levels. In Philly, it's extremely racist and classist, as it seems that poor people of color must bear the brunt of their efforts to show they're "winning the War on Drugs"...
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Postby Luther Blissett » Fri Mar 20, 2009 12:13 pm

Beeline, what neighborhood do you live in?
At first I thought that this article was going to be about spots that are obvious fronts for illicit drug trade but it's clearly not that.
You just have to wonder who's really calling these shots? Who's putting this directive out there? Nutter? I doubt it.
Is there any nation on earth where the cops in a major city aren't this corrupt?
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Postby beeline » Fri Mar 20, 2009 12:35 pm

Right now I live in West Philly, although I'm looking for new digs.

Personally I think the PPD is it's own animal. Certain parts of it are out of control. There is a history there--One Squad, Five Squad, whatever, corruption going back as far as I remember. They can't seem to resist the lure of easy money. This is just the most recent incident in a long string of incidents. Not that every cop on the beat is corrupt, but there are more than just a few bad apples.

My feeling is this type of corruption happens a lot, in every city and town. And of course at the federal and international levels it is just much worse. I firmly believe drug trade fuels black ops. It's too lucrative for them not to look at it as a steady source of income.

This particular case struck me though on several levels. First of all, the bodegas weren't selling drugs, just plastic bags. Rite Aid sells pipes for chrissakes. So it is obvious and overt racism that they chose these little stores run by immigrants to raid and rob.

Another thing that struck me is that this coincides with the rash of police murders. It's like the 'criminal element' comes out swinging hard now, guns blazing. I can't say I blame them, if the cops are going to give you a beat-down and trump up charges against you that send you back to prison, you're probably more likely to react in a more violent manner.
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Postby Uncle $cam » Fri Mar 20, 2009 1:28 pm

The Militarization of Mayberry
Overkill: The Rise of Paramilitary Police Raids in America. Radley Balko (also mentioned here and here) has released a year long study of the militarization of police departments across the United States. Cato has a corresponding interactive map to track and filter botched paramilitary raids.

http://www.metafilter.com/53069/The-Mil ... f-Mayberry

http://www.cato.org/raidmap/
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Postby Wombaticus Rex » Fri Mar 20, 2009 1:43 pm

^^That document is absolutely the greatest thing the Cato Institute has ever done...considering who funds them, that ain't saying much, but it goes a long way to justifying their existence.
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Postby beeline » Fri Mar 20, 2009 2:03 pm

Uncle $cam, thanks, that's exactly the type of article I was thinking of.
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Postby OP ED » Fri Mar 20, 2009 2:19 pm

fuck the police.
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Postby Luther Blissett » Fri Mar 20, 2009 2:49 pm

beeline wrote:Right now I live in West Philly


Me too - Squirrel Hill here. When that new paraphernalia spot opened up on 42nd and Baltimore I was a little disappointed until I realized that it's not really a blight on the neighborhood and only really caters to the rich Penn kids anyway.

The drug trade definitely fuels a lot of things - wasn't there an article posted here last week that posited that a portion of the bailout money had to have come from the drug trade?

Clearly the PPD thought they could get away with this - and I'm sure a majority of these officers, along with whoever called the shots on these raids - will not face any sort of trial or punishment.

That film that just came out, "Explicit Ills," looks like it will touch on a lot of these issues.
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Postby beeline » Fri Mar 20, 2009 3:22 pm

Oh really cool. My neighborhood is called Walnut Hill I think. Anyway, I am moving--I sublet from a guy, and we got an eviciton notice last week, hahaha! I wasn't aware of the new head shop, I'll have to check it out :)

Anyway, yeah the PPD definitely has a history of corruption. I'm going to post another link I just found.

Yes there was an article up a few weeks ago about bailout fueling drug trade...

I'll have to check that movie out
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Postby beeline » Fri Mar 20, 2009 3:24 pm


Some history here:


http://revcom.us/a/v21/1010-019/1016/philly2.htm

Philly Cops: A History of Brutality in Blue
Part 2: Enforcers of Injustice
Revolutionary Worker #1016, August 1, 1999

This is the second of a two-part article. Part one appeared in issue #1013.

Torture and Murder
Certain words come up repeatedly when you look into the Philadelphia Police Department (PPD). "A history of favoritism, corruption and brutality"--this is from the "Police Study Task Force" which was set up in the aftermath of the 1985 bombing of the MOVE house. In 1988, the New York Times said the PPD was "considered one of the worst in the country." Human Rights Watch reported in 1998, "Corruption and brutality scandals have earned [the PPD] one of the worst reputations in the country."

Back in the days of silent films, the Philly cops were the model for the laughably inept Keystone Kops. The modern-day PPD is something truly ugly--a gang of vicious enforcers of injustice.

The PPD is notorious for beatings and forced confessions. A 1977 article in the Philadelphia Inquirer tabulated 80 homicide cases over a three-year period where local judges ruled that the police (mainly homicide cops) acted illegally during interrogations. The Inquirer described some police torture methods that were documented in court records: "...beating [a suspect's] feet and ankles; twisting or kicking his testicles and pummeling his back, ribs and kidneys." "Suspects have been beaten with lead pipes, blackjacks, brass knuckles, handcuffs, chairs and table legs. One suspect was stabbed in the groin with a sword like instrument." "Suspects and witnesses have testified that they were forced to watch beatings through [one way] windows and were told they would receive the same treatment unless they cooperated." Much of this brutality was done at police headquarters, the infamous Roundhouse. But it went on throughout the city.

Along with such torture is outright murder. In their book Above the Law, Jerome H. Skolnick and James J. Fyfe write: "During Rizzo's eight years as Philadelphia's mayor [1972-80], fatal shootings by PPD officers increased by about 20 percent annually. In a study conducted for the U.S. Justice Department, one of us reported that, while individual Philadelphia cops were no more likely than New York cops to make arrests or to come face-to-face with armed people, they were thirty-seven times as likely as New York cops to shoot unarmed people who had threatened nobody and who were fleeing from suspected nonviolent crimes." Skolnick and Fyfe outline numerous incidents where Philly cops wounded or killed "suspects" by shooting them in the back. (As we will see shortly, this murderous legacy isn't limited to the 1970s.)

Many of the revelations of PPD activity from the 1970s came out in preparation for a major U.S. federal lawsuit. This suit charged that Rizzo and 18 top city and police officials condoned the systematic brutality of the PPD. For a very brief time, a light was shone on the rampant and extreme brutality of the PPD. However, the suit never got very far and was thrown out in court decisions a few months after it was announced.

Frame-Ups and Extortion
Rizzo eventually left office, but the police continued on. One of the hallmarks of the PPD has been low-down parasitism and setting people up for arrest. In 1984, 23 Philly cops were indicted for running a racketeering and extortion ring. The cops took payoffs totaling $350,000 from prostitution rings, tavern owners and vendors of video poker machines. The indicted cops ranged from low-level patrolmen all the way to a deputy commissioner.

In 1989 four members of a special narcotics squad known as the Five Squad were found guilty of extorting money and stealing drugs from dealers. In 1995 another cop was convicted on charges of theft and bribery.

Yet another major scandal broke out in 1995 in the 39th precinct--known as the "dirty ninth" among the people in the North Philadelphia neighborhood. Six cops ended up going to jail for a series of charges involving planting evidence, making false arrests and stealing tens of thousands of dollars of drug money. Officials were forced to review 1,400 cases--and hundreds of people were released from prison because of evidence that their arrests and convictions were based on police fabrication.

One of the many victims of these low-down schemes was 54-year-old Betty Patterson. The 39th precinct cops planted drugs in her house in order to create an excuse to search her house. They supposedly wanted to seize evidence against her son and others in a murder case. Patterson ended up spending three years in prison before she was finally released.

The case of Raymond Carter is also very revealing. Carter was railroaded for a murder that took place in a crowded North Philadelphia bar in 1986. Two dozen people were in the bar, but the only "witness" against Carter was a prostitute named Pamela Jenkins. Based mainly on her testimony, Carter was convicted and sentenced to life. Carter was released in 1996 after it was revealed that Jenkins lied on the stand in exchange for a $500 pay-off from police officers.

One of the cops that made the payoff to Jenkins in the Carter case was Thomas Ryan. In 1997 lawyers for Mumia Abu-Jamal submitted into court records a sworn affidavit by Jenkins. In the affidavit, Jenkins said that she was arrested by Ryan when she was 16. Shortly after this, Ryan began a sexual relationship with Jenkins and he pressured her to become a paid police informant for many years. And she testified that Ryan repeatedly pressured her to provide false testimony in Mumia's case.

John Baird, one of the convicted cops from the 39th, later made a revealing comment from prison when he told the Philadelphia Inquirer, "We didn't own and operate the system. We didn't invent it. We were just some of the many thousands of custodians. We inherited it."

Crude Brutality
Baird was no doubt speaking out of self interest, trying to lessen his individual role in the scandal. But his comment does point to the fact that the problem is not just "a few rotten apples" within the police department.

With 6,900 uniformed cops, the PPD is the fourth largest in the country. These cops are deployed in "on street" bureaus which include the 23 patrol districts that make up the city. Other bureaus are the detectives, special investigations, community relations and civil affairs, and emergency response. Community relations and civil affairs is the descendant of the Civil Defense Squad, the notorious "red squad" of the Rizzo years.

Statistics clearly show the targeting of Black people by the Philadelphia police and "justice" system. Philadelphia's population is 40 percent Black. But 64 percent of the people arrested by the PPD are Black--and 85 percent of the people sent to prison are Black. Over half of the death-row inmates in Pennsylvania come from one city --Philadelphia. And 80 percent of those death-row prisoners are Black.

One indication of PPD's crude brutality: it is one of the few police departments in the country that still use blackjacks--a hand weapon usually made of a piece of metal enclosed in leather, with a strap or spring-like shaft for a handle.

In cities like New York, some people raise the demand for a "residency requirement" for cops--arguing that this will make the police more "accountable" for their actions. It should be pointed out that the PPD has had a residency requirement for many years. Can anyone seriously argue that this has made the Philly police less brutal to the people?

In the aftermath of the 39th District scandal there has been a lot of noise about "reforming" the PPD. One of the supposed "reform" measures was the March 1998 appointment of John Timmoney as police commissioner. What "credentials" did he have for this position? Timmoney was one of the top cops during the first years of the Giuliani administration in New York City. He helped formulate the murderous "aggressive policing" tactics that have led to so much suffering and loss by the victims of police murder and brutality.

The Killings Continue
The Philadelphia police continue to murder and maim. For example, in 1992 eight cops shot and killed Charles Matthews with 23 bullets. In 1994 Moses DeJesus was taken into custody by police who said he was "drug crazed." DeJesus was put in a squad car. He apparently had difficulty breathing, and he kicked out the window. The cops then repeatedly beat him with batons. The cops eventually handcuffed DeJesus, put him in a police wagon and took him to a hospital. He never regained consciousness and died three days later.

In October 1998, Donta Dawson, who was unarmed, was shot in the head and killed as he sat in his car. The police claim they had approached the car because it was blocking traffic. And the cop said he fired his gun because he thought Dawson "was going for a gun."

Another incident that shows the trigger-happy nature of the PPD involved Ghana-born Stephen "Kuado" Opaku. In November 1998 Opaku was in a car wreck when PPD officer Gerald Morris arrived on the scene. Morris approached the car and then shot out the window--in what he claimed was an attempt to rescue Opaku. The bullet set the car on fire--and Opaku was killed in the blaze.

Then there is the case of Carlos McLoud, a Jamaican immigrant living in New York City. In 1995 McLoud won a $2.5 million dollar settlement from the city of Philadelphia for injuries suffered when he was shot by a cop. McLoud was walking by a variety store where a robbery was taking place. Courtney Stubbs, the store clerk, had been shot and was laying in the street. When McLoud went up to help him, he was shot by plainclothes cop Terrance Jones. McLoud was then shot in the groin as he lay on his back. The bullet injuries paralyzed McLoud from the waist down, and he was left homeless as a result. The police claimed that McLoud had picked up a gun that Stubbs was carrying and pointed it at the cop. But McLoud's attorney said that he had talked to witnesses, and none of them saw such a gun.

Fraternal Order of Pigs
To really understand the PPD, you need to understand some things about the police "union," the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP). According to Human Rights Watch, "The Fraternal Order of Police is exceptionally powerful in Philadelphia--some say it has more control of the police than the Police Commissioner." This is not just hype. All the cops in the PPD, with the exception of the Commissioner and a few of his deputies, are "civil service employees." What this means is that the entire force, from the captains to street cops, are members of the FOP Lodge #5. This gives the FOP a lot of power over how things get done within the department. In most cases, the Police Commissioner can't even fire cops without FOP cooperation. And fired cops are usually reinstated through FOP efforts. FOP lawyers go to almost every disciplinary hearing for cops--and in 90 percent of the cases cops are reinstated because they were found to be "improperly dismissed."

This kind of "arbitration" works to support killer cops like officer Rodney Hunt. In two separate incidents in 1990-91, Hunt shot and killed two men and wounded a woman bystander while off duty. In one of the cases he was brought up on, and cleared of, murder charges, though evidence showed he had shot the man, Sean Wilson, nine times, in the back. Wilson's mother was eventually given a $900,000 legal settlement in the case. Hunt was dismissed from the PPD, but the FOP went to bat for him. He was reinstated in 1994 and given back pay.

Not surprisingly, the FOP has been involved in corruption schemes, just like the PPD itself. In 1995 two former FOP officials--John Shaw, an ex-president, and Anthony LaSalle, an ex-treasurer--were convicted and sent to prison for bribery and racketeering during the early 1990s.

The FOP has repeatedly gone to court to challenge the authority of the city's Police Advisory Commission (PAC). Created by the mayor in 1993, the PAC basically serves as a shock absorber for complaints against the police. But even this kind of token "oversight" of the police is too much for the FOP, which wants cops to have unrestrained power to beat and harass the people.

FOP Lodge #5 has been active in going after people they see as anti-police. The FOP sued the record label "Alternative Tentacles" (founded by musician Jello Biafra) for $2.2 million, because the CD cover of the band Crucifucks included a picture of a cop who had been shot. The picture originally appeared on an FOP fundraising poster. What the FOP was really upset about was the anti-police content of the CD.

The FOP has been very vocal and active in demanding the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal. One of the most recent examples was their attempt to undermine the January benefit concert for Mumia in New Jersey, headlined by the band Rage Against the Machine. At the time FOP president Richard Costello issued this threat: "Anyone attending this or promoting this is actively supporting the murder of police officers and will be looked on as such." And the FOP held a program to honor Daniel Faulkner (the cop Mumia is accused of killing) and to raise funds for the anti-Mumia campaign--on the eve of the April 24 Millions for Mumia demo.


*****
A look at the history and record of the Philadelphia Police Department shows a brutal, vindictive and vicious organization. They have proven repeatedly that they will resort to all kinds of deceit and violence. They have caused great suffering for the masses of people in this city. And the Philly police--along with the city's power structure as a whole--has been behind the railroad of Mumia Abu-Jamal and the attempt to execute him.

Philadelphia is called the City of Brotherly Love. But, like every other city across the country, the ruling class, their political agents and their enforcers have no love for the poor. And they deeply hate those like Mumia who take a revolutionary stand for the people.
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Postby teamdaemon » Sat Mar 21, 2009 12:14 pm

http://www.wxmi.com/pages/news_landing_ ... eedID=2515
UPDATE: GVSU Student Returns Home After Shooting
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GVSU Protest, 03.13.09

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March 19, 2009

The attorney for Derek Copp, a Grand Valley Student that was shot at his off campus apartment during a police investigation, says he is back home recovering from his injuries.

This was the statement released today by Attorney Frederick D. Dilley on behalf of Derek Copp regarding his discharge from the hospital:

Derek was discharged from the Meijer Heart Center late yesterday afternoon. He has returned to his home to continue his recovery. He continues to suffer pain from his gunshot wounds and he is very tired.

We hope that the press will respect his desire to be left alone while he continues his recovery. He hopes to return to classes soon.

Derek is grateful for the excellent care he received at the Spectrum Emergency Department and at the Meijer Heart Center. He is especially grateful to the staff, including Drs. Hooker, Rodriguez and Patzelt.

We'll continue to follow this story and bring you updates once they become available.
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March 16, 2009

Questions and comments continue to surround the investigation of a shooting by a police officer that injured a Grand Valley State student.

Derek Copp was shot in his Campus View apartment last week during a drug investigation by the West Michigan Enforcement Team.

Today, GVSU's student senate released this statement on the incident:

Last Wednesday, Ottawa Country Sheriffs Officers in conjunction with the West Michigan Drug Enforcement Team, conducted a search at an apartment in the Campus View Complex. In the process of executing a search warrant, Derek Copp, a Grand Valley student was shot by a law enforcement officer.

On behalf of the student body, Student Senate would like to wish Derek a full and complete recovery. The Student Senate will work with administration to do whatever we can to make a smooth transition back to Grand Valley upon his return.

Even though this incident took place off-campus, Student Senate is greatly concerned with the actions of the law enforcement team. Student Senate will await a full and complete explanation from the Michigan State Police. Like all students, we want to know why the West Michigan Drug Enforcement Team entered Derek Copp's apartment and why a firearm was used.

Derek Copp's family has hired an attorney in the case, Frederick D. Dilley. These comments were released today regarding the ongoing investigation:

"I have been asked what drugs may have been seized by those executing the search warrant at Derek Copp's apartment. To my knowledge, the raid resulted in the seizure of a few tablespoonfuls of marijuana, and nothing more. The primary concern remains the manner in which this raid was carried out. And the apparent lack of any justification whatsoever for the use of force...much less deadly force...in executing a search warrant.

"The campus and Allendale communities are asking why? Why burst into a college student's apartment with a gun drawn for a few tablespoonfuls of pot."
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March 16, 2009

30 Grand Valley State University students and supporters protested against the shooting of an unarmed man last week. The protest started at noon at the Ottawa County Fillmore Complex, where students marched through the complex to the front doors of the Sheriff's Department.

Derek Copp, 20 years old, was shot once in the chest by an officer from the West Michigan Enforcement Team. The officer is on paid administrative leave during the investigation. Police say they were there on a drug investigation.

During the protest, two students walked into the department where they were met by Lt. Mark Bennett. "We understand you are passionate about this," Lt. Bennett told the men. "We just can't comment on this because it is an ongoing Michigan State Police investigation."

The students asked if there would be some sort of dialogue with the department about the shooting. Lt. Bennett told them there will be a chance to discuss the incident further once the investigation is complete, but he could not give the students a time line for that. Capt. Gary Gorski of the Michigan State Police says the investigation continues, but he does not know when it will be complete.

GVSU President Thomas Haas released this statement Monday morning:



To our faculty, staff, and students:



Last week the West Michigan Drug Enforcement Team, comprised of the Michigan State Police and Ottawa County Sheriff, conducted a search at an apartment in Georgetown Township, south of Grand Valley's main campus in Allendale. During this event, a Grand Valley student, Derek Copp of Spring Arbor, Michigan, was shot by one of the law enforcement officers.



The fact that this incident took place off-campus diminishes neither my interest nor my concern. The university's campus security staff was not involved. Like many of you, I await a full and complete explanation from law enforcement, and I have made a formal request for such information. I want to know what brought the Enforcement Team to Derek's apartment and why a firearm was discharged.



I want to wish Derek a complete recovery. My office has been in touch with Derek to offer any accommodation that may be needed in furtherance of his studies. As of today, Derek remains hospitalized in Grand Rapids.




Sincerely,



Thomas J. Haas
President
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Postby Seamus OBlimey » Sat Mar 21, 2009 2:14 pm

Police officers in abuse case accused of 60 other assaults

Police officers involved in a "serious, gratuitous and prolonged" attack on a British Muslim man that led the Metropolitan police to pay £60,000 in damages this week have been accused of dozens of previous assaults against black or Asian men.

Babar Ahmad, 34, a terrorist suspect, was punched, kicked, stamped on and strangled during his arrest by officers from one of the Met's territorial support groups at his London home in December 2003.

After six years of denials from Scotland Yard, lawyers acting for the Metropolitan police commissioner, Sir Paul Stephenson, were forced to admit in the high court that Ahmad had been the victim of sustained and gratuitous violence during his arrest and agreed to pay £60,000 in damages.

But the Guardian can reveal that the Met was aware for years that the six officers involved were the subject of repeated complaints. According to documents submitted to the court, four of the officers who carried out the raid on Ahmad's home had 60 allegations of assault against them - of which at least 37 were made by black or Asian men. One of the officers had 26 separate allegations of assault against him - 17 against black or Asian men.

The Met has confirmed that since 1992 all six officers involved in the Ahmad assault had been subject to at least 77 complaints. When lawyers for Ahmad asked for details of these allegations it emerged that the police had "lost" several large mail sacks detailing at least 30 of the complaints.

Senior figures in Scotland Yard admit there are concerns about the conduct of the officers. Although the Independent Police Complaints Commission supervised an investigation carried out by the Met, none of the officers has been disciplined for the assault on Ahmad and all but one are still working in the territorial support group. Asked about the string of allegations against the officers, the Met said that all but one had been found to be unsubstantiated following inquiries.

However Fiona Murphy, the lawyer representing Ahmad, said the number of complaints should have led to a thorough inquiry.

"The horrifying nature and volume of complaints against these officers should have provoked an effective response from the Metropolitan police and the IPCC long ago," she said.

Documents submitted to the high court and seen by the Guardian list details of some of the alleged assaults carried out by the officers:

• March 2007: one officer is accused of bundling a man into the back of a police van where he was told to "get on his knees". When he replied this was not Guantánamo Bay he claims the officer grabbed him round the neck and "discharged his CS gas while continuing to hold his throat". He says he was then thrown from the van, leaving him with eye, neck and head injuries. According to the document no action was taken because the complaint was either "incapable of proof" or there was "no case to answer".

• November 2005: two of the officers were accused by a "black male" of attacking him in the back of a police van. The document states that he was subjected to "constant kicking to his head and stomach (approx 12 kicks). Head lifted off the floor by grabbing his right ear and lifting head." The attack left the man with bruising and swelling to his face but the case was not pursued, the Met said, because of "non-cooperation" by the complainant.

• October 2005: the document stated that two of the officers were involved in another assault on a "black male". It read: "In van repeatedly assaulted - kicks to the face, stamps on his head whilst handcuffed." The victim said afterwards he "felt like he might die". Vomiting and blood coming out of his ears, black swollen eye, lip busted, hands very swollen.

• June 2003: two officers accused of beating a "black male" in the back of the TSG van. "The beating continued in the van and in a search room at the station."

The allegations against the officers came to light after the high court issued a disclosure order on 13 February demanding that the Metropolitan police release all "similar fact allegations" against the officers involved in the Ahmad case.

The Met's legal team wrote to Ahmad's lawyers a few weeks later to say that "because of the sheer volume of unsubstantiated complaints" against the officers they would only be able to provide a schedule of the claims rather than the files in time for the deadline.

The schedule outlining 77 separate complaints against the officers was subsequently submitted to the court, along with a sample of complaints taken from 27 files containing some of the allegations. The police said they had lost several large mail sacks detailing at least 30 other files.

During the hearing it emerged that other crucial documents, including the officers' contemporaneous notebooks and a taped recording of an interview with the senior officer in the case, had also been mislaid.

Ahmad's lawyers say they are now calling for a judicial inquiry into the case and seeking a criminal prosecution against the officers involved. Murphy said: "The failure of the Metropolitan police and the IPCC to take effective action long ago against this group of officers can only be addressed by a full judicial inquiry and we will invite the director of public prosecutions to support the family's call for an independent judicial inquiry."

Scotland Yard said that all but one of the 77 allegations against the six TSG officers had been found to be unsubstantiated, because the complainant failed to assist them any further, the complaint was withdrawn or informally resolved, or investigated and found to be unsubstantiated.

The Met said the Directorate of Professional Standards was investigating the missing mail sacks containing 30 complaint dockets. Sources played down the significance of the allegations against the officers, indicating that all TSG officers are often the subject of complaints because of the nature of their job as frontline officers who police public disorder as well as having an anti-terrorism role.

The Independent Police Complaints Commission has now been asked to investigate why two of the officers refused orders to give evidence in the Ahmad case at the high court.

The Metropolitan Police Authority said: "The MPA will not tolerate racism or unnecessary force and we are very concerned about the impact this case will have on community police relations in London."

Ahmad was arrested at his home in south-west London. The court heard how officers stamped on his feet and repeatedly punched him in the head before he was forced into the Muslim prayer position when they shouted: "Where is your God now? Pray to him."

After a sustained attack, he was forced into the back of a police van, where he was again beaten and punched before being put in a "life-threatening" neck hold and told: "You will remember this day for the rest of your life."

At one stage, one of the officers grabbed his testicles and he was also deliberately wrenched by his handcuffs - a technique known to cause intense pain.

He has been in detention since he was rearrested in 2004 after a request from the US government over claims that he helped raise money to fund terrorist campaigns. The court heard that no evidence had been produced against Ahmad, and that he had never been charged with any offence.

Frontline force

Created in January 1987, the territorial support group is on the frontline of policing in the capital, and its 720 officers are often the first on the scene of major disturbances. TSG units have policed every march and demonstration in London over the past two decades, including the poll tax protests, BNP disturbances and "stop the City" demonstrations. They also provide anti-terrorism support and have firearm and taser expertise. They will be on the frontline again next month when they help to police protesters who are expected to gather for the G20 summit in London.

Guardian
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Postby Joe Hillshoist » Sun Mar 22, 2009 2:56 am

This is an old story, and it happened to me, so its not news. For those who don't know I live near a town called Nimbin. The town was raided last year. I'll dig up the thread.

Anyway, cos of the towns cannabis culture we get subject to chopper raids regularly. Not on the scale of California, hawaii and other places, but enough.

So anyway one year they were sealing the main road at the same time the choppers were around. Probably this last week just gone, 8 years ago. There was a spot on the main road where the company sealing the road had set up temp traffic lights. Cos of the nature of the work you could expect to be stuck for 10 minutes, 15 in the worst cases.

Where the lights were this time was next to where the cops set up their temporary base camp.

The chopper flies around and IDs crops. The cops go in in 4WDs and pull the crops out. They rarely charge anyone. If you had 5 plants in your backyard they would, or 100 or more and they could definitely connect you to the crop. But normally they just seize the gear. And, heh heh burn it. The coppers load up 4wds and trailers with weed. One Toyota Landcruiser had a plant on it with the crown bud dragging along the ground on front of the truck and the roots hanging off the back of a trailer dragging along the ground as it drove past our place.

The 4wds drive back to the base point and unload the weed into a huge truck which drives itto the eradication point.

So we were stuck at the lights while the coppers were using the clearing next to the lights to unload the dope they had theived. Standing behind the truck was a cop, breaking the mature buds off the plants and putting them in garbage bags before throwing the empty plants into the back of the big truck that took the weed away to be destroyed.

He had pounds and pounds of the stuff, like about 30, and he was only halfway through, and it was still 4 hours till they finished. So another 20 4wd loads were due.

They weren't doing every plant, just the best. We were stuck at the lights for between 5 and 15 minutes watching them open mouthed. And the guy didn't give a fuck, he was laughing at us one point, and made some signs like he was gonna enjoy smoking the weed. The Turd.
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