Fascists are the Tools of the State

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Re: Fascists are the Tools of the State

Postby American Dream » Sat Dec 17, 2016 4:32 pm

Secrets and Bombs

The Piazza Fontana bombing and the Strategy of Tension by Luciano Lanza

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Secrets and Bombs 12: We will have order, but it will be a ‘New Order’


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Francesco Restivo (1911-1976): Christian Democrat MP,
President of the Regional Council of Sicily (1949-1955),
and Minister of the Interior (1968 1972)



Two of the protagonists in our tale, Ordine Nuovo and Avanguardia Nazionale, were important and leading players. Why? According to the most recent evidence it was members of these organisations that carried out the outrages in Milan and Rome on 12 December 1969. But they were not merely the operatives of terror. The relationship between the executors and the masterminds was more complicated than that. It was not a simple case of “Take this bomb and go and blow the thing to kingdom come”. There was a web of complicities, promptings, assistance and mutual blackmail that added up to some of the most poisonous pages in Italian history. A history that witnessed the Interior Ministry itself, in the shape of the man in charge at the ministry, Franco Restivo and many of his successors, especially Federico Umberto D’Amato, head of the Confidential Affairs Bureau (disbanded in 1978) as puppet-masters of the strategy of tension.

The bottom dropped out D’Amato’s world (who died on 1 August 1996) when, at the end of that year, 150,000 or so uncatalogued files (from which some of the most compromising documents may well have been removed) were discovered in a villa in the Via Appia on the outskirts of Rome — and not just documents either. There was, for example, the dial of the timer used in the 9 August 1969 bombing of the Pescara-Rome train (the one carried out by Franco Freda himself).

This documentation, uncovered on 4 October 1996, after D’Amato’s demise, by Aldo Giannuli, an expert appointed by Judge Salvini, added up to an alternative record of the goings-on at the Viminale Palace. They contained information on many of the stories bound up with domestic espionage activity. It was a secret archive that had never been shredded, simply deposited higgledy-piggledy in a dump— perhaps for possible future use.

At this point we need to go back forty years or so when, in 1956, Giuseppe Rauti, known as Pino, began to display signs of intolerance towards the “petit bourgeois and legalitarian” policy of Arturo Michelini, the secretary of his party, the Movimento Sociale Italiano (MSI). Michelini had been elected supreme leader of the Italian neofascists in 1954 and was regarded as too soft in the parliamentary confrontations between the Christian Democratic right and the “hard-liners” from Giorgio Almirante’s faction.

Rauti was one of the hardest of hard-liners. He broke away from the MSI to set up the Ordine Nuovo study centre with Clemente Graziani, Paolo Signorelli, Stefano Serpieri and Stefano Delle Chiaie. In the autumn of 1969, when Giorgio Almirante became secretary of the MSI, Rauti returned to the party and dissolved the study centre. This was only a formality as the Ordine Nuovo groups and organisation continued operating for several more years.

In 1958 Delle Chiaie began to cut loose from Rauti’s apron strings and in 1960 this led to his launching Avanguardia Nazionale. This latter organisation was formally disbanded in 1966 to allow many of its members to rejoin the MSI, but in 1968 Delle Chiaie formally refloated the never disbanded organisation.

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Julius Evola

Ordine Nuovo and Avanguardia Nazionale were substantially the same ideologically. Their main theoretical reference point was the philosopher Julius Evola, whom Rauti had known in the later 1940s. Their programmes were based on the struggle against communism and capitalism and in support of a corporatist State, following the model of the 28 August 1919 revolutionary nationalist programme of the Fasci di Combattimento established in the Piazza San Sepolcro in Milan on 23 March 1919. That programme had been refined (in its presentation at least) by the Salò Republic (the volunteers of which had included the then 17 year old Rauti). The fight was also directed against the parliamentary system and all forms of democracy, in order to bring about an aristocratic and organic State, borrowing the ideas of Nazi Germany. The ultimate goal was a New European Order.

In practice, both organisations shared Italian territory: Ordine Nuovo’s groups were located primarily in the North, whereas those of Avanguardia Nazionale were based mainly in Rome and the South.

By the spring of 1969 they began to operate jointly. The Venetian leadership of Ordine Nuovo met the Rome-based leaders of Avanguardia Nazionale on 18 April 1969 in Padua, in the home of Ivano Toniolo, one of Freda’s most loyal lieutenants. With the blessing of Carlo Maria Maggi, the boss of Ordine Nuovo in the Triveneto area and of the national leadership, Signorelli and Rauti. From then on the two organisations were to operate in concert with each other, at least in large-scale operations. On 25 April the bombs exploded in Milan (at the Fair and at Central Station).

An operational axis had been formed stretching from Venice through Padua to Milan, down to the capital and as far as Reggio Calabria. And the personnel? Venice was represented by Delfo Zorzi, Martino Siciliano, Giancarlo Vianello (who infiltrated Lotta Continua in 1970, fell in love with a member of that group and eventually parted company with his fascist colleagues), Paolo Molin and Piercarlo Montagner — with “technical” backup from Carlo Digilio.

In Padua, under Freda’s leadership, there were Giovanni Ventura, Massimiliano Fachini and Marco Pozzan. Giancarlo Rognoni was the acknowledged leader of the La Fenice group in Milan. In Rome, Delle Chiaie presided over Avanguardia Nazionale, while in Reggio Calabria its bulwark was the Marchese Felice Genoese Zerbi who could call on a sizable band of determined militants such as Carmine Dominici, Giuseppe Schirinzi and Aldo Pardo.

These were characters with chequered pasts. Freda and Ventura were eventually to be convicted of 17 attacks mounted between 15 April and 9 August 1969 (including the bombings in Milan on 25 April and the train bombings on 9 April). Rognoni was spared 23 years in prison by going on the run, primarily to Spain, and was in fact sentenced in his absence for an attack mounted by his lieutenant, Nico Azzi.

On 7 April 1973 a bomb exploded in a toilet on the Turin-Rome train, but the bomber, Azzi, however, did not get away unscathed. The device had exploded while he was handling it — or rather it went off between his legs. He was injured, arrested, tried and sentenced to 20 years. Two other La Fenice members — Mauro Marzorati and Francisco De Min — ended up in jail with him.

The attack, planned in the presence of Ordine Nuovo ideologue Paolo Signorelli, was intended to distract the Milan magistrates’ inquiries into the Piazza Fontana bombing — and as a focus for a maggioranza silenziosa (silent majority) demonstration planned for Milan on 12 April. Following the bombing someone was to have made a telephone call claiming responsibility on behalf of a leftwing organisation.

A strong character, tough, quick to use his fists, his face frequently marked by wounds, he was not impressed by the sight of blood and inflicted punishments personally on errant colleagues. But at the same time he was introverted and fascinated with both Buddhism and Evola’s ideas. This was how Siciliano described his leader, Zorzi. This was the man who would confess on at least two occasions that he had had a hand in the 12 December 1969 bombing in Milan.

On 31 December 1969, Zorzi, Siciliano and Vianello were celebrating New Year’s Eve with a visit to prostitutes in the Corso del Popolo in Mestre. “This was a cameratesca (comradely) practice linked to the fascist notion of virility”, Siciliano noted. They then went to Vianello’s home for a meal, a drink and to sing fascist songs. The conversation then turned to the bombings of a few days earlier.

Siciliano told Judge Salvini on 8 June 1996: “Zorzi reminded us that according to our greatest theorists even blood can serve as a trigger for a national revolution which, launched in Italy, could be the salvation of Europe by rescuing it from communism. He picked up on the line that had already been given out in Padua — that the common people, stricken and defenceless, would clamour for a strong State, especially since the strategy anticipated that such serious incidents would be laid at the door of the far left.”

According to Siciliano, Zorzi’s closing remarks were: “He gave us clearly to understand that the anarchists had had no hand or part in anything and that they had been used as scapegoats simply because of their history — that sort of charge levelled against them was believable — and that in reality the Milan and Rome attacks had even thought up and commissioned at the highest levels and actually carried out by the Triveneto Ordine Nuovo.”

In January 1996 Digilio told Judge Salvini what Zorzi told him in Mestre in 1973: “Listen, I was personally involved in the operation to plant the bomb at the Banca Nazionale dell’Agricoltura”. And, Digilio continued: “That was what he said, word for word and I remember it well, not least because of the seriousness of the words. Zorzi never mentioned those killed in the bombing but he did use the term ‘operation’ as if it had been a war-time operation.”

At this point Zorzi explained to Digilio: “I dealt with things personally and it was no easy undertaking. I had help from the son of a bank director.”

Zorzi moved to Japan after Judges Giancarlo Stizin Treviso, Pietro Calogero in Padua, Gerardo D’Ambrosio and Emilio Alessandrini in Milan began chasing up the fascist trail in connection with the Piazza Fontana outrage.

In Tokyo, where he now lives, having married a Japanese woman by whom he has had a daughter, Zorzi runs an import-export firm which has made him a (lire) multi-millionaire; so much so that in 1993 he was able to make Maurizio Gucci a loan of 30,000 million lire — a fortune some suspect he amassed thanks to the protection of the Yakuza, the Japanese Mafia, and of the Italian and US secret services. His Italian defence counsel is Gaetano Pecorella who denies his client had any involvement in the Piazza Fontana carnage. This is the same Pecorella who in the 1970s concentrated on defending leftwing activists before switching in the 1990s to a mixture of clients ranging from Zorzi to Ovidio Bompressi, the former Lotta Continua member sentenced to 22 years for the murder of Inspector Luigi Calabresi.


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Re: Fascists are the Tools of the State

Postby American Dream » Sat Dec 17, 2016 10:38 pm

Secrets and Bombs

The Piazza Fontana bombing and the Strategy of Tension by Luciano Lanza

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Secrets and Bombs 10: Nazis in Disguise


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Delfo Zorzi
(head of Ordine Nuevo in Mestre)


Mestre, June 1968. Early that month a rash of fly-posted bills appeared singing the praises of Mao Tse Tung. Car-owners found their vehicles daubed with slogans extolling the leadership of the Chinese chairman. An act of daring by Venetian Maoists? No. The perpetrators were three young activists from the city’s neo-Nazi Ordine Nuovo group: Delfo Zorzi, Paolo Molin and Martino Siciliano. Siciliano was the one who confessed to the provocations on 6 October 1995 to M Guido Salvini, the Milan magistrate who investigated the Piazza Fontana outrage from 1989 to 1997: ‘we did the graffiti on vehicles parked in the area in order to annoy the residents and take the provocation as far as it would go.’

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On 15 May 1969, seven members of the fascist group Giovane Italia were arrested in Palermo charged with attacks that had taken place between April and the day before their arrest. They had attacked the Regina Pacis church, the carabinieri stations in Castellammare and Pretoris, the recruit training barracks and Ucciardone prison. In Legnano, on 15 September 1969, 26-year-old Ettore Alzati, a travelling salesman, and 19-year-old Ermanno Carensuola, a haulage firm employee, were arrested. They confessed to throwing a petrol bomb at the entrance to a club where an Avanti! festival was taking place. But the arson attempt failed as the bottle smashed without exploding. They then tried to set fire to posters advertising the event, but with the same disappointing outcome. Before leaving, and now weaponless apart from some paint, they daubed a huge circled A on a wall.

They stood outside the Club Turati and daubed ‘Long live Mao’ on the wall. Alzati and Carensuola were rightwing extremists, members of the Legnano branch of the MSI.

Three instances from among so many that prompt the question: what was happening? Had even fascists and Nazis been touched by the events of May 1968 in France? What were the origins of these strange groups who described themselves as Nazi-Maoists? Why were rightwing extremists mounting attacks and trying to blame the anarchists? Was this spontaneity or part of some plan?

Croce Nera Anarchica members in Milan, Giuseppe Pinelli for one, favoured the latter explanation. In the first issue of the Anarchist Black Cross Bulletin, published in June 1969, they wrote apropos of the Palermo incidents: ‘Emotionally disturbed though the neo-fascists may be, we are not so naive as to believe in seven of them going ga-ga at the same time. Plainly, their actions were part of some plan.’

The bulletin’s editors explored their hypothesis: ‘For fascists to strike at “anarchist” targets is explicable only if the objective is 1) to whip up a panic about subversive attacks in order to justify a police crackdown and a tightening-up by the authorities, 2) to bring anarchists (and, by extension, the Left) into disrepute.

It is an essential part of the first of these purposes and would suit the second, that some innocent person be injured or, better still (if more dangerously) killed.’ The article ended with a prophecy. ‘What has happened in Palermo bears out what we said immediately after the 25 April attacks in Milan (at the Fair and the railway station): the attackers do not come from our ranks. And the police’s insistence in arresting and detaining anarchists gives rise to grave suspicions.’

After the train bombings on 9 August, the Croce Nera bulletin (No 2, August 1969), stated: ‘Where there is an authoritarian regime in place, in the lead-up to the advent of some important statesman, special checks are carried out and hotheads, subversives and anarchists are detained by the police, some to help with inquiries, some on criminal charges: all as a precautionary measure. So, in this ghastly year of 1969, we wonder: what on earth is going on in Italy?’

The bombs on 12 December 1969 answered that question.

The Croce Nera bulletin editors had an inkling that something was afoot but obviously were not yet in possession of all the facts. For instance, they were not to know that the ‘Chinese manifestos’ operation and the other terrorist operations mounted by fascists which purported to be the work of anarchists or Maoists, represented the prologue to the ‘strategy of tension’.

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Federico Umberto D’Amato:
strategist of tension — the puppetmaster


They had no way of knowing that the idea of having posters printed up by the tens of thousands and distributed for sticking up by Nazi-fascist groups originated with Federico Umberto D’Amato, head of the Confidential Affairs Bureau of the Interior Ministry (Ufficio Affari Riservati). The details of that strategy had also been worked out in the document Our Political Action, seized by rebel soldiers from the premises of Aginter Press in Lisbon in 1974 during the revolution.


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Re: Fascists are the Tools of the State

Postby American Dream » Sun Dec 18, 2016 10:37 am

Secrets and Bombs

The Piazza Fontana bombing and the Strategy of Tension by Luciano Lanza

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Secrets and Bombs 4: 15 December 1969 — That’s him! That’s him!


Valpreda allegedly made the following statement: “As we were going down the Via Tiburtina, before leaving for Rome that last time, we were just about level with the Siderurgia Romana foundry and the Decama works, about two or three hundred metres from the Silver cinema […] when Ivo Della Savia, pointed out a clump of bushes and said : ‘ I have some gear stashed there, not too far from the street at the foot of a shrub that is not too tall’” And he added: “He was not specific as to what he was talking about, but we took the reference to ‘gear’ to mean explosives, detonators and fuses .”

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Mario Merlino (then and more recently)

Why did Valpreda make that admission? Simple. Mario Merlino had been the first of the 22 March group to be questioned by the Rome police, but as a witness not as a suspect.

At 1.45 pm. on 13 December Merlino made a statement to this effect: “Concerning the bombings […] I am in a position to state that my friends Emilio Borghese, Roberto Mander and Giorgio Spano spoke to me on separate occasions of the existence in Rome of their cache of weapons and explosives […] Nearly six weeks ago, at the premises of the Circolo Bakunin in the Via Baccina Spano, talked about attacks in general and told me he had knowledge of facts and details concerning the attacks mounted in Rome …”

When questioned, again as a witness, Merlino (who would later be indicted with Valpreda and the other anarchists from the 22 March Group) said other things that were to condemn his comrades.

He declared: “On 28 November, on the occasion of the national ironworkers’ rally in the Piazza Santa Maria Maggiore, at about 11.00 am., while the students who later joined the workers’ march were assembling, Roberto Mander told me he needed explosives as the political situation was developing so quickly and it was time to act. Furthermore, on the 10th or 11th of this month, at around 8,00 pm., in the Via Cavour, after I had mentioned a few things that I had been told by Emilio Borghese, Roberto told me that they did indeed have a dump on the Via Casilina.” A moveable dump, then, that had moved from the Via Tiburtina to the Via Casilina. Having more to do with bragadaccio than with dynamiting activity, perhaps, Merlino continued: “One or two evenings prior to the encounter with Mander […] at the premises of the anarchist Circolo 22 Marzo, Emilio Borghese told me he had a cache of explosives, detonators and arms in the Via Casilina. He specifically stated that he had […] a substantial amount of detonators and a smaller quantity of explosives […] I remember he went on to say that he had gone to the dump several days previously in the company of Roberto Mander and Pietro Valpreda, in the latter’s car, and had removed or left […] a quantity of explosives.”

Here is the first contradiction. If Mander had ready access to the famous dump, why did he need explosives? And why had he turned to Mario Merlino? It is a mystery, one that Mander himself, a 17 year old high-school student, the son of an orchestra leader, tried to dispel in a 15 December interview with the police: “On 28 November, the day of the foundry workers’ strike, I mentioned to Merlino the possibility of bombs being set off to create incidents. That is to say, we discussed if it might help the foundry workers in the event of clashes with the police.

The following week Merlino asked me if it was true that I and Valpreda had an explosives dump in the Via Casilina. I asked Merlino to check where these rumours originated. On that occasion I asked him if there was any chance of his getting hold of explosives for the purposes of carrying out some sort of symbolic action. Over the next few days I put the same request about explosives to Borghese who had told me he did not have any to hand.”

Mander then stated: “I ought to stipulate that when I visited the Via Tiburtina with Ivo Della Savia, where I had been told there was a dump of materials — fuses and detonators I seem to recall — there were no explosives.”

In a later statement, Mander added: “I believe Valpreda is more an expert in the handling of explosives than I am. For years he has been active in anarchist groups — and he was also implicated in the Milan Fair attacks. I believe he was involved in other attacks as well.”

The Circolo 22 Marzo members then began pointing the finger at each other. Merlino insisted: “Let me add that today at police headquarters, after I said that the detective had queried the existence of an anarchist explosives cache in the Via Casilina, Mander replied: ‘They know about that then?’ […] Borghese also told me that he had access to other explosives but I don’t know where they were kept.”

Roberto Gargamelli, the 20 year old son of a Banca Nazionale del Lavoro official, refused to be sucked into this police-orchestrated game and at 5.00 am. on 15 December made the following statement:

“During meetings with Valpreda, whether singly or with other comrades, I never heard him speak of explosives. I mean that I never heard Valpreda, Mander or Borghese mention acquiring explosives, nor did I ever hear talk of there being an explosives dump or arsenal in the Via Casilina or the Via Tiburtina where Mander or Borghese supposedly had a cache of such material.”

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Mario Merlino posing as an anarchist (1969)

But who was this Merlino character who was so determined to throw suspicion on to his comrades? He was a 25 year-old philosophy graduate, son of a Vatican employee (employed by the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith department). In 1962, at the age of 18, Merlino had been active in far right groups, especially Stefano Delle Chiaie’s Avanguardia Nazionale. He also had connections with Pino Rauti, the Ordine Nuovo founder who now leads the Movimento Sociale Fiamma Tricolore and with the MSI deputy Giulio Caradonna.

Caradonna, a prominent hard-line Italian fascist, led the 200-odd Giovane Italia (Young Italy) activists (Mario Merlino among them) in the 17 March 1968 fighting with the leftist students squatting in the Faculty of Letters at La Sapienza university in Rome.

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Stefano Delle Chiaie

In April that year Merlino had gone to Greece on a trip sponsored by the ESESI, the league of Greek fascist students in Italy — organised by Pino Rauti and Stefano Delle Chiaie. On his return, Merlino underwent a political conversion. He adopted the dress of the more radical left, grew a beard and moustache and began frequenting groups from the extra-parliamentary left. He launched the Circolo XXII Marzo, which led to the later Circolo 22 Marzo. He distributed leaflets singing the praises of the student revolt in Paris and carried a black flag emblazoned “XXII MARZO” at a demonstration outside the French embassy. By September 1969 he was a member of the Circolo Bakunin in the Via Baccina, where he made no secret of his fascist past, claiming he was an ex-camerata — as well as being an anarchist sympathiser. Within the Circolo Bakunin he associated with those militants who complained the most about its political line and by the end of October he joined with these to launch the Circolo 22 Marzo.

Merlino remains to this day a figure who defies description. Even after they had been arrested and jailed, Valpreda persisted in defending Merlino, arguing that even a fascist had a right to a change of mind and that the climate created by contestation had shattered many of the certainties of members of the far right.

The fact remains that links with the camerati (fascist network) and above all with Delle Chiaie survived his alleged conversion to anarchism. Thus, when he saw the police had him cornered — when his status switched from witness-informant to suspect-under-investigation — Merlino had only one person to turn to for an alibi for the afternoon of 12 December — Stefano Delle Chiaie, a man who would eventually be indicted for perjury. So much so that in January 1981, in an interview with the weekly L’Europeo, Merlino acknowledged his debt of gratitude to Delle Chiaie:

“He told the truth and even now, 11 years on, he continues to do so […] But that is not the only reason why I hold him in such high regard. In relation to the Bologna bombing, for example, he was the only one with courage enough to say certain things, to own up to his own responsibilities in regard to terrorism, be it red or black. Unlike certain people, like Rauti or Almirante, who engaged in the splitting of hairs, if not trotting along to police headquarters to hand in the membership lists of Terza Posizione.”

Whereas Valpreda showed solidarity with Merlino, he had misgivings about someone that he could not quite identify:

“There was a spy in our ranks […] The police knew our every move and whatever was said at the Circolo”, Valpreda wrote to his lawyer Boneschi on 27 November 1969.

His intuition was correct, but Valpreda did not yet know the identity of the spy who so diligently briefed the police on everything being done by the young anarchists from the ‘22 Marzo’.

Who was it? It was “comrade Andrea”. That was the name by which the anarchists from the Via Governo Vecchio knew him. His real name was Salvatore Ippolito, he was a public security agent given the task of infiltrating the Roman anarchists. Two people — Merlino and Ippolito — therefore were monitoring the tiny group. The former reporting to Delle Chiaie, the latter to his superior officer at police headquarters, commissario Domenico Spinella.


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Re: Fascists are the Tools of the State

Postby American Dream » Sat Jan 21, 2017 12:59 pm

Oath Keepers On Guard at Inauguration of President Donald Trump

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January 20, 2017 Hatewatch Staff

The Oath Keepers were in attendance at the swearing in of President-elect Donald Trump this morning. But while most onlookers were there to cheer on – or protest – the incoming president, the Oath Keepers were combing the crowd for suspicious behavior from political opponents on the left, and, of course, looking for anyone who appeared to be a member of ISIS.

Stewart Rhodes, Oath Keepers founder and president, issued a “Call to Action” Tuesday on the group’s website announcing “Operation DefendJ20” (J20 is short for Jan. 20, Inauguration Day). Rhodes also stated that the Oath Keepers would be coordinating with the antigovernment Three Percenters and the far-right Bikers for Trump.

“We call on those of you who are able-bodied and know how to handle yourselves well, and especially military and police veterans with applicable training and experience, who can remain calm under pressure, to come to Washington DC … to protect peaceable American patriots who are now being threatened with assault and other acts of violence by radical leftist groups,” Rhodes stated before telling his followers to also “watch for jihadist terrorists.”

Rhodes asked his usually armed members to flock to D.C. in teams for their own safety, but also to exercise restraint and adhere to the official prohibited items list for Inauguration Day – a list that, of course, prohibits firearms. Rhodes tasked his members with filming incidents and to report them to police, unless a moment arose where they would be forced to go “hands on.”

Some comments on the organization’s website, however, show glimpses of a far less-restrained mindset than the one publicly displayed by Rhodes.

“We WILL be there,” a commenter named Marlene wrote. “And we will be prepared. We will not allow soros [sic] and the globalists start a civil war where we fight against each other. But we are prepared for a full scale revolution against tyranny on OUR own terms at a later time. Most of these anti-American fascists are not even Americans. They represent the dregs of humanity Obama [sic] has brought into our country just for this purpose – all illegal all foreign and all who hate us because they hate themselves. We are united and strongly behind you Oath Keepers.”

“Remember this is home grown terrorism,” a commenter named Aaron wrote. “Many are foriegners [sic] that promote Islam and belittle Christianity. This really is a fight for a survival of our nation. God bless.”

In the days before Rhodes’ announcement, a prominent Oath Keepers blogger, who goes by the pen name Navy Jack, wrote a blog on the Oath Keepers website titled: “Communists Intend to Overthrow the United States before Inauguration Day.” Citing the same organizations as Rhodes, Navy Jack admits that it’s unlikely the protestors will achieve their goals, but once again the conspiracy theory-driven Oath Keepers whipped its members into a state of frenzy.

“So let it begin,” writes a user named Rev. Dave. “I don’t like commies any more than I like NAZIs [sic]. If law enforcement can’t put them down, I’ll be more than willing to help out by putting a few down myself.”

“Neutralizing of high profile individual [sic] responsible for inciting and threatening mass civil disobedience while espousing and spewing race-baiting anti-American rhetoric would be of top 5 priority,” writes a user named Acquired-awaiting.

In more than a couple instances, comments from the Oath Keepers directly contradict the organization’s stated purpose to stand up against perceived tyranny, and, actually, welcome it with open arms.

“What Navy Jack is missing-is the point that once Donald Trump is sworn in as president…. If there are massive disturbances and riots, this guy will act with an iron hammer,” a user named Shinmen Takezo writes before gleefully imagining the use of the U.S. military on American soil. “President Trump could bring in an armored division and air-drop troops … to round up and arrest (and if necesary [sic] use lethal force) to bring these mother-fuckers to justice for treason and sedition.”

“Massive disruptions in the streets may be incited; but the law also provides for dealing with such events,” writes Edwin Vieira, a Constitutional lawyer and driving ideologue of the Oath Keepers. “If the situation were really one of incipient neo-Bolshevik revolution that could not be put down through normal police methods, the law provides the perfect remedy in 10 U.S.C. secs. 332 and 333.”

Vieira is technically correct, although legal issues that sometimes seem like they might have an easy answer oftentimes don’t, and can take many days to research and consider. Ten U.S.C. 332 states that the president can use the armed forces and National Guard when “unlawful obstructions, combinations, or assemblages, or rebellion against authority of the United States, make it impracticable to enforce the laws of the United States.”

But among the Oath Keepers 10 “Orders We Will Not Obey,” which exemplifies the group’s conspiratorial mindset, is order number four: “We will NOT obey orders to impose martial law or a ‘state of emergency’ on a state, or to enter with force into a state, without the express consent and invitation of that state’s legislature and governor.”

To suddenly see Vieira, an ideological leader of the Oath Keepers, citing the use of the military on American soil, against American citizens, as a “perfect remedy” to protests shows just how little the Oath Keepers truly worry about a “police state,” so long as it’s in the right hands.

Rhodes’ announcement of Operation DefendJ20 came after a covert Oath Keepers mission, codenamed Operation Hypo, in which the organization alleges to have infiltrated the groups DisruptJ20, ANTIFA and Refuse Fascism and uncovered plots to disrupt the swearing in of President-elect Donald Trump and surrounding events.

Operation Hypo apparently ran alongside James O’Keefe’s Project Veritas’ own undercover operation to expose far-left plans for Inauguration Day. It remains uncertain if the two groups ran a joint effort or merely ran parallel operations, but it’s clear that the Oath Keepers are seeking further collaboration with O’Keefe, a onetime protégé of Andrew Breitbart.

“We have also offered to provide Project Veritas with volunteer security and personnel protection assistance, as our way of supporting their mission,” Rhodes says.

A video that appears to be from a hidden body camera worn by a Project Veritas member was released by the group days ago, where the operative allegedly sits down with members of a far-left group and records them talking about compromising the ventilation system at the Deploraball with butyric acid or setting off the smoke alarm and sprinkler system. Rhodes, through Operation Hypo, says his organization can verify a number of Project Veritas’ claims.

The Oath Keepers tweeted a photo of Rhodes yesterday, presumably providing security at the Deploraball.

This is the second undercover operation conducted by the Oath Keepers in recent months – both focusing on the presidential election. Last November, following propaganda of imminent voter fraud from the conspiratorial fringe and then-presidential candidate Trump, Rhodes announced Operation Sabot and instructed his members to monitor voting stations for fraud.

It remains unclear how many Oath Keepers were in attendance for Operation DefendJ20. Rhodes says members are justified to stay home and protect their communities from ISIS attacks and potential nationwide civil unrest sparked by the day’s events. But Rhodes and a handful of others appear in photos in D.C. posted on the Oath Keepers’ Twitter account this morning, where they continue to monitor the day’s events.

And if you couldn’t make it to D.C., Rhodes, who sells membership to his organization for up to $1,500 in return for a laminated membership card, a certificate and access to an online forum, among other low-cost items, would like your donations for travel expenses.
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Re: Fascists are the Tools of the State

Postby American Dream » Wed Feb 01, 2017 2:00 pm

What Counts as Violence?
Why the Right Can Shoot Us Now

Let us imagine, for a moment, that the tables had been turned: imagine that a Milo supporter had been shot, in self-defense or otherwise. The alt-right and the mainstream media would be in an uproar. The anti-fascist would still be in custody, charged with murder. Why do we know this? Because anti-fascists and anarchists are regular assaulted by the police and held under outrageous bail conditions. Hundreds who protested the inauguration in Washington, DC, were in jail for over twenty-four hours before getting bailed out; some now face up to ten years imprisonment on felony riot charges. Women are regularly incarcerated for self-defense against abusive men. People of color are regularly held for weeks on end, without bail, for skipping bus fares and other minor offenses. But somehow, a man who shot into a crowd, on a campus that bans firearms, is deemed responsible and safe enough to release without charges or bail. When we are arrested, our names and faces are advertised in the media, along with denigrating comments and descriptions. We are all aware of this double standard; one only has to look at the difference between the hands-off response to the armed militia occupation of the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge, and the violent attacks on water protectors at Standing Rock in North Dakota.

This is not to complain, or to ask the police for protection. We are not calling for prosecution; the courts will never serve us, and the police will never protect us. They only protect the wealthy, the privileged, and their own ranks. It is common practice for police to protect neo-Nazi rallies; and yet, when the fascists pull guns or knives on us, as in the UW shooting, as in Minneapolis, as in Sacramento, they rarely face serious consequences. We cannot rely on the police, and we do not care to. They are a violent and racist force, descended from slave patrols and anti-union thugs. Their job is to enforce white supremacy, the property of the wealthy, and the patriarchal order of society. We do not want their help. We are not surprised, because the police have always worked with the fascists, in every country where fascism has taken hold.


More at: https://crimethinc.com/2017/01/23/what- ... s-violence
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Re: Fascists are the Tools of the State

Postby American Dream » Wed Feb 01, 2017 2:44 pm

FBI: U.S. law enforcement infiltrated by white supremacists

It won't surprise you to learn American policing has a racism problem. It may surprise you to know that the FBI has been quietly, systematically investigating the white supremacist infiltration of law enforcement.

Alice Speri writes that there's just not much anyone in politics is willing to do about it—and an inevitable conservative-led backlash when they try—but the FBI is starting to treat local cops the way it treated hippies: as a problem worth getting its hands dirty over.

“For some reason, we have stepped away from the threat of domestic terrorism and right-wing extremism,” Jones continued. “The only way we can reconcile this kind of behavior is if we accept the possibility that the ideology that permeates white nationalists and white supremacists is something that many in our federal and law enforcement communities understand and may be in sympathy with.”


Investigation is difficult:

Although officers have been fired for expressing hateful views — sometimes to be re-hired by other departments, as happens regularly with officers accused of misconduct — some officers have also challenged those dismissals in court. Robert Henderson, an 18-year veteran of the Nebraska State Patrol, was fired when his membership in the Klan was discovered. He sued on First Amendment grounds and appealed all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court, which declined to hear his case. Last year, 14 officers in the San Francisco Police Department were caught exchanging racist and homophobic texts that included several references to “white power” and messages such as “all niggers must fucking hang.” Most of those officers remain on the force after an attempt to fire several of them was blocked by a judge, who said the statute of limitation had expired.

No centralized recruitment process or set of national standards exists for the 18,000 law enforcement agencies in the United States, many of which have deep historical connections to racist ideologies. As a result, state and local police as well as sheriff’s departments present ample opportunities for white supremacists and other right-wing extremists looking to expand their power base.


Part of the problem: when the Department of Homeland Security released a study on extremism, Republicans railed against the unforgivable insult it represented against patriotic officers and veterans. This hindered further action against white supremacists throughout the Obama administration.

“I believe that because that report was so denounced by conservatives, it sort of closed the door on whatever the FBI may have been considering doing with respect to combating infiltration of law enforcement by white supremacists,” said Samuel Jones, a professor of law at the John Marshall School of Law in Chicago who has written about white power ideology in law enforcement. “Because after the 2006 FBI report, we simply cannot find anything by local law enforcement or the federal government that addresses this issue.”

Pete Simi, a sociologist who spent decades studying the proliferation of white supremacists in the U.S. military, agreed. “The report underscores the problem of even discussing this issue. It underscores how difficult this issue is to get any traction on, because a lot of people don’t want to discuss this, let alone actually do something about it.”
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Re: Fascists are the Fools of the State

Postby American Dream » Thu Feb 16, 2017 3:06 pm

White Power and apocalyptic cults: Pro-DPRK Americans revealed

American homegrown terrorist groups are the chosen favorites of Pyongyang

May 6th, 2013 Nate Thayer

WASHINGTON D.C. – In September 2003, John Paul Cupp, the 22 year old son of a fundamentalist Christian preacher from Indiana, received a message from the government of North Korea.

“Upon the authorization of the Central Committee” it read, Pyongyang “extends militant greetings to you who extend warm support and solidarity to the Songun policy of our respected Marshal Kim Jong Il, treasure sword of our nation.”

The “formation of the Songun Politics Study Group USA has been reported to our Central Committee and, through it, to the Workers Party of Korea….Now your organization has been introduced to the entire Korean nation in the south and the north. We are very pleased to have a revolutionary organization and comrades like you in the land of the United States, the bulwark of imperialism and determined to further the relationship with you in depth,”

Rodong Sinmun, the official voice of the ruling Korean Worker’s Party (KWP), reported the news on September 11, the two year anniversary of the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in New York.

The message from Pyongyang promised to send further information “by DHL” to the address of “Comrade John Paul Cupp.” What North Korea didn’t mention was at the time was that John Paul Cupp had no address because he was homeless and living in a tent under a highway in Portland, Oregon.

“My father is a loser. He lives in Lynn Haven, Florida,” wrote Cupp on an online family genealogy thread in October 1999. “I moved to Portland to join the communist party and get my poetry published. I am 19 years old.”

By the time Cupp vowed his loyalty to Pyongyang and was made Chairman of the newly created Songun Politics Study Group USA, his evolving political ideology embraced white supremacy, pro Islamic Jihadists, virulent anti-Semitism, and launching domestic terrorism to achieve the armed overthrow of the U.S. government.

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John Paul Cupp (c) in trench coat when he was homeless living in Portland Oregon in the early 2000’s when he became the chief U.S representative of the Pyongyang sanctioned group of U.S. supporters of North Korea. North Korean media heralded Cupp as a “prominent U.S. public figure.”

In recent years, the North Korean government has joined in alliance and found common cause with American citizens from the violent armed fringes of both the political far right and left, who are members of registered U.S. domestic terrorist organizations, have been convicted for violent racial attacks, claimed to have sent Anthrax chemical warfare agents to the President of the United States, been sentenced to mental institutions for threatening to assassinate sitting U.S. presidents, and been imprisoned for plotting terrorist attacks on U.S soil.

“Comrade Kim Il Sung and Dear Leader Comrade Kim Jong Il are the two greatest human beings in the entire history of the world”


Several have made official visits to North Korea as the invited guests of the Pyongyang government.

The American political activists of the pro-North Korean political organizations created by Pyongyang in the U.S. include leaders of armed white power groups accused of trying to spark violent race wars, ; Americans fighting for the creation of a U.S. state populated exclusively by white people; supporters of the extermination of the Jewish race; who applaud the 9/11 and Oklahoma City terrorist attacks; and others who hold as their ideological mentors the religious suicide cult leader Jim Jones, Pol Pot, Osama Bin Laden, and the assassins of three U.S. presidents and civil rights leader Martin Luther King.

Image
John Paul Cupp with SKS rifle in 2009, with confederate flag in the background. Photo taken in 2009 while he was advocating white supremacy and head of the official U.S. Songun Politics Study Group


Continues at: http://www.nknews.org/2013/05/white-pow ... -revealed/
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Re: Fascists are the Tools of the State

Postby American Dream » Fri Feb 24, 2017 5:42 pm

Psychology, Racism & Fascism: An On-line Edition



Mankind Quarterly

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1. The editors

The Mankind Quarterly is a journal with an impressive scholarly appearance. On its cover it claims to be: "An international quarterly journal dealing with Race and Inheritance in the fields of Ethnology, Ethno- and Human Genetics, Ethno-Psychology, Racial History, Demography and Anthropo-Geography".

Each issue of The Mankind Quarterly boasts an extensive list of academics who act as Honorary Associate Editors, Assistant Editors and members of the Honorary Advisory Board. One of the members of the Honorary Advisory Board is Professor H.J. Eysenck. Nor is Eysenck the only 'respectable' British academic psychologist to be associated with The Mankind Quarterly; Richard Lynn, Professor of Psychology at the University of Coleraine, is at present one of the Honorary Associate Editors. American psychologists, with established reputations, include Professor Frank McGruk (Honorary Associate Editor) and Professors Shuey and Porteus (members of the Honorary Advisory Board).


PROFESSOR R. GAYRE

Since it was established in 1960, The Mankind Quarterly has had the same overall editor -- Professor R. Gayre, M.A., D.Phil., Pol.D.Sc., D.Sc., a physical anthropologist trained at Edinburgh University. He was formerly Professor of Anthropology at the University of Saugor in India, but now is resident at Edinburgh, where The Mankind Quarterly is published. As well as editing the magazine Gayre has been one of its most prolific contributors of major articles and book reviews. Hardly an issue passes without some contribution from its editor.

Throughout his long academic career, Gayre had never wavered in his belief in the importance of race. An early book Teuton and Slav on the Polish Frontier(31) starts with the assumption that in human affairs "racial fundamentals are all-important" (p.12). Gayre's book is essentially a recommendation for re-drawing Germany's national boundaries in order to "improve the racial homogeneity" of Germany; in this way, according to Gayre, "Germany would become considerably more Nordic" (p. 12).

To this end, Gayre leans heavily on Günther's work. In Teuton and Slav Gayre reproduces page after page of photographs purporting to depict ideal 'racial types' from Günther's Rassenkunde Europas. Gayre constantly refers to "Professor Hans F.K. Günther's authoritative work on German racial science" (p. 30). He also mentions a visit he paid to Günther's laboratory in Berlin in 1939.

Gayre's contacts with British fascists came to light when five members of the Racial Preservation Society were prosecuted in 1968 at Lewes under the Race Relations Act for publishing racialist material. At the time of the offence the Racial Preservation Society was an independent body, but by the time of the trial it had officially merged into the National Front.(32) The defendants were themselves members of the newly formed National Front.

Gayre was called as an expert witness for the defence. In his evidence to the court he described blacks as being "feckless" and he maintained that scientific evidence showed that blacks "prefer their leisure to the dynamism which the white and yellow races show". Largely on the basis of Gayre's 'expert' testimony the defendants were acquitted.

Besides Gayre there were two other 'expert' witnesses for the defence. One was Dr John Mitchell, a medical practitioner, who had been court-martialled during the Second World War for his pro-Mosley and pro-fascist sympathies. After the war, Mitchell was involved with the openly Nazi Greater Britain Movement. In 1978 he emerged as one of the financial backers for the National Front's purchase of its new headquarters. The other expert witness was Joy Page, whose main expertise appears to be her longstanding involvement with racist organisations like the Immigration Control Association.

Gayre not only testified on behalf of the defence, but he also donated £25 to the defence fund. He later justified this action by saying: "I think one should be able to discriminate on the grounds of race and colour". Moreover, he was of assistance to the then chairman of the National Front, A.K. Chesterton, in compiling a booklet about the trial: Not Guilty: an account of the historic race relations trial at Lewes Assizes in March 1968.(33) This booklet is still on National Front booklists. A recent publication of the Young National Front, How to combat Red teachers, states: "This little booklet . . .. should be in the pocket of every young patriot as a handy source of the facts which demolish sociological multi-racialist propaganda on race" (p. 2).

One of the defendants at the Lewes trial was Alan Hancock, a former member of Oswald Mosley's Union Movement. Hancock was also a member of the Northern League. In fact, he organised the Northern League's annual meetings in 1969, 1970 and 1971. These meetings are normally only open to members and specially selected guests. Those present included a motley collection of open Nazis, like Colin Jordan, members of the clandestine Nazi paramilitary organisation Column 88, ex-SS men, and Martin Webster of the National Front.(34) Also invited to these meetings was Professor Gayre.

The Northlander, the official publication of the Northern League, reported that Gayre declined the invitation in 1970 in "a kind letter", regretting that he had a previous commitment. Nevertheless, The Northlander reported that Gayre added in his letter "there are racial differences and they are genetic and I think we should say so."(35)

The following year The Northlander reported that the closed meeting received "best wishes and messages" from, among others, Professor Gayre. Certainly The North lander has on several occasions referred warmly to Gayre. For instance in August 1968 it described Gayre as "one of the oldest good friends of the Northern League" and the writer described a "nice and interesting day with him and his family". Again in the February/April issue of 1972 there is a reference to "our good friend . . . the Scottish laird Col. Prof. Dr Gayre". In the August/October issue of The Northlander it is stated that "we send our best wishes to Prof. Gayre" who is described as "our good connection and friend".

Gayre is not only a 'good connection' of European fascists. He also has good connections in Southern Africa. He is an enthusiastic supporter of apartheid and has paid regular visits to South Africa and Rhodesia. On several occasions he has attended the Congress of the South African Genetic Society. The President of the Society, Professor J.D.J. Hofmeyr, is also on the Honorary Advisory Board of The Mankind Quarterly.

Gayre has also contributed to a South African journal which is written predominantly in Africaan, although it does publish English contributions: Tydskrif vir Rasse-Aangeleenthede (Journal of Racial Affairs). This journal is published by the South African Bureau of Racial Affairs and consists entirely of pseudo-scientific propaganda supporting apartheid. Gayre's article in 1964 (Vol. 15, pages 141-154) is entitled 'The races and peoples of Southern Africa: Some notes on their ethnic movements and distributions'; it describes a trip to the Transkei. He was accompanied on this trip by Hofmeyr, A.J. Gregor (who was at that time an Assistant Editor of The Mankind Quarterly: see below) and Professor C.D. Darlington (who is on the editorial board of Neue Anthropologie, see below). Hofmeyr is also a regular contributor to the Journal of Racial Affairs.(36)

Hofmeyr's political views are extreme even by South African standards. He has contributed to the extreme right-wing magazine South African Observer. For instance he wrote in praise of race prejudice in February 1962: "Race prejudice is just as fundamental to the perpetuation of a race as feeding, propagation and other phenomena."

In common with many overtly fascist publications, South African Observer mixes its unabashed racism with anti-semitic notions of a 'Jewish world conspiracy'. It is well to the right of the ruling Nationalist Party. Frequently it criticised former South African Prime Minister, John Vorster, for accepting "the Zionist-communist equality doctrine".

Gayre has also mixed with this sort of company on his many visits to South Africa. In March 1971, for example, he addressed the National Forum in Durban, which provides a forum for some of South Africa's most dedicated racists.


PROFESSOR R. KUTTNER

Robert Kuttner is an American biochemist, who has worked at a number of universities in the United States, including Stanford University. He is currently Assistant Editor of The Mankind Quarterly and over the years has been a regular contributor on a number of different topics. A short biographical note in The Mankind Quarterly noted that Kuttner had "interests in psychology, race history and political science".(37) This anodyne statement conceals the full impact of Kuttner's interests.

In June 1966 the American far Right paper American Mercury announced a change of editorship. Previously it had been edited by the John Birch Society supporter General Edwin A. Walker. The paper's contents had been a mixture of anti-Communist propaganda, following the Birchite line that America and indeed the whole world was in the grips of a Communist conspiracy, and veiled racism and anti-Semitism. With the change of editorship American Mercury moved even further to the Right and became explicit in its racism and anti-Semitism.

Among the new editors were A.J. App, Ivor Benson and Robert Kuttner. Ivor Benson is a South African who was Ian Smith's speech-writer for a time after Rhodesian UDI: he resigned because of Smith's 'moderation' and has continued to publish racist and anti-semitic extremist articles and books.(38) A.J. App has a long history of publishing anti-semitic material. The titles of his pamphlets tell their own story: Can Christianity survive when the Jews control the media and money?; Kosher food racket exposed; The six million swindle: a straight look at the Third Reich; 'Holocaust': a sneak attack on Christianity etc. App's pamphlets are published and distributed by 'The Liberty Bell', an American fascist publishing company whose lists include works by Hitler, Goebbels and US Nazi George Rockwell.

In the first issue of American Mercury of which Kuttner was an editor, there is a typical piece by App entitled 'That elusive six million'. Here App denies that the Nazis murdered six million Jews: "The Nazis spared the over-whelming percentage of Jews", wrote App. Also in this issue is a piece by Revilo P. Oliver, who was expelled from the John Birch Society for his open anti-Semitism.(39) This issue also includes a tribute to Col. Earnest Sevier Cox, who is described as "the English-speaking world's foremost racial historian" (p.21). Cox was a leading Ku Klux Klan member. He was also in the Northern League.

In welcoming its new editors American Mercury announced that "we have therefore become the heir to Northern World and Folk and Right". These were anti-semitic and racist publications which glorified the 'Nordic race'.

Kuttner has continued publishing his material in openly racist magazines such as American Mercury. For instance he is a contributor to a similar magazine called Spotlight. A recent contribution of his to Spotlight ('The Celts' April, 1977) was reprinted in the Northern League's The Northlander (June/December 1977).


OTHER EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS

Until his death in 1973 Professor Henry E. Garrett was an Associate Editor of The Mankind Quarterly, Garrett was formerly Professor of Psychology at the University of Colombia and was a past president of the American Psychological Association. He was author of a number of standard textbooks in psychology: Statistics in psychology and education; Psychological tests, methods and results; General psychology; Great experiments in psychology.

Garrett became an editor of American Mercury at the same time as Kuttner. He had also contributed to the magazine whilst it was edited by General Walker and, of course, he continued his contributions afterwards. Like Kuttner too, he was a member of the National Coordinating Committee in America of an organisation called 'Friends of Rhodesian Independence'. Here Garrett and Kuttner co-operated with other extremists such as Revilo Oliver.

In the 1950s Garrett was a notorious campaigner against integration in the Southern States of America. He was active in the Citizens' Councils which sprang up in the South to defend white supremacy. Pamphlets written by Garrett attacking integration were widely disseminated by these Councils.(40)

Professor Corrado Gini, an Italian sociologist, was also a former Associate Editor of The Mankind Quarterly. He was a fascist sympathiser in Mussolini's Italy; he was a speaker at the Convegno per la Cultura Fascista, which Mussolini described as a "memorable event in the history of Italian fascism."(41) A.J. Gregor, in his book The Ideology of Fascism has suggested that Corrado Gini provided Italian fascism with its philosophy of race.(42) Gregor, himself a former Assistant Editor of The Mankind Quarterly, was also a regular contributor to Mosley's magazine European.(43)

Professor R. Ruggles Gates was a former Associate Editor of The Mankind Quarterly. Like a number of the older members of the journal's editorial board(44) he was a contributor to the pre-war German journal Zeitschrift für Rassenkunde (Deputy Editor: Hans Günther). A review of Gates's book Human Ancestry in the American Journal of Physical Anthropology referred to Gates's views as not just "racist" but "super-racist".(45)

Several of The Mankind Quarterly's contributors are members of The Northern League. For instance Dr. F.J. Los was a regular contributor of major articles and book reviews. His speciality was the pre-history of European and biblical peoples. Until his death in 1974 Dr. Los was one of the most frequent writers in The Northlander.(46)

The Northlander (February/April 1972) recommended to its readers the "interesting essay of our N.L. member, the Icelandic author K. Magnussen in the very good 100% scientific journal The Mankind Quarterly". This was not, in fact, the first contribution from Magnussen to The Mankind Quarterly.(47)

Another contributor to The Mankind Quarterly is perhaps not so extreme in his politics, but is certainly more well-known for his views on race. The Mankind Quarterly in 1970 published a lengthy article by Enoch Powell entitled 'Population figures in the United Kingdom'.

One last example shows the nature of some of The Mankind Quarterly's contributors. In 1961 The Mankind Quarterly published an article entitled, appropriately enough, 'Racial Psychology' (Volume 2, pp.10-14). The author was Ilse Schwidetzky, who had been one of the most frequent contributors to Zeitschrift für Rassenkunde, especially during the war years.

Moreover it was Schwidetzky who had written many of the reviews of the most extreme pro-Nazi and anti-semitic publications to appear in Zeitschrift für Rassenkunde. To give just one instance: in Zeitschrift für Rassenkunde 1942, Vol.13 p.342, Schwidetzky reviewed the journal Weltkampf: die Judenfrage in Geschichte und Gegenwart ('World Struggle: the Jewish Question Past and Present'). This was the official journal of Alfred Rosenberg's Frankfurt Institute for Research into the Jewish Question.

Thus, from its earliest issues The Mankind Quarterly has provided a platform for former colleagues and present heirs of Nazi racial theorist Hans Günther.

2. The contents

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THE NORTHLANDER is not alone in recommending The Mankind Quarterly. A.K. Chesterton concluded his book The New Unhappy Lords with a list of journals which he recommended to readers.(48) The journals are standard fascist and anti-Semitic publications including the National Front's Spearhead, Ivor Benson's National Forum Bulletin, Chesterton's own magazine Candour and The Cross and the Flag, one of the most vitriolically anti-Semitic American publications. The only academic-style publication is The Mankind Quarterly. The New Unhappy Lords is a standard on National Front booklists, and is in fact on the booklists of almost all English-speaking Nazi groups.

The Mankind Quarterly is also listed in Censored, a far Right bibliography of publications which "are distasteful to the Left - Liberal - equalitarian - Welfare Statist establishment".(49) Censored's list also includes Ku Klux Klan and explicitly pro-Nazi publications. It describes The Mankind Quarterly as a "unique journal of anthropology, racial and cultural history; not slanted to suit 'liberal' propaganda or reverse racism".

Such recommendations are unlikely to be made were the content of The Mankind Quarterly not attractive to racists and fascists. Nor would fascist publications have reprinted articles. For instance Spearhead has twice reprinted articles from The Mankind Quarterly (Spearhead October 1970 and November 1976). The Northlander August/October 1969 reprinted a short piece by Garrett, which had originally appeared in The Mankind Quarterly. In this piece Garrett had insinuated that Martin Luther King was a Communist.(50)

More recently, too, The Northlander, August 1978, reprinted an article from The Mankind Quarterly: 'The threat of genetic decay' by Nathaniel Weyl. This article claimed that racial intermarriage and 'egalitarian ideology' would "bring into existence future generations so mediocre and spiritless that they will serve as pliant instruments of the gargantuan state".

The racial bias of The Mankind Quarterly has always been evident. The very first issue of the journal made this plain; its introductory editorial statement declared that "the journal has become the more necessary since during the last two decades there has been a decided tendency to neglect the racial aspects of man's inheritance for the social" (Vol. 1, p.4).

Throughout its career, The Mankind Quarterly has published articles favourable to apartheid. Some of the most blatant material comes from the editor himself. Gayre has written a series of articles with such titles as "Proposals for separate ethnic development in Rhodesia" (The Mankind Quarterly, 1967); "Practical considerations which are fundamental in Bantu affairs in Rhodesia and for an understanding of Negroid-Caucasian problems generally" (1969); "Negrophile falsification of racial history" (1969).

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(Gayre's Zulu with a 'Jewish nose')

A few quotations from Gayre's The Mankind Quarterly articles will suffice to show their position. In April 1966 Gayre specifically wrote in favour of "the principle of separate development in Southern Africa"; in a chilling phrase. Gayre explained that "administratively everything is made much easier by separate development" ('Dilemma of inter-racial relations', 1966, p.194). He argued against integration in schools because it "unjustly confines the Negro children to scrambling along behind and trying to keep up with white children" (p.195). He also maintained that "The Negroes have never shown interest in invention and creative work" (1966, p.195).

It is small wonder that The Mankind Quarterly receives commendations from open racists and fascists, when it contains statements from its editor such as: "There is no example of a Negro nation that has in any way contributed to Western cultural civilization or to modern man" (1969, p.85).

The standard of Gayre's articles can be judged by a piece published in July 1962. Gayre describes a trip he took to the "Bantu homelands of Northern Transvaal", accompanied by the Public Relations Officer for Bantu Administration at Pretoria. The purpose was to look at the racial characteristics of the 'Bantus'. As a result of his inspections Gayre comes to the conclusion that the 'Bantus' are not a pure race: there is a small amount of non-black blood flowing in their veins. One of the proofs offered by Gayre is a photo of an elderly Zulu with a nose "which is distinctly Jewish" (The Mankind Quarterly, 1962, p.112). In an earlier article, Gayre had recommended readers interested in the "genetics of nasal inheritance" (1960, p.112) to consult Kultur und Rasse, published in Berlin, 1939.

The pro-apartheid bias of The Mankind Quarterly is even more apparent in its book reviews. South African and Rhodesian propaganda publications are frequently given warm reviews. For instance, in 1965 there is a review of The Rhodesian Ministry of Internal Affairs Annual (pp.59-60). In October 1966 Mr White Man, what now?, by G.M. Mes, with a foreword by the Hon. Mr. Justice J.F. Ludorf (published in Johannesburg) was reviewed.

The review of Rhodesia: the jewel of Africa by R.C. Haw (published in Salisbury, Rhodesia) states that the author "leaves little doubt that the Rhodesian cause is overwhelming" (1966, p.124). The same issue of The Mankind Quarterly contained a review of The battle for Rhodesia, by Douglas Reed, an anti-Semitic Strasserite; the reviewer commented that the "majority of articulate opinion among the Bantus is favourable to evolutionary development along the lines mapped out for them by the present Rhodesian government" (1966, p.125).

South African and Rhodesian propaganda is not the only type of propaganda to receive favourable reviews in the pages of The Mankind Quarterly. From time to time fascist publications are reviewed warmly.

For instance, Gayre's connections with the Racial Preservation Society are renewed in the pages of The Mankind Quarterly. The following Racial Preservation Society publications by H.B. Isherwood have been reviewed. Religion and the racial controversy: the false propaganda of the Church (reviewed 1971, p.20); Race and nationhood (reviewed July 1975), Racial kinship (reviewed October 1976).

In his review of Race and kinship, Gayre wrote: "Anything from the pen of Mr H.B. Isherwood must command scholarly respect". The August 1978 edition of the National Front magazine Spearhead published a letter from H.B. Isherwood which states, inter alia, "I think Spearhead for June is excellent". The June edition of Spearhead had been one of the most blatantly anti-Semitic issues for a good number of years; it had even included an attributed quotation from the notorious Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion.(51)

A couple of months later H.B. Isherwood took up his pen again. Spearhead in October 1978 published another letter, in which Isherwood described the National Front as "a patriotic movement".

H.B. Isherwood is also a member of the Northern League. His works have also been published by the Britons Publishing Company(52) which, has been issuing for more than 50 years some of the most offensive, anti-Semitic and pro-Nazi material to be published in the English language. Its perennial standard is the Protocols of the Elders of Zion which it has republished over eighty times throughout the years.(53)

In January 1967, The Mankind Quarterly reviewed H.B. Isherwood's Racial integration, published by Britons Publishing Company. In the July/September 1967 issue of The Mankind Quarterly Gayre reviewed another Britons Publishing Company book. He concluded his review: "There is very much in this scholarly and illuminating book that is of great value for our times, and the reader must buy it and read it for himself (p.55).(54)

In the 1969 issue, Gayre recommended another Britons Publishing Company publication, The religious attitudes of the Indo-Europeans by Hans Günther. Gayre has obviously lost little of his admiration for the Nazi racial theorist. He started his review: "No one could be better fitted to discuss the ideas and religious concepts of the Indo-Europeans than the late Professor Günther" (p.143).(55)

Gayre is not the only admirer of Günther on The Mankind Quarterly. Bertil Lundman of Uppsala University in Sweden is on the Honorary Advisory Board and like Ruggles Gates published his early research in Zeitschrift für Rassenkunde. An article in The Mankind Quarterly by Lundman, 'Race, language and the history of peoples' (1962), follows the spirit of Günther with its praise of the Teutons for being of "excellent racial stock" (p.272).

The following year Lundman went further in The Mankind Quarterly. At the end of an article entitled 'The racial history of the Near East' he included a list of recommended reading: "About the Jews there are older works by H.F.K. Günther . . . with interesting illustrations" (p.187, The Mankind Quarterly, 1963).

Given this sort of content, it should not be surprising that political racists and fascists should find The Mankind Quarterly so attractive. Because of the explicitness of many of the contributions in the journal, the 'respectable' scientists would find it hard to explain their involvement on the grounds that they were unaware of what The Mankind Quarterly was about. In fact any such excuse must be seen as even less credible since concern about The Mankind Quarterly has been publicly voiced in academic circles.

Its initial publication in 1960 provoked considerable controversy. Several academic journals expressed grave misgivings about The Mankind Quarterly. For instance Current Anthropology published an article by Juan Comas, '"Scientific" racism again' (1961, Vol. 2, pp.303-314) attacking the racism in the first issue of The Mankind Quarterly. Comas's article was distributed by Current Anthropology to 50 leading scholars for comment. Many of the resulting comments were published in Current Anthropology. Discussion of Comas's article and of The Mankind Quarterly ran to more than 20 pages; the reactions of most of the scholars not directly associated with The Mankind Quarterly was almost uniformly hostile.

Another anthropology journal, Man, also reviewed the initial publication of The Mankind Quarterly. Its verdict was unequivocal: "It is earnestly hoped that The Mankind Quarterly will succumb before it can further discredit anthropology and do more damage to mankind".(56)

Perhaps the most revealing comments to emerge from this controversy came from two academics who were initially involved with The Mankind Quarterly. Professor Ehrenfels had an article in the very first issue. However he wrote to Current Anthropology in 1962 complaining that his article had been censored by the editor. Gayre had deleted two paragraphs which were critical of apartheid in South Africa and Rhodesia.(57)

The reactions of Professor Skerlj of the Department of Anthropology at the University of Ljubljana have also been publicly recorded. The first edition of The Mankind Quarterly listed Skerlj as a member of the Advisory Board. However one issue of the magazine was sufficient to convince him of its nature and he immediately wrote a letter of resignation to Gayre. He asked that this letter be published in The Mankind Quarterly. When this request was refused, Skerlj wrote to Man, who published an account of his experiences with The Mankind Quarterly (November 1960, pp.172-173).

Skerlj's comments are worth reproducing:

Some of those views appearing in the first issue, which has just reached me, seem to show such little concern for facts and to be so distorted by racial prejudice that I cannot allow them to stand without the most vigorous protest. They are quite incompatible with my conscience as a scientist and an affront to the bitter memories I have of the anguish suffered during World War II by the peoples of Europe and of my own country in particular - not to mention what I personally saw and experienced while a prisoner in Dachau.


Skerlj also mentioned the letter he received from the Associate Editor Ruggles Gates. In this letter Gates suggested that Skerlj would never have been asked to be a member of the Advisory Board of The Mankind Quarterly had Gates known that Skerlj had been a prisoner in Dachau.


http://www.psychology.uoguelph.ca/facul ... illig.html











American Dream » Wed Apr 02, 2014 2:09 pm wrote:Roger Pearson

Roger Pearson (born 1927) is a British anthropologist, soldier, businessman, eugenics advocate, political organizer for the extreme right, and publisher of political and academic journals. He has been on the faculty of the Queens College, Charlotte and University of Southern Mississippi, and Montana Tech, and is now retired. It has been noted that Pearson has been surprisingly successful in combining a career in academics with political activities on the far-right.[1] He served in the British Army after World War 2, and was a businessman in South Asia. In the late 1950s he founded the Northern League, an organization promoting pan-germanism, anti-Semitism and neo-Nazi ideologies. In the 1960s he established himself in the United States for a while working together with Willis Carto publishing white supremacist and anti-Semitic literature.

Pearson's anthropological work is based in an evolutionary and racialist approach, of the kind that was common in anthropology in the early 20th century, based on the idea that the progress of humankind depends on making sure that "favorable" genes are segregated out from amongst "unfavorable" genetic formulae".[2] Since his earliest work he has consistently advocated that the human species consists of biologically distinct races which he defines as "rival breeding populations",[2] some of which are intrinsically better fit than others, and which ought to compete against each other in a struggle for survival, but which all to frequently intermingle to the detriment of the superior races.[3] He argues that the future of the human species depends on political and scientific steps to replace the "genetic formulae" and populations that he consider to be inferior with better ones, through "humane and benevolent eugenics policies"...

Early political engagement
In 1958 he founded the Northern League for North European Friendship, an organization promoting Pan-Germanism, Anti-semitism and Neo Nazi racial ideology.[7][8][9] The Northern League published the journals "The Northlander" and "Northern World" which described is purpose as "to make Whites aware of their forgotten racial heritage, and cut through the Judaic fog of lies about our origin and the accomplishments of our race and our Western culture."[10]

From the beginning the League was criticized because of its open emphasis on the dysgenic and fratricidal nature of intra-European warfare, and its tendency to attract prominent ex-Nazis such as scholar Hans F. K. Günther, who received awards under the National Socialist regime for his work on race, and Heinrich Himmler's former assistant Franz Altheim, both of whom were members of the league in its early years. Other members of the league were British Neo-Nazi Colin Jordan, and John Tyndall.[11] Pearson resigned from the League in 1961, after which it became more politically oriented.[7] The first meeting of the League was held in Detmold, West Germany near the site where the Germanic tribes defeated the Romans in the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest. The event was described by locals as "National Socialism revived"...

Academic career in the US
Recently arrived in the United States, he contributed to some of publications of anti-semite Willis Carto such as Western Destiny and to Noontide Press.[16] From 1966 to 1967 as "Stephan Langton", Pearson published The New Patriot, a magazine devoted to "a responsible but penetrating inquiry into every aspect of the Jewish Question."[17] As Lanton he published articles such as "Zionists and the Plot Against South Africa," "Early Jews and the Rise of Jewish Money Power" and "Swindlers of the Crematoria."[18] His books of this era, all published in 1966 in London by Clair Press, including Eugenics and Race, Blood groups and Race, Race & Civilisation and Early Civilizations of the Nordic Peoples were later distributed in the United States by The Thunderbolt Inc.,[19] an organ of the National States' Rights Party. Pearson's co-founder of The New Patriot was Senator Jack Tenney, who for sixteen years was Chairman of the California Senate Committee on Un-American Activities and who wrote frequently for that journal.[citation needed] Pearson joined the Eugenics Society in 1963 and became a fellow in 1977.

In 1966 he toured the southern US and Caribbean, and in 1967 he visited South Africa, Rhodesia and Mozambique, before joining the faculty of the University of Southern Mississippi (USM) in 1968 as an Assistant Professor of Sociology. In 1970, he was appointed Associate Professor and head of Sociology and Anthropology at Queens College, Charlotte (now Queens University of Charlotte) but resigned to return to USM the next year as Professor and Chairman of a new Department of Anthropology, offering both Bachelors and Masters degrees. As chair of Anthropology of the University of Southern Mississippi fired most of the non-tenured faculty, hiring instead scholars such as Robert E. Kuttner and Donald A. Swan both with similar political backgrounds to Pearson. The dean at USM later stated that Pearson had "used his post as an academic façade to bring in equal-minded fanatics."[20]

In 1974 Pearson was appointed Professor and Dean of Academic Affairs and Director of Research at Montana Tech.[21] During his tenure as dean, the school received $60,000 from the Pioneer Fund to support Pearson’s academic research and publishing activities.[21] When a journalist called the various universities at which Pearson had held positions, Montana Tech officials stated they were unaware that Pearson was the person who had edited Western Destiny, a periodical laden with many pro-South Africa, anti-Communist and anti-racial mixing articles, who had penned both articles and pamphlets for Willis Carto's Noontide Press.[21] These race-oriented titles included: "Eugenics and Race" and "Early Civilizations of the Nordic Peoples."[21] Pearson also founded the academic Journal of Indo-European Studies.

Pearson's work in publishing the work of "scholars who are supportive of a free enterprise economy, and a firm and consistent foreign policy and a strong national defense" was commended by President Ronald Reagan for his ""substantial contribution to promoting and upholding those ideals and principles that we value at home and abroad."[7][22]

World Anti-Communist League
In 1975, Pearson left academia and moved to Washington, D.C., to become president of the Council on American Affairs, President of the American chapter of the World Anti-Communist League, Editor of the Journal on American Affairs (later renamed The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies), and eventually President of University Professors for Academic Order (UPAO), an organization advocating academic integrity, social order and that the university should not be "an instrument of social change" and working to depoliticize campus environments. He was also a Trustee of the Benjamin Franklin University.

He also served on editorial board of the several institutions, including the Heritage Foundation, the Foreign Policy Research Institute, and the American Security Council, and that a number of conservative politicians wrote articles for Pearson’s Journal on American Affairs and related Monographs, including Senators Jake Garn (R-UT), Carl T. Curtis (R-NE), Jesse Helms (R-NC), and Representatives Jack Kemp (R-NY), and Philip Crane (R-UT).[16]

Pearson was elected World Chairman of the World Anti-Communist League in 1978. According to William H. Tucker he "used this opportunity to fill the WACL with European Nazis - ex-officials of the Third Reich and Nazi collaborators from other countries during the war as well as new adherents to the cause—in what one journalist called "one of the greatest fascist blocs in postwar Europe."[23]

He presided over its 11th Annual Conference held in Washington that year. The initial session of the five day session, which was addressed by two U.S Senators and opened by the Marine Corp Band and Joint Armed Services Honor Guard, was attended by several hundred members from around the world. After the meeting had been condemned in Pravda, the Washington Post published an even more critical attack on both WACL and Pearson's extreme right wing politics.[24][25]

After the Washington Post article, Pearson was asked to resign from the editorial board of the neo-Conservative Heritage Foundation’s journal Policy Review, which he had helped to found, but his connection with other organizations continued, and in 1986 Covert Action uncovered his association with James Angleton, former chief of CIA Counter-Intelligence, General Daniel O. Graham, former Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, General Robert C. Richardson, and other American Security Council members.[26]

Association with the Pioneer Fund
In 1981, Pearson received the library of Donald A. Swan through a grant from the Pioneer Fund.[27] Between 1973 and 1999 the Fund spent $1.2 million on Pearson's activities, most of which was used for the Institute for the Study of Man[28] which Pearson directed and which under Pearson acquired the peer-reviewed journal Mankind Quarterly in 1979. Pearson took over as publisher and is said to have editorial influence although his name has never appeared on the masthead. Pearson has used diverse pseudonyms to contribute to the journal, including J.W. Jamieson, and Alan McGregor, sometimes even using one pseudonym to review and praise the work of another.[29] This publication was later taken over by The Council for Social and Economic Studies.


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roger_Pear ... ropologist)
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Re: Fascists are the Tools of the State

Postby American Dream » Sun Mar 12, 2017 8:36 am

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Re: Fascists are the Tools of the State

Postby Elvis » Sun Mar 12, 2017 5:20 pm

jakell » Thu Feb 25, 2016 3:32 pm wrote:Why do you keep pasting the same articles over and over again AD?


Quantity over quality.

Also, slapping a repeat onto an existing megathread or two is a quick & easy way to bury threads or messages that one doesn't like (noticed that?).
“The purpose of studying economics is not to acquire a set of ready-made answers to economic questions, but to learn how to avoid being deceived by economists.” ― Joan Robinson
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Re: Fascists are the Tools of the State

Postby American Dream » Sun Mar 26, 2017 8:16 pm

https://kenanmalik.wordpress.com/2017/0 ... thic-rage/

ideological violence and sociopathic rage

Image
Monet Houses of Parliament

This article was published in the Observer on 26 March 2017, under the headline ‘How can we distinguish violence driven by ideology from sociopathic rage?’


What Khalid Masood wreaked on Westminster last week was depraved and shocking. It was not, however, another 7/7. The attacks on the tube and a bus by four suicide bombers on 7 July 2005 were relatively sophisticated; the bombers had been commissioned and trained by al-Qaida and their actions carefully choreographed. Wednesday’s attack was, in comparison, as crude and as low-tech as such attacks could be – a man causing mayhem armed simply with a car and a knife.

The crudity of the Westminster attack is of a piece with much recent Islamist violence in Europe. There are certainly co-ordinated, well-planned operations, such as the slaughter on the streets of Paris in November 2015, in which 130 people lost their lives, and that in Brussels, a year to the day before the Westminster attack. Increasingly, though, jihadi violence involves individuals, without access to semtex or AK-47s, but with a desire to cause bloody turmoil.

Low-tech terrorists driving vehicles into pedestrians is becoming more common, such as the assault on a Christmas market in Berlin last December, or, most horrifically, the truck attack on Bastille Day revellers in Nice last year. The day after the Westminster horror, a similar attack, in which a man tried to drive a car into a crowd, was foiled in Antwerp.

Knife attacks, too, are becoming a common feature of low-tech terrorism, from the beheading of Lee Rigby on the streets of south London in 2013 by Michael Adebolajo and Michael Adebowale, to the wounding in 2015 of three people in Leytonstone tube station in east London when 29-year-old Muhaydin Mire, ran amok with a knife, apparently as some form of deluded response to the war in Syria, to the murder last year of a priest, Father Jacques Hamel, in a church in Saint Etienne-du-Rouvray, in northern France, by two teenage Islamists, Adel Kermiche and Abdel Malik Petitjean.

What such attacks expose is the continuing degeneration of Islamist terror and the increasingly blurred lines between ideological violence and sociopathic rage. Last August, Zakaria Bulhan, a 19-year-old Norwegian of Somali descent, went on a rampage in Russell Square in London, stabbing six people, one of whom died from her injuries. It was originally seen as a terrorist incident. Later, Bulhan was diagnosed as suffering from paranoid schizophrenia. Last month, a court ordered him to be detained indefinitely in Broadmoor maximum security hospital.

A week before Bulhan’s rampage, a 21-year-old Syrian refugee had hacked a woman to death in Reutlingen, near Stuttgart in Germany. That, too, was first regarded as a terrorist incident, only later as the actions of a mentally disturbed man. In both cases, many refused to believe that these were not terrorist incidents and social media spawned dark conspiracy theories of official cover-ups. Such theories may be irrational, but they reflect, too, the difficulty, often, in drawing a distinction between jihadi violence and the fury of disturbed minds.

Image
Turner Houses of Parliament on Fire

The death last week of Martin McGuinness, the former IRA leader, has led to much discussion about the relationship between the young, violent firebrand and the older patient peacemaker. What has been less discussed is the changing character of terrorism from the IRA to Islamic State. In the past, groups employing terror, whether the IRA or the PLO, were driven by specific political aims – a united Ireland or an independent Palestine. There was generally a close relationship between the organisation’s political cause and its violent activities. And, whatever one thinks of such groups, those activities were governed by certain norms and contained a rational kernel.

Many civilians were certainly killed through IRA violence, but, unlike jihadis, the starting point of the IRA was not the mere killing of random individuals. It is the arbitrariness of jihadist violence, and its disregard for any moral bounds, that can make it seem so terrifying.

IS has claimed responsibility for the Westminster attack, calling Masood one of its ‘soldiers’ (though it did not name him). Whether Masood had any real links to Isis remains unclear. ‘Soldiers of the Islamic State’ are often just unstable young men with only the most tenuous relationship to IS but driven by a sense of inchoate, personal rage. Masood’s story, a petty criminal, lacking direction, but converting to Islam after finding in Salafism a sense of order and meaning, and of making sense of his inner furies, is not unusual among jihadis.

Deranged fury cloaked in ideological rage is not uniquely Islamist. Two days before Masood mowed down his victims on Westminster Bridge, James Harris Jackson allegedly stabbed to death Timothy Caughman in Manhattan. Jackson was white, Caughman black. Jackson is said to have come to New York from Baltimore armed with a knife and a sword and with the aim of killing as many black people as possible. ‘I hate blacks’, he allegedly told police. He chose to make New York the scene of his murderous act because it was ‘the media capital of the world’ and he ‘wanted to make a statement’, investigators say. The police are uncertain whether Jackson had any formal links to racist groups. But, as with many Islamist killings, this stabbing blurs the line between ideological violence and psychotic rage. At his arraignment, the prosecutor called it ‘an act, most likely, of terrorism’. Defence counsel talked of Jackson’s ‘obvious psychological issues’.

This murderous act is not an isolated incident. In 2015, Dylann Roof, a 21-year-old American obsessed with white supremacist ideas, shot dead nine African-American worshippers in a church in Charleston, South Carolina. Last July, Ali David Sonboly went on a rampage in a Munich shopping mall, shooting dead nine people, and injuring another 36. He was of Iranian origin. But being Iranian meant to him not ‘Muslim’, but ‘Aryan’. He was obsessed by mass shootings and lauded Anders Behring Breivik, the Norwegian neo-Nazi who killed 77 people in Oslo and Utøya in 2011, and proud of sharing his birthday with Adolf Hitler. A month earlier, in Britain, Thomas Mair, a 53-year-old man with links to far-right groups, had shot and stabbed to death Jo Cox, a Labour MP, while she was campaigning in the EU referendum, in Birstall, Yorkshire.

All this exposes both how the character of ideological violence has degenerated and how rage has become a feature of public life. The social and moral boundaries that act as firewalls against such behaviour have weakened. Western societies have become socially atomised. The influence of institutions that once helped socialise individuals and inculcate them with a sense of obligation to others, from the church to trade unions, has declined. So has that of progressive movements that gave social grievance a political form.

Image
Whistler Nocturne in Gray and Gold, Westminster Bridge

The Khalid Masoods and James Harris Jacksons of this world may be few but they are proliferating – angry, unbalanced individuals, detached from wider society and its norms, denied political outlets for their disaffections and who find in Islamism or white nationalism the balm for their demons and justification for their actions.

From one perspective, low-tech terrorism reveals the weaknesses of jihadi groups and the difficulties they have in organising more high-profile atrocities such as 7/7 or the Paris attacks. From another perspective, however, we have to accept that because such attacks are low-tech, they are more difficult to prevent.

This raises questions about how the authorities, the media and the public should react to such events. The immediate response to the Masood attack – the courage of those who went to help the injured, the stoicism of Londoners carrying on as usual – was measured and inspiring. But the wall-to-wall media coverage and speculation that followed, and the high-publicity nationwide police operations, have had the effect of making a low-tech attack seem more like a major 7/7 kind of incident. The authorities need to gather information on perpetrators and ensure public safety. But what the past week has shown is the need to reset the balance between pursuing such aims and giving exaggerated weight to the attack. Otherwise the reaction to terror will itself provide the ‘statement’ that terrorists crave.

While low-tech terror may become more common, we need to maintain a sense of perspective. The Westminster attack, like similar ones before it, reveals how easy it is to cause mayhem and disruption in an open, urban, society. But it should also remind us that, given how easy it is to sow terror, these kinds of attacks are relatively infrequent, even allowing for the fact that many are prevented before they come to fruition. Most people have access to cars and knives. The fact that such attacks are, nevertheless, so rare – and, hence, so shocking when they do occur – tells us something powerful about the enduring strength of social bonds.


The images are all of the Houses of Parliament and Westminster Bridge. From top down: Claude Monet’s ‘Houses of Parliament, Stormy Sky’; ‘The Burning of the House of Lords and Commons’ by JMW Turner; ‘Nocturne in Grey and Gold, Westminster Bridge’ by James Abbott McNeill Whistler. The cover image is from James Danby’s ‘The Houses of Parliament from the River’.
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Re: Fascists are the Tools of the State

Postby American Dream » Mon Mar 27, 2017 8:45 am

Trigger Warning

Thomas Mair: the lone wolf of 'Britain First'

posted by Richard Seymour

I.
ImageThe whites, David Starkey observed, have become black. This was his explanation for the multiracial, working class England riots that began as a rebellion against police violence, in 2011. He was no doubt articulating a widespread anxiety about the collapse of racial distinction. Five years later, Thomas Mair would give that anxiety the force of arms.

In a 1991 article on 'The Mind of Apartheid', J M Coetzee looked at the writings of one of apartheid's major thinkers and activists, Geoffrey Cronjé, whose work covers the intersection between supremacy and separation, between 'privilege' and the unconscious. The latter's obsession was with race-mixing, with the idea that low-income whites would develop a feeling of equality with South African blacks out of their shared conditions of existence, and would engage in so much inter-racial socializing as to produce "a single South African mishmash-society".

Coetzee doesn't invoke Frantz Fanon, Octave Mannoni, Marie-Cecile Ortigues, Wulf Sachs or any of the twentieth century psychoanalysts working with/against the colonial situation (and always to a greater or lesser extent imbricated with coloniality), instead preferring to conduct his analysis along straightforward Freudian lines. And this is an interesting choice because those analysts all, from different points of view, tried to give salience to the historical, political and social bases of mental illness -- in Lacanian terms, the role of the Other. However, it is a useful point of departure for analysing what Fanon called, in a theoretical dépaysement, "the neurotic structure of colonialism". The "pathogenic nucleus" may be "wired through" the unconscious, dreams, sexuality, personal failures, etc., but it has its origin in the colonial situation. We can begin with the individual through which the neurosis is refracted, only to arrive at a "sociodiagnostics".

We can return to Cronjé momentarily, and through him return to Thomas Mair, the Britain First butcher, who engaged in the intimate, passionate slaughter of Jo Cox, one week before the Brexit vote. But what one wants is not a psychologism, but a sociodiagnostics of Mair. The displacements and disguised repetitions of colonial desire will tell us something about the symptom of 'Britishness' and the country we live in.


II.
What is the point of psychoanalysing the colonial situation in the first place? Doesn't psychoanalysis itself have an ineradicable whiff of its colonial genealogy? Hasn't its relative silence on race, and its habitual reproduction of colonial tropes (the concept of the primitive, of regression, of the infantile native, and the background of evolutionary theory informing its more stageist iterations) been complicit in the ideological power of colonialism?

Where psychoanalysis becomes a story of progress and adaptation, of how children become successful adults, wherein the analyst is supposed to know in advance how the story reaches a happy-ever-after, then it is arguably at its most reactionary, most class-blind, most patriarchal, most colonial. Sachs and Mannoni, but not Fanon, believed in the 'dependency complex' according to which indigenous people were in some sense essentially children at the level of the psyche. Where it reduces pathology to the individual ego, or a sum of individual egos, it is at its most complicit. To an extent, psychoanalysis can't help individualising problems, because its clinic is predicated on the suffering subject making a demand for a cure from the analyst. If the analyst tried, as Sachs did, to try to make a revolutionary subject out of the analysand, he would as Jacqueline Rose put it, lock "the patient into the imaginary world of his own demands". So, however much psychoanalysis might be amenable to a wider analytics, its concepts were devised for the one-to-one cure.

But, of course, while those are all potentialities in psychoanalysis, it also has its loyalties on the other side: the side of the unconscious, of sexuality, of rebellious thoughts, and the dismantling of spurious sense. Inasmuch as it talks of development tales, it also subverts them. Inasmuch as it deals with the individual ego, it also splits it and decentres it and traces its dehiscence along a fissure made by the Other. Psychoanalysis hasn't yet been fully decolonised, but it contains at least some of the resources for its own decolonisation.

The strongest case for psychoanalysis is that it is, like marxism properly speaking, a logic of the symptom. It works with the grain of breakdown and failure and the non-sense, which is always abundantly evident in the colonial situation. If we try to situate the analysis exclusively in terms of political economy, we will miss some of that. We might be able to describe the strategic relationship of white-supremacy to capitalist production and its dysfunctions, but the strategic failures, the subjective derangements, of colonialism will not be seen. There is no way to make Thomas Mair's murder of Jo Cox make sense, but there is a way to redescribe the situation, to trace the connections, the "wiring through".


III.
The "neurotic structure of colonialism" involved, according to Fanon, two desires: "The black man wants to be white. The white man is desperately trying to achieve the rank of man." The colonial situation designates whiteness as the "rank of man," the only position from which full humanity can be assumed.

Geoffrey Cronjé was concerned, above all, to protect whiteness, and block race-mixing. He was vexed continually by the themes of contamination and purity, mixing and 'miscegenation'. He worried about a "mishmash" or "mengelmoes" of races -- the loss of the specific structure and character of races, and their reduction to an undifferentiated, pulpy mass: to shit. The low-income whites were the source of his greatest anxiety. He fretted that the whites would become black.

As with the red-hunting white-supremacists of the American South, the fear is that whites "feeling equal" with blacks, and being willing to mingle with them and marry them, will so compromise whiteness as to produce a fundamental loss of being, since from this point of view it is only whiteness that gives access to full being. Any loss of whiteness is a loss of the phallus -- "social castration" in Derek Hook's terms. But worse, if this castration is linked to the collapse of the very principle of racial distinction and intelligibility, the loss of being brings one to the point of oblivion. The image of mishmashing, for Cronjé, is an image of death.

Of course, to say that he was 'concerned', that he 'worried' and 'fretted', is an enormous euphemism. He was obsessed. Coetzee uses the term, 'obsession', in its full Freudian clinical sense. The obsessive-neurotic isn't just worried about death, but obsessively concerned with the organisation of habits and rituals to stave off death. The image of death that he has (and it will tend to be a 'he'; obsession is typically a male subject-position) is the imago of his own unacknowledged drives and desires. The prohibitions he works to preserve, pulse with proscribed desire. The ritualisation of cleanliness and non-contamination in obsessive-neurosis is a war on wants, a "counterattack upon desire" as Coetzee puts it.

One finds this obsessive structure quite a lot in colonial situations. John Barrell's classic account of Thomas De Quincey, opium-eating memoirist of the British empire, finds De Quincey compulsively projecting the horrors of his unconscious, deriving from childhood trauma but linking to the symbolic register of 19th century Orientalism, onto fantasmatic Eastern hordes. Hence, his role as an agitator and propagandist for British intervention to repress and govern the Oriental.

IV.
Thomas Mair was engaged, if nothing else, in a struggle for being.

Little is known about the murderer. We know very little about his life, his childhood, or even most of his adulthood. More is known about the neo-Nazi, white-supremacist magazines he read, the letters he wrote to them, the training manuals he bought, the newspaper clippings he kept (Breivik fascinated him), than about the texture of his everyday existence. It is said that he was a "loner" -- the police's term -- who seemingly never held down a single job, or had a romantic partner, or friends to speak of. He seems to have connected his long-term unemployment to his feelings of worthlessness, and mental health issues.

One thing that stands out in the small amount of material that there is about Mair, apart from the absences (no job, no friends, no love), is that he was a genuinely obsessive personality. His residence was kept in an extraordinarily neat and ordered condition. Inside his kitchen cupboards, The Guardian reported, "tinned food was carefully arranged in precise rows, with each label pointing in exactly the same direction". As well as stacks of impeccably tidy Nazi publications, books about Hitler and the white race, and a few Michael Burleigh histories, he kept stacks of toilet paper, neatly arranged, as if to wage war on shit. His counterattack upon desire entailed an obsession with cleanliness and contamination.

But his obsessions were also politicised very early on, cathected to the signifier of whiteness. And here, as is so often the case, he is less frightened of non-white people than of the white people who sell out, who compromise on their whiteness. Indeed, this is a staple obsession of the far right in Britain today. Tommy Robinson was quick to rush to Westminster amid the lockdown following Khalid Masood's attack, in order to declare before the fascinated cameras that "this is Islam ... this is reality. This has been going on for 1,400 years and while it's going on the police leaders and the political leaders want to invite more." His associate, an alt-right film-maker called Caolan Robertson, took the opportunity to castigated leftists and liberals for their betrayals. Former leading BNP member Mark Collett, in a classic instance of imperial projection, complains that Muslims are colonising Britain, and that liberals will sell out everything to them.

So it was with Thomas Mair. His persecution fantasy was that liberals and leftwingers had betrayed the white race. His key references were South Africa and the United States, where he felt that segregation and apartheid could have been preserved were it not for the white traitors. He seems to have long fantasised about killing a 'traitor', and his interest in Breivik could be interpreted in light of the latter's focus on murdering "cultural marxists" -- those he labelled "category A and B traitors".

But while the Guardian described him as a very "slow-burning" killer, his fantasies long in germination, escalation is arguably built into the obsessive-neurotic structure. The counterattack upon desire is experienced as a struggle against death, for being; but it is in fact an attack on life, on the Real of the drives. The more one ritualises the warding off of death, therefore, the closer one comes to death, and the more one has to fight. The life of an obsessive is an anxious one, and the circulation of libido in perpetuating this struggle is likely to manifest as depression.

Mair seems to have found some temporary respite from depression in volunteering as a gardener, but this didn't last. When checking into an alternative therapy centre for his depression one evening, he was told to make an appointment and come back the next day. This suggested that his symptom was breaking down. Instead of attending the centre the next day, he hunted Jo Cox, a pro-migrant centre-left member of parliament. He stabbed her in the chest with a dagger, shot her twice in the head and once in the chest with a sawn-off, and then stabbed her again, repeatedly.

As he attacked, he shouted, in an evident reference to the EU referendum: "Britain first, this is for Britain. Britain will always come first. We are British independence. Make Britain independent." In court, he gave his name as "Death to traitors!"


Continues at: http://www.leninology.co.uk/2017/03/tho ... first.html
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Re: Fascists are the Tools of the State

Postby American Dream » Wed Mar 29, 2017 12:31 pm

How Many More Murderers Will We Let the Alt-Right Create?

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Matthew Heimbach of the Traditionalist Worker Party wrote:

AMERICANS ARE FAR TOO SQUEAMISH TO ADMIT THAT SOMETIMES THERE ARE SOME THINGS THAT JUST NEED A GOOD OL’ FASHIONED GOVERNMENT BOOT HEEL TO STOMP OUT. WHILE WE TOLERATE HOMESCHOOLERS AND ORGANIC FARMERS BEING ARRESTED AND HARASSED BY THE FEDERAL AUTHORITIES, PEOPLE RUN IN FEAR AT THE IDEA OF BREAKING UP A HOMOSEXUAL MARRIAGE CEREMONY, TORCHING AN ABORTION CLINIC, OR DOING ANY ACTION THAT BENEFITS THE OVERALL HEALTH AND CULTURE OF THEIR PEOPLE. RABID DOGS ARE PUT DOWN, NOT ALLOWED AROUND THE FAMILY KIDS. OUR ENEMIES ARE SICK ANIMALS AND WE NEED TO TREAT THEM AS SUCH.


Comments made by Alt-Right thinker and author Matt Forney at a recent white nationalist conference in Sweden echo many of the sentiments made by Roof and Jackson:

I don’t think I need to remind anyone that the election of President Donald Trump was a turning point in American and European history. For our entire lives our overlords in the government and media have told us that we were on the losing side of history.That we were destined to fail. That the future of our civilization was rainbows, unicorns, and chocolate chip cookies; fruits Frenching their boyfriends in front of empty churches; neon-lit mosques eclipsing the cities our forefathers labored to build; and finally, being finessed out of our neighborhoods by swarthy foreigners who stare at our sisters, wives, and girlfriends the way lions stare at gazelles.


Ironically, while disgusting Alt-Right trolls like Matt Forney talk about “our women,” Forney himself comes out of so-called Men’s Rights Activism that openly supports rape. Forney in particular came into white nationalism through his friend Roosh V, himself not white, but who has spoken at various Alt-Right and white nationalist events. Roosh has pushed to attack feminism while popularizing being a ‘pick up artist,’ and has written about sexually assaulting and raping women. Roosh even went as far as to say that rape should be made legal on the property of men as a mean of demoting the social status of women.


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More at: https://itsgoingdown.org/many-murderers ... ht-create/
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Re: Fascists are the Tools of the State

Postby American Dream » Fri Mar 31, 2017 9:00 am

Collusion Between the Police and Alt-Right Is Inevitable

During the Reconstruction, police entities worked in concert with local militias, lone vigilantes, and of course, the Ku Klux Klan, to systematically amputate any outgrowth of Black agency. Pro-business southern Democrats were insistent on having economic dominance over the black population, because only by exploitation of that vast source of labor could their previous levels of wealth be equalled. And so it was done; not only were whites empowered by the local authorities to violently repress freed black folk, and not only did the police orchestrate a good portion of that violence, but white society eventually struck a deal with itself. The Klan was abetted regularly by local police (many of whom were members themselves), militias were given free reign to terrorize black congregations, and night riders operated with impunity. Finally, Rutherford B. Hayes was made president in exchange for equalizing power in the South, and black autonomy was offered up as a sacrifice.

This dynamic played out more than once: when the elite class senses that the state’s power is being weakened, they will quickly unify around their mutual interests. So it goes that the police, and the Trump administration, are destined to empower the alt-right while repressing the Left at every opportunity.

THE DPD, THE FOP, AND TRUMP

The Denver Police Department was on the scene during TPUSA’s conference at the Grand Hyatt, taking an early, preventative stance against the antifascists. There were about eight officers at the entrance, six guarding the driveway for arriving attendees, and two more issuing commands. During the demonstration, officers arrested a total of five antifa members.

It should come as no surprise that a percentage of Denver’s officers belong to one of the two major police unions in the city: the Denver Police Protective Association, and a chapter of the better-known Fraternal Order of Police. Both of these organizations — like Turning Point’s own membership — are stringent supporters of Donald Trump. The FOP, specifically, issued as part of their endorsement of the president a list of “potential actions” which might occur over the president’s first 100 days in office. They stressed that this was not a list of demands, but speculations about the upcoming “law and order” regime.

Of course, via their endorsement, the FOP openly announced their dovetailing of interests with that of the Trump administration. This list includes nods to concerns raised by police; repealing order 13688 which removed unnecessary military equipment from police hands; implementing the “Restoring Community Safety Act” to combat the nonexistent epidemic of violent crime in America; pressuring sanctuary cities with cuts to federal funds, and so on. The FOP is, additionally, the group which pressured Walmart to stop carrying Black Lives Matter apparel, calling the items “offensive.”

But more importantly for the antifascists of Denver, the DPD has been indirectly instructed by the Trump administration itself. Unicorn Riot uncovered an expense in the City of Denver’s online checkbook showing that the DPD had been paid to attend a seminar on “counter-terrorism” and “counterinsurgency” delivered by one Sebastian Gorka.

Gorka is a prominent figure in the shadowy far-right ecosystem of America. A national security advisor to Trump, Gorka is also a “national security contributor” at Breitbart, a participant in the right-wing strategic group known as Groundswell, and last but certainly not least, a longstanding member of Vitézi Rend, a Hungarian Nazi organization.

In short, the DPD, whose roster includes pro-Trump Fraternal Order members, was paid to attend a seminar hosted by a far-right Nazi strategist for the Trump campaign, to be instructed on countering grassroots radical organizations. This is the state organ entrusted with “maintaining order” at the conference of TPUSA, a Trump loyalist student organization which platforms the alt-right, that gaggle of mild racists and full-throttle white supremacists which constitutes Trump’s vanguard party.

It may seem surprising that the Denver Police, who have never needed to respond to an act of terrorism, attended a seminar based around that subject. However, the antifascists were unsurprised when, upon leaving the morning picket line, they spotted a police truck carrying eight riot officers in tactical gear, hiding behind a 7-11 just yards away from the Hyatt hotel. This is what “counterinsurgency” will mean in the near future; pre-loaded, overwhelming, brute-force repression for even the mildest of liberatory actions.

And where is the alt-right, and Turning Point? Politely shaking hands with the officers, musing over the fate of the arrestees, and thanking the police for their service. These two groups share mutual benefit in repression of the left. This is the soul of “essential collusion.” There is no conspiracy, only instinctive symbiosis pregnant with oppression.

TURNING POINT, THE ALT-RIGHT, AND FASCIST VIGILANTISM

TPUSA’s latest alt-right speaker is Ivan Throne, who follows multiple nationalist accounts on twitter, and has written long, venomous screeds against feminism and Islam. It is patently obvious at this point that TPUSA has strong ties with the alt-right, the most obvious being Charlie Kirk’s own contribution to Breitbart, but more immediately the organization’s repeated platforming of alt-right figureheads like Ivan and Milo.

Both Ivan and Milo have spoken in favor of persecution for Muslims, as well as leftists, feminists, BLM supporters, and so on; stated plainly, they espouse an ethnocentric nationalism built around the patriotic “American identity.” This folds into the larger narrative of Trump’s supporters, who have applauded his calls for increased national security, stricter border control, state-sanctified witch hunts against immigrants and refugees, public support for the police, and of course, forceful action against the invisible enemy of Islamic extremists. Similarly, Trump and his voter bloc have agreed in their opposition to leftist ideology and, in particular, anti-regime protesters.

Most recently, Ivan has unveiled a project entitled “Violent Solutions,” which at first analysis appears to merely be a database through which antifascists will be identified and reported to the FBI. Although mostly empty bluster (like everything Ivan does), this eventuality presents a unique threat to Antifa in Trump’s America: this is a concrete example of essential collusion between the state and the far-right. Communication between America’s police, military, and intelligence community is at an all-time high, with various state organs sharing information even with completely unrelated sister forces. Arrests are made public, with the suspect’s full name handed out to multiple agencies and, most importantly, to the alt-right, whose main weapon continues to be the threat of doxxing. Police do not take seriously the threat of online harassment or dox-facilitating platforms like reddit. Revealing the identity of protesters is their job, and police responsibility for a suspect’s safety ends at the jailhouse doors.

In the same vein, we can view the total lack of scrutiny in the UW Seattle shooting outside a Milo speaking event, and more frighteningly, the Trump administration’s deliberate ignorance of white supremacist terrorism, which has surged out of the woodwork since his election with renewed vigor and, now, a kind of codified impunity. So long as they do not overstep the limit of their leashes, neo-Nazis, far-right extremists, white nationalists, and fascist vigilantes will be downplayed or tolerated endlessly by the state. They are not ejected from pro-Trump rallies, nor thoroughly examined by the media, nor directly opposed by law enforcement.

This is no different than the attitude of police and militia entities during the Reconstruction. To protect both sides of this social conflict equally would require otherworldly dedication to the letter of the law. The path of least resistance and maximal benefit is to, instead, either directly enable or passively condone the violence of the far-right (so long as their violence is against leftists and revolutionaries), knowing neither the police nor the vigilantes will be punished, and that the destruction of the defiant will bring about order – specifically, an authoritarian, nationalist order. Their order.

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More at: https://itsgoingdown.org/collusion-poli ... nevitable/
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Re: Fascists are the Tools of the State

Postby American Dream » Wed Apr 12, 2017 10:24 am

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“Based Stickman” Calls Berkeley Residents “Cocksuckers” & “Cowards” in Park, Confronted by Skaters

Chapman is getting special treatment from the Berkeley police. In past demonstrations against the eviction of the Albany Bulb in nearby Albany, or at Occupy Oakland, local police threw harsh sentences at people which included stay away orders, meaning, for the crime of marching or blockading a road, they couldn’t return to a certain geographic location for fear of arrest. Moreover, these crimes had nothing to do with physical violence against human beings. The police are playing soft ball with Chapman and are sending a message that far-Right, fascist violence is accepted, as long as it is aimed at POC skaters in a park, or anarchist and anti-fascist demonstrators. The age old slogan still rings true, cops and klan, hand in hand!


More at: https://itsgoingdown.org/based-stickman ... y-skaters/
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