Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Sat Feb 17, 2018 10:17 am

Trigger Warning


Drunk on genocide: how the Nazis celebrated murdering Jews

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An einsatzgruppen murder in Kursnik, Poland in 1939. Photo courtesy the German State Archives

It was noon in early 1942 as Johann Grüner approached the ‘German House’ in the Polish town of Nowy Targ for lunch. As a mid-level Nazi bureaucrat in occupied Poland, he enjoyed the privileges of power and the opportunity for career advancement that came with duty in the East. The German House, a mix of cultural centre, restaurant and pub, was one of the privileges enjoyed by the occupiers. As he entered the building, he could hear a boisterous celebration within. At the front door, a clearly inebriated Gestapo official passed by, a beer coaster with the number 1,000 written in red pinned to his blouse. Addressing Grüner, the policeman drunkenly bragged: ‘Man, today I am celebrating my 1,000th execution!’

At first glance, the incident at the German House might appear to be a grotesque aberration involving a single depraved Nazi killer. However, such ‘celebrations’ were widespread in the occupied Eastern territories as members of the notorious Schutzstaffel (SS) and the German police routinely engaged in celebratory rituals after mass killings. In fact, among the perpetrators of genocide, heavy drinking was common at the killing sites, in pubs and on bases throughout Poland and the Soviet Union. In another horrific example, a group of policemen charged with the cremation of some 800 Jewish corpses used the occasion to tap a keg. In this case, one of the men, named Müller, had the ‘honour’ of setting fire to ‘his Jews’ as he and his colleagues sat around the fire drinking beer. In a similar case, a Jewish woman recalled the aftermath of a killing operation at Przemyśl in Poland: ‘I smelled the odour of burning bodies and saw a group of Gestapo men who sat by the fire, singing and drinking.’ For these Gestapo men, ‘victory celebrations’ proved to be the order of the day, and followed every killing action or ‘liberation from the Jews’.

The role of alcohol in the Nazi genocide of European Jews deserves greater attention. While numerous studies from the social sciences have demonstrated the link between drinking and acts of homicide and sexual violence, the connection between mass murder and alcohol is under-researched. Among the Nazi perpetrators, alcohol served several roles: it incentivised and rewarded murder, promoted disinhibition to facilitate killing, and acted as a coping mechanism. In the field of Holocaust Studies, explanations of perpetrator motivation embrace a variety of instrumental and affective factors ranging from ‘ordinary men’ guided by peer pressure, obedience to authority and personal ambition, to ‘willing executioners’ imbued with anti-Semitism and racial hatred; however, alcohol consumption facilitated acts of murder and atrocity whether by ordinary men or true believers.

In the early 2000s, Father Patrick Desbois used ‘ballistic research’ to find spent firearm cartridges in order to chart where SS and police death squads had massacred entire Jewish communities in Ukraine. Contrary to popular belief, he found that many of these killing sites were ‘in the middle of towns, in full view and with the knowledge of everyone’. Not only were these massacres conducted in public spaces, but non-Jewish Ukrainian witnesses often remembered the killers’ use of alcohol.

As a girl, Hanna Senikova observed a mass execution by the SS and policemen in her hometown of Romanivka. After the arrival of the Germans, her aunt had been forced to cook for the perpetrators who ordered a banquet in advance of the massacre. Interviewed by Desbois in his book The Holocaust by Bullets (2008), Senikova recalled:

They wanted to eat nothing but large pieces of meat … Then some of them shot the Jews while others ate and drank. Then, those who had eaten went to shoot the Jews again while those who had been shooting them before came to eat … They were drinking, singing. They were drunk. They were shooting at the same time. One could see little arms and legs coming out of the edge of the pit.


In a similar example, Wilhelm Westerheide, a Nazi regional commissar in Ukraine, participated in a two-week massacre of an estimated 15,000 Jews. During the shootings, Westerheide and his accomplices ‘caroused at a banquet table with a few German women … drinking, and eating amid the bloodshed’, while music played in the background during a surreal killing party described by Wendy Lower in Hitler’s Furies (2013). In this case, the perpetrators’ use of alcohol provided a means for establishing camaraderie and lowering inhibitions as they proceeded with their gruesome task.

While death squads celebrated among their victims’ graves in the field, local bars and restaurants also served as sites for celebrating acts of mass murder, where heavy drinking was often accompanied by songs that emphasised Nazi masculine ideals of hardness, camaraderie and violence.


More at: https://aeon.co/ideas/drunk-on-genocide ... ering-jews
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby JackRiddler » Mon Feb 19, 2018 7:42 pm

We meet at the borders of our being, we dream something of each others reality. - Harvey of R.I.

To Justice my maker from on high did incline:
I am by virtue of its might divine,
The highest Wisdom and the first Love.

TopSecret WallSt. Iraq & more
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Mon Feb 19, 2018 7:54 pm

I love it! Also see:

THE LONG, FASCINATING HISTORY OF LEFTIST SELF-DEFENSE

Right-wingers may be more culturally associated with firearms, but the left has trained for combat since the 19th century.

ELIZABETH KING JUL 28, 2017

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Muslim women participate in a self defense class on December 16th, 2016, in New York City.

The Trump era has, so far, been a violent one. Since Donald Trump announced his presidential campaign in the summer of 2015, assaults of pro-Trump and anti-Trump protesters, as well as journalists covering the 2016 campaign, have made headlines. Meanwhile, Federal Bureau of Investigation data has found that hate crimes against Muslims increased by 67 percent in 2015, while the Council on American-Islamic Relations reports that those same crimes increased by 44 percent in 2016. In response, leftist activists and minority groups have turned to a form of activism that some might not typically expect from liberals: to counter and prevent violence, they are heading to the gym to learn self-defense.

The list of these new self-defense initiatives is long: Among other efforts, Minneapolis' Oh Hell No bike rides patrol neighborhoods to prevent sexual assaults and harassment; Chicago resident Zaineb Abdulla hosts self-defense seminars for Muslim women; the company Trigger Happy Firearms Instruction holds firearms lessons for women in several cities across the United States with the ultimate aim of teaching a million to shoot. And in April, the Chicago-based group Haymaker Collective formed—and is currently raising funds—to open a sliding-scale fee gym where anyone (except politicians and police officers, who the collective does not trust to keep them safe) can take self-defense classes and work out regardless of income, gender, sexuality, race, ability, or religion. Their end goal is to help people "learn the skills they need to stay safe in Trump's America," according to their Indiegogo campaign.


In American culture, self-defense is usually associated with conservative policies that aim to preserve (and/or broadly interpret) the Fourth Amendment and national security. Consider Stand Your Ground laws, which allow residents of some states to use lethal force in self-defense against intruders without first attempting to flee; or the language of protection that Trump and members of his administration have used to promote the administration's travel ban on several Muslim-majority countries. Nevertheless, leftists have long prepared for violent, politically divided times too—albeit with a very different approach. While conservatives have often organized measures that ostensibly help keep everyone safe but ultimately serve to preserve a status quo, leftists have historically practiced and taught self-defense techniques to empower marginalized communities.


Read more: https://psmag.com/social-justice/fascin ... lf-defense
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Tue Feb 20, 2018 8:59 am

One year into the Trump administration, malice and fear mongering have become normalized rhetoric, facilitating the jump to full-on hate speech that has found fertile ground online. From nationalist chat rooms to conservative evangelical groups, the Other is both a perpetual threat and a source of thrill. Muslim-Americans should be deported; kneeling NFL players who protest the police need to be put in jail, preferably along with Black Lives Matter and Antifa activists; North Korea should be nuked straight away; transgender people belong in jail and not in the army; Dreamers need to go.

Above all, the Other is female. In the virtual “locker room,” banter targeting women provides a gateway to other forms of intolerance like racism, anti-Semitism, and xenophobia. Making demeaning jokes about women often transitions into racist comments. While a wife-beater has been assuming a prominent White House position for months and is vindicated by our President, the subjugation of women is the common denominator among involuntarily celibates (“incels”), PUAs (Pick Up Artists), men’s rights groups, Trump supporters, alt-righters, and neo-Nazis alike, while platforms like Reddit’s Purple Pill, Discord, or Return of Kings, recently fueled by the backlash of the #MeToo movement, advocate aggression towards “femoids,” “feminazis,” or “SJWs” (social justice warriors). As misogyny binds men in a “manosphere,” it allows friendships to develop that are consecutively channelled into an ideology of white male supremacy.


Misogyny Online: Death by a Thousand Cuts, by Marta Zarzycka
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Fri Feb 23, 2018 8:09 pm

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The fascist movement that has brought Mussolini back to the mainstream

Italy’s CasaPound has been central to normalising fascism again in the country of its birth. Now they’re trying to enter parliament.

By Tobias Jones


CasaPound germinated in the late 1990s as a sort of Mussolini-admiring drinking club. Every Monday night, a dozen men would meet in the Cutty Sark and “plan what next,” as one recalled. It was there that Iannone met the man who would become his deputy, Simone Di Stefano. Di Stefano was two years younger and quieter, but a lifelong rightwing militant. “We were situationists trying to wake people up”, Di Stefano says, looking back, “bohemian artists based on models like Obey Giant [Shepard Fairey] and Banksy”.

In 1997, Iannone, Di Stefano and their mates had put up 10,000 stickers all over Rome: above eyeless faces, with barcoded foreheads and demented smiles, were just three unexplained words: Zeta Zero Alfa. It was the name of a punk rock band Iannone had decided to launch, its name hinting at both the American rock legends ZZ Top and at the notion that the world needed to go back to the beginning, back to the “alfa”.

Zetazeroalfa became, in the late 90s and early 2000s, an evangelising force for fascism. Touring all over Italy, the band sang raucous punk-rock songs with lyrics such as “nel dubbio, mena” (“if in doubt, beat up”) or “amo questo mio popolo fiero / che non conosce pace” (“I love this proud people / that doesn’t know peace”). In those early days, Iannone had about 100 hardcore fans, who doubled as roadies, crew, security and salesmen. The group sold as many T-shirts as they did CDs, with lines such as Picchia il vip (“beat up the VIP”) and Accademia della sassaiola (“academy of stone-throwing”). The song that became a crowd favourite was Cinghiamattanza, meaning “death by belt”: at all the gigs it became a ritual for fans to take off their belts and leather each other.

In those years, Iannone was more rock star than blackshirt. His informal movement was more about music than manifestos. CasaPound’s in-house lawyer, Domenico Di Tullio, was once the bassist and vocalist in a far-right band called Malabestia, “evil beast”. He was introduced to CasaPound when Iannone was teaching Thai boxing in a gym. “CasaPound has always been,” Di Tullio said, “halfway between politics and rock’n’roll.” Iannone was a canny entrepreneur: he co-founded a right-wing music label called “Rupe Tarpeia” – the name of the Roman rock from which traitors were thrown to their deaths.

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Casapound leader Gianluca Iannone.

Iannone – who was obsessed with Chuck Palahniuk’s Fight Club – had been arrested a few times for assault, once for beating up an off-duty carabiniere at Predappio, the burial shrine of Mussolini, because he was “drunk and being stupid”. Revisionist historians and rightwing politicians in the 1990s worked hard to rehabilitate Mussolini: expressing admiration for him was no longer considered heretical, but a sign of courageous thinking. Mussolini’s regime was airbrushed as benign – “he never killed anybody” said Silvio Berlusconi, who became prime minister for the first time in 1994 – and depicted as superior to the corruption and chaos of the avowedly anti-fascist First Republic that lasted from 1948 until 1992. Berlusconi and his far-right allies scorned the traditional anti-fascist celebrations of 25 April, the date of Italians’ liberation from Nazi fascism.

A canny politician, Berlusconi wasn’t setting this agenda but following it. He knew it was a vote-winner. Buildings all over Italy, but especially in the south, still bear the faded letters of the word “DUCE”. There are many monuments, and even a mountain, that still bear his name. A country that doesn’t renounce its past as much as absorb it, Italy was, by the turn of the millennium, more than ready to include Mussolini’s grandchildren in the body politic.

In July 2002 the militants who had gathered around Gianluca Iannone and ZZA occupied their first building, an abandoned school north of Rome. Occupations had always been a form of protest by the far left in Italy: many squats had become “social centres” and were tacitly tolerated by police and politicians. Now the far right was trying the tactic. Iannone called the occupied school Casa Montag, after the protagonist of the Ray Bradbury novel Fahrenheit 451, Guy Montag.

It was the first of many occasions in which CasaPound would confound ideological expectations. Most people read Bradbury’s novel as a critique of an anti-intellectual, totalitarian state, but for the CasaPounders it represented their own oppression by the forces of anti-fascism in Italian politics, who they regarded as metaphorical book-burners. Anticipating the rhetoric of the alt-right, CasaPound claimed to be a space “where debate is free”.

Within 18 months, though, Iannone’s men had upgraded and moved to the very centre of Rome, occupying the huge building in Esquilino. Their aim in 2003 wasn’t political in any parliamentary sense: the militants wanted to live cheaply together, to create a space for their ideals and, most of all, to make a statement.

In the entrance hall of their new home, CasaPounders painted a hundred or so surnames in garish colours, suggesting the ideological lineage of their movement. Many were obvious – Mussolini, Oswald Mosley, Nietzsche, the writer and proto-fascist Gabriele D’Annunzio, the Italian fascist philosopher Julius Evola – but many more were bizarre or wishful: Homer, Plato, Dante, Kerouac and even cartoon characters such as Captain Harlock and Corto Maltese. All were men.


...The fierce fighting between Italy’s partisans and fascists from 1943 to 1945 – sometimes called the country’s civil war – continued sporadically after the end of the second world war. But ever since 1952, when a law was passed that criminalised efforts to resuscitate Mussolini’s fascist party, Italian fascists have seen themselves as the victims, rather than the instigators, of state repression. In reality, however, there was no Italian equivalent of Germany’s denazification: throughout the postwar period, one far-right political party – the Movimento Sociale Italiano (MSI) – kept alive the flame of Mussolini, at its height in 1972 winning 9% or 2.7m votes. Various radical splinter groups emerged from within the MSI – the most notorious being Pino Rauti’s Ordine Nuovo, which was involved in the bombing of a bank in 1969 that killed 17 civilians.

That atrocity was the beginning of a period known as “the years of lead”: in the 1970s, far-right and far-left groups fought, shot, bombed and kidnapped not only each other, but also the public and representatives of the state. Both sides used the rhetoric of the 1940s, recalling the heroism or disloyalty of the fascists and anti-fascists from three decades earlier.

But amid the violence of the 1970s, there were attempts to tap into the “softer” side of the far-right, with festivals where music, graphic design, history and ecology were discussed. They were called “Hobbit camps”, since JRR Tolkien had long been a hero for Italian neo-fascists, who liked to quote Bilbo Baggins’ line that “deep roots don’t freeze”. There was a popular leftwing slur that fascists belonged in the “sewers”, and so a magazine called La Voce della Fogna (“The Voice of the Sewer”) was launched by unapologetics.

The neo-fascist movement that most influenced CasaPound, Terza Posizione, was founded in 1978. It claimed to reject both capitalism and communism, and – like CasaPound – tried to revive Mussolini’s social policies. (Iannone has its symbol tattooed on the middle finger of his left hand. His deputy, Simone Di Stefano, spent a year in London working with one of the Terza Posizione founders in the 1990s.)

In the same year, two young militants were shot outside the offices of the MSI in Acca Larentia in Rome. That evening, when a journalist allegedly disrespected the victims by flicking a cigarette butt in a pool of blood, a riot began in which a third young man was killed by a policeman. Other deaths followed that initial bloodshed: the father of one of the young men killed committed suicide. On the first anniversary of Acca Larentia, another militant was killed by police.

Acca Larentia seemed proof, to fascists, that they were sitting ducks. Some renounced extremism altogether, but others simply took it further. A far-right terrorist organisation, NAR (the “nuclei of armed revolutionaries”) was founded and took part in various killings and the bombing of Bologna railway station in 1980, in which 85 people died. As a state crackdown on the far-right began, the three founders of Terza Posizione fled abroad and the leaders of NAR were either killed or imprisoned.

For a generation, through the 1980s and early 1990s,fascism seemed finished. But when Silvio Berlusconi burst into politics looking for anti-communist allies, he identified the MSI as his ideal political partner. The party renamed itself the National Alliance, and became the second-largest component in Berlusconi’s ruling centre-right coalition in 1994. The wind had changed completely: many of the militants on the far-right in the 1970s – old hands from the MSI – were now in government. In 1999 the three founders of Terza Posizione returned from exile.

That was the context in which CasaPound, in the early 2000s, first began to flourish: it was full of marginalised men who had grown up in the wilderness years of the 80s and early 90s. They were convinced that fascists had been mistreated and killed by “communist hatred and servants of the state”, as a plaque memorialising the murders at Acca Larentia put it.

But in fact, their bread was buttered on both sides: they presented themselves as underdogs, but their ideological fathers were now at the very top of Italian political power. They could claim to be the victims of repressive laws banning the revival of fascism, but because those laws were never enforced, they could proselytise with impunity.

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Benito Mussolini in 1927


More at: https://www.theguardian.com/news/2018/f ... mainstream
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Mon Feb 26, 2018 11:10 am

The SPLC Officially Classifies The Proud Boys As A Hate Group

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In the Spring 2018 edition of their Intelligence Report, the Southern Poverty Law Center revealed some recent changes to their list of hate groups.

CONTINUE READING
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Wed Feb 28, 2018 6:21 pm

Michael Savage Plugs His New ‘Paranoid, Nightmarish Fantasy’ Novella On ‘The Alex Jones Show’
ON FEBRUARY 28, 2018

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On a recent episode of The Alex Jones Show, white genocide-spouting shock jock Michael Savage announced his latest book, Xenon. He said that this book is a “science-fiction fantasy” — unlike his totally serious books The Enemy Within (2001) and Liberalism Is a Mental Disorder (2005).

Here’s how Savage described the plot of Xenon:

It’s a futuristic nightmarish, anti-utopian new world run by militant FA-T-ASSES who castrate males, assign them life mates who are transsexual, keeping the best young girls for themselves. … The odd part of my little novella here, my little science-fiction Xenon warning about the world we’re entering, is that the FA-T-ASSES who run the world secretly use the rare gases to get high on: xenon, argon, freon — you know, the 7 or 8 rare gases, whatever the number is — which are saved only for the leaders of the state, the new FA-T-ASSES state.


Setting aside Michael Savage’s typically cartoonish misogyny and transphobia, evidently he also never paid attention during his high school chemistry classes. There are 6 “noble gases”: helium, neon, argon, krypton, xenon, and radon. Freon is a cooling agent used in air conditioners.


Continues at: https://angrywhitemen.org/2018/02/28/mi ... ones-show/
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Wed Mar 07, 2018 11:15 pm

TW

“Ethnostate rape gangs” and other treats the “American fascists” in Patriot Front want to bring to women


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Some of the most hair-raising discussions in this vast pile of terrible concern one group of human beings that the current generation of Nazis especially hate: women. Nazis and white supremacists have always been sexist, but in the past their sexism always had a paternalistic side to it. Nazis and Klansmen claimed to want to protect and even celebrate white women, and many women found this appealing. In the 1920s, the women’s auxilliary of the KKK had a half million members.

The alt-right of today, by contrast, is overwhelmingly male — and overwhelmingly misogynistic, with an anti-woman ideology not that far removed from your average incel.


http://www.wehuntedthemammoth.com/2018/ ... -to-women/
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Sat Mar 10, 2018 7:03 am

Greg Conte: The Alt-Right Will ‘Seduce’ Society By Being ‘Hard’ And Offering ‘Skittles’ (Or Something)

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Later in the video Conte managed to exemplify the utter brainlessness of the “chad nationalist” division of the alt-right by comparing the state of the movement to a body building regimen. He explained that it’s like “bulking and cutting”:

Up until Charlottesville we were bulking. We were packing on the pounds, hitting the gym every day, our movement was growing. And then after Charlottesville it’s been getting rid of all the excess fat and getting nice and lean and hungry again.


In other words, many people fled the movement post-Charlottesville, supposedly leaving it with only its most dedicated soldiers. Of course that’s most assuredly not true. The movement will continue to fracture along ideological lines, and some activists will inevitably grow weary of the fighting and social media bans and online mockery.

In fact, after this video aired Spencer held his heavily publicized talk at Michigan State University, and the results were nothing short of embarrassing.

Spencer’s supporters, including Matt Heimbach and his TWP goons, were outnumbered by anti-racist protesters. During the ensuing melee Conte was arrested and later bailed out. And while Spencer did give his speech as planned, it was in a largely empty room.

Suffice it to say, the state of the alt-right is not well, and the only people who remain will be the most maladjusted young men who enjoy getting drunk and singing racist song parodies.

Men like Greg Conte here, who also likened the alt-right to a group of seducers. Hold onto your hats folks, this is gonna get weird.

“Earlier I asked you what would you compare this movement to,” Conte recalled. “And the correct answer is seduction. We are conducting a mass seduction of society. And society is not going to want to sleep with us unless we are both hard and — hard winners and also, okay, we maybe buy some Skittles sometimes.”

What woman could resist moves like that?

“Is that how you seduce women?” Spencer asked. “Skittles? Okay. That’s why you get so many girls I guess… You’re throwin’ out the…Jolly Ranchers, maybe. I don’t know what you’re saying.” Don’t worry, Richard, for once we’re as dumbfounded as you are.


https://angrywhitemen.org/2018/03/09/gr ... something/
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Mon Mar 26, 2018 9:54 pm

FTR #947 Evola on Our Minds

ImageThe broadcast recaps FTR #233, which details Evola’s work for the SS and Kevin Coogan’s theory that Evola was involved with an SS occult network incorporating important people and institutions in both the West and behind the so-called “Iron Curtain.” Later in the program, we further develop the story of Alexander Dugin, a Russian “Alt-right” thinker and politician prominent in the Russian government. As mentioned above, Durgin, like Bannon, has been influenced by Evola.

We wonder if, in the persons of Bannon and Dugin, we are seeing “Western” and “Eastern” manifestations of what Kevin conceptualizes as “The Order.”

Drawing on material from Kevin’s seminal work Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and The Postwar Fascist International (soft cover, Autonomedia, copyright 1999, ISBN I-57027-039-2), the program sets forth a hypothetical construct advanced in the book. Hypothesizing an international fascist milieu originating from (though not coterminous with) the ideological orientation of the Waffen SS, Kevin terms this milieu “The Order.” (This entity is not to be confused with the 1980’s American Nazi organization of the same name.)

Beginning with analysis of Kevin’s discussion of the work of fascist occultist Julius Evola in Vienna during the conclusion of World War II, the program documents Evola’s operations on behalf of the SD (the SS intelligence service.)

ImageLike SS chief Himmler, Evola saw the SS as the successors to the Kshatriya class (the Hindu warrior caste.) Seeing Germany and Europe as succumbing to “barbarian invasion,” Evola saw a pagan, anti-Christian mysticism as necessarily antithetical to the Judeo-Christian culture which, he felt, had led the West to decline before the “Bolshevik hordes” of the Soviet Union and the “chewing gum imperialism” of the United States.

Kevin felt that this organization (reflecting the ideological stance of an element of the Waffen SS) would be pan-European in scope and orientation, and not necessarily entirely chauvinistic from a Nordic or Germanic racial and national standpoint. Nourished by bank accounts secreted abroad, this hypothetical organization functions in an underground fashion. (The funds that nourished this institution would necessarily have derived from the Bormann Organization.) The Order appears to have established ostensibly friendly relations with the West.

This organization may very well have begun working with the U.S. intelligence apparat after the war, as evidenced by, among other things, the collaboration between post-war SS elements and the CIA. Coogan hypothesizes that CIA director Allen Dulles may have played a primary role in such an accord.

Another influence on a Dulles/Order collaborative relationship may have been psychologist Carl Jung, who was connected to Dulles and to the Third Reich.

Significantly, the Order appears to have overlapped, and also worked with, elements of the East Bloc, including former Soviet and East German national security officials. The organization also maintained contacts with “anti-imperialist,” Third World liberation movements.

Steve Bannon’s discussion of Alexander Dugin gains significance in this context.

The Order appears to have exploited its contacts within both East and West blocs to further its own fascistic and elitist agenda, playing both sides against the middle during the Cold War.

The Dugin/Evola affiliation and the Bannon/Evola affiliation may be significant in that context.

Program Highlights Include:

Sebastian Gorka’s manifestation of the heraldry of the order of Vitezi Rend, closely associated with Nazi Germany’s Hungarian allies.

Adbusters magazine’s publicizing of Alexander Dugin. We review the fact that Adbusters appears to have played a key role in jumpstarting the “Occupy” movement.



1a. The entry point to our exploration of Julius Evola is top Trump adviser and first tier NSC member Steve Bannon. Evola is a key influence on Bannon. Evola was an early occult fascist, with strong connections with Mussolini’s Italy. Eventually Evola established strong, lasting connections with the Nazi SS, both operationally and ideologically.

Evola has also influenced Alexander Dugin, a prominent Russian ideologue and politician.

Fascists Too Lax For a Philosopher Cited by Bannon

by Jason Horowitz; The New York Times; 2/12/2017.

Those trying to divine the roots of Stephen K. Bannon’s dark and at times apocalyptic worldview have repeatedly combed over a speech that Mr. Bannon, President Trump’s ideological guru, made in 2014 to a Vatican conference, where he expounded on Islam, populism and capitalism.

But for all the examination of those remarks, a passing reference by Mr. Bannon to an esoteric Italian philosopher has gone little noticed, except perhaps by scholars and followers of the deeply taboo, Nazi-affiliated thinker, Julius Evola.

“The fact that Bannon even knows Evola is significant,” said Mark Sedgwick, a leading scholar of Traditionalists at Aarhus University in Denmark.

Evola, who died in 1974, wrote on everything from Eastern religions to the metaphysics of sex to alchemy. But he is best known as a leading proponent of Traditionalism, a worldview popular in far-right and alternative religious circles that believes progress and equality are poisonous illusions.

Evola became a darling of Italian Fascists, and Italy’s post-Fascist terrorists of the 1960s and 1970s looked to him as a spiritual and intellectual godfather.

They called themselves Children of the Sun after Evola’s vision of a bourgeoisie-smashing new order that he called the Solar Civilization. Today, the Greek neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn includes his works on its suggested reading list, and the leader of Jobbik, the Hungarian nationalist party, admires Evola and wrote an introduction to his works.

More important for the current American administration, Evola also caught on in the United States with leaders of the alt-right movement, which Mr. Bannon nurtured as the head of Breitbart News and then helped harness for Mr. Trump.

“Julius Evola is one of the most fascinating men of the 20th century,” said Richard Spencer, the white nationalist leader who is a top figure in the alt-right movement, which has attracted white supremacists, racists and anti-immigrant elements.

In the days after the election, Mr. Spencer led a Washington alt-right conference in chants of “Hail Trump!” But he also invoked Evola’s idea of a prehistoric and pre-Christian spirituality — referring to the awakening of whites, whom he called the Children of the Sun.

Mr. Spencer said “it means a tremendous amount” that Mr. Bannon was aware of Evola and other Traditionalist thinkers.

“Even if he hasn’t fully imbibed them and been changed by them, he is at least open to them,” he said. “He at least recognizes that they are there. That is a stark difference to the American conservative movement that either was ignorant of them or attempted to suppress them.”

Mr. Bannon, who did not return a request for comment for this article, is an avid and wide-ranging reader. He has spoken enthusiastically about everything from Sun Tzu’s “The Art of War” to “The Fourth Turning” by William Strauss and Neil Howe, which sees history in cycles of cataclysmic and order-obliterating change. His awareness of and reference to Evola in itself only reflects that reading. But some on the alt-right consider Mr. Bannon a door through which Evola’s ideas of a hierarchical society run by a spiritually superior caste can enter in a period of crisis.

“Evolists view his ship as coming in,” said Prof. Richard Drake at the University of Montana, who wrote about Evola in his book “The Revolutionary Mystique and Terrorism in Contemporary Italy.”

For some of them, it has been a long time coming.

“It’s the first time that an adviser to the American president knows Evola, or maybe has a Traditionalist formation,” said Gianfranco De Turris, an Evola biographer and apologist based in Rome who runs the Evola Foundation out of his apartment.

“If Bannon has these ideas, we have to see how he influences the politics of Trump,” he said.

A March article titled “An Establishment Conservative’s Guide to the Alt-Right” in Breitbart, the website then run by Mr. Bannon, included Evola as one of the thinkers in whose writings the “origins of the alternative right” could be found.

The article was co-written by Milo Yiannopoulos, the right-wing provocateur who is wildly popular with conservatives on college campuses. Mr. Trump recently defended Mr. Yiannopoulos as a symbol of free speech after demonstrators violently protested his planned speech at the University of California, Berkeley.

The article celebrated the youthful internet trolls who give the alt-right movement its energy and who, motivated by a common and questionable sense of humor, use anti-Semitic and racially charged memes “in typically juvenile but undeniably hysterical fashion.”

“It’s hard to imagine them reading Evola,” the article continued. “They may be inclined to sympathize to those causes, but mainly because it annoys the right people.”

Evola, who has more than annoyed people for nearly a century, seems to be having a moment.

“When I started working on Evola, you had to plow through Italian,” said Mr. Sedgwick, who keeps track of Traditionalist movements and thought on his blog, Traditionalists. “Now he’s available in English, German, Russian, Serbian, Greek, Hungarian. First I saw Evola boom, and then I realized the number of people interested in that sort of idea was booming.”

Born in 1898, Evola liked to call himself a baron and in later life sported a monocle in his left eye.

A brilliant student and talented artist, he came home after fighting in World War I and became a leading exponent in Italy of the Dada movement, which, like Evola, rejected the church and bourgeois institutions.

Evola’s early artistic endeavors gave way to his love of the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche, and he developed a worldview with an overriding animosity toward the decadence of modernity. Influenced by mystical works and the occult, Evola began developing an idea of the individual’s ability to transcend his reality and “be unconditionally whatever one wants.”

Under the influence of René Guénon, a French metaphysicist and convert to Islam, Evola in 1934 published his most influential work, “The Revolt Against the Modern World,” which cast materialism as an eroding influence on ancient values.

It viewed humanism, the Renaissance, the Protestant Reformation and the French Revolution all as historical disasters that took man further away from a transcendental perennial truth.

Changing the system, Evola argued, was “not a question of contesting and polemicizing, but of blowing everything up.”

Evola’s ideal order, Professor Drake wrote, was based on “hierarchy, caste, monarchy, race, myth, religion and ritual.”

That made a fan out of Benito Mussolini.

The dictator already admired Evola’s early writings on race, which influenced the 1938 Racial Laws restricting the rights of Jews in Italy.

Mussolini so liked Evola’s 1941 book, “Synthesis on the Doctrine of Race,” which advocated a form of spiritual, and not merely biological, racism, that he invited Evola to meet him in September of that year.

Evola eventually broke with Mussolini and the Italian Fascists because he considered them overly tame and corrupted by compromise. Instead he preferred the Nazi SS officers, seeing in them something closer to a mythic ideal. They also shared his anti-Semitism.

Mr. Bannon suggested in his Vatican remarks that the Fascist movement had come out of Evola’s ideas.

As Mr. Bannon expounded on the intellectual motivations of the Russian president, Vladimir V. Putin, he mentioned “Julius Evola and different writers of the early 20th century who are really the supporters of what’s called the Traditionalist movement, which really eventually metastasized into Italian Fascism.”

The reality, historians say, is that Evola sought to “infiltrate and influence” the Fascists, as Mr. Sedgwick put it, as a powerful vehicle to spread his ideas.

In his Vatican talk, Mr. Bannon suggested that although Mr. Putin represented a “kleptocracy,” the Russian president understood the existential danger posed by “a potential new caliphate” and the importance of using nationalism to stand up for traditional institutions.

“We, the Judeo-Christian West,” Mr. Bannon added, “really have to look at what he’s talking about as far as Traditionalism goes — particularly the sense of where it supports the underpinnings of nationalism.”

As Mr. Bannon suggested in his speech, Mr. Putin’s most influential thinker is Aleksandr Dugin, the ultranationalist Russian Traditionalist and anti-liberal writer sometimes called “Putin’s Rasputin.”

An intellectual descendant of Evola, Mr. Dugin has called for a “genuine, true, radically revolutionary, and consistent fascist fascism” and advocated a geography-based theory of “Eurasianism” — which has provided a philosophical framework for Mr. Putin’s expansionism and meddling in Western European politics.

Mr. Dugin sees European Traditionalists as needing Russia, and Mr. Putin, to defend them from the onslaught of Western liberal democracy, individual liberty, and materialism — all Evolian bêtes noires.

This appeal of traditional values on populist voters and against out-of-touch elites, the “Pan-European Union” and “centralized government in the United States,” as Mr. Bannon put it, was not lost on Mr. Trump’s ideological guru.

“A lot of people that are Traditionalists,” he said in his Vatican remarks, “are attracted to that.”


More at: http://spitfirelist.com/for-the-record/ ... our-minds/
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Sun Apr 01, 2018 10:43 am

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The Con of the Red-Brown Alliance

February 27, 2018 Yoav Litvin


The Paradox

The problem is that the left and the big chunk of people it represents is comprised of many groups of dis- and unorganized minorities that would never team up with the reactionary right.

Why would the oppressed team up with its oppressors?

Here is where a con is necessary to lure the left into an alliance with its mortal enemy, the fascistic right.



The Con

The con has a two-fold function:

Creating an oversimplified and dehumanized common enemy. This fraudulent enemy is often a representation of forces in the shape of a secret cabal who work behind the scenes and are claimed to be the true oppressors of humanity. It can be the Jews, Rothschilds, Rockefellers, Illuminati or in our present day “the deep state” and “mainstream media”.

The con is forged by promoting “anti-establishment” rhetoric from both extremes of the political spectrum, though mostly the right, claiming there are more similarities than differences between the groups, which must join together to combat the common enemy in order to ensure their survival.

However, upon close analysis, the “anti-establishment” rhetoric coming from the right is targeted at the liberal order, whereas the left targets the ruling class, i.e. the capitalist order.

“Anti-imperialism” on the right and left follow a seemingly similar trajectory, whereby the former seeks isolationism and global apartheid and the latter equality, justice and a cessation of imperialist adventurism.

Deconstructing identity. The common enemy serves to deconstruct and erase identity. Individual identities and grievances are framed as “petty” and even “selfish” because the common enemy supposedly threatens survival and is thus an immediate and urgent threat. Xenophobia, misogyny etc. are framed as “opinions”, even “distractions” that can be “debated” and should be addressed only after survival is ensured and victory ascertained against the common enemy. Thus, racism and xenophobia are used by the ruling class to redefine class divisions from ruling class/oppressed workers to white/black, for example.

Thus, unity is artificially produced by erasing identities and obscuring the differing and often opposite goals of left and right. In so doing it destroys the left-to-right spectrum and instead forges “in” and “out” groups.

The con ensures that fear is the primary emotion, motivation and bond. How else would a gay man work with a homophobe? Or an Indigenous group with capitalists who seek to destroy their land? Or a Jew with a neo-Nazi? Or a woman with a rapist? Or an African-American person with a white supremacist?



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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Tue Apr 17, 2018 2:04 pm

At the Iliade Institute, French far-right intellectuals rewrite European history

The four-year-old Institute — which annually trains two-dozen youth as far-right activists — was created by a group of intellectuals inspired by Dominique Venner, the French far-right martyr who committed suicide inside the Cathedral of Notre Dame in 2013. Venner’s suicide note described his act as a protest against the “immense dangers to my French and European homeland.” The note also read:

While I defend the identity of all peoples in their homes, I also rebel against the crime of the replacement of our people. The dominant discourse cannot leave behind its toxic ambiguities, and Europeans must bear the consequences. Lacking an identitarian religion to moor us, we share a common memory going back to Homer, a repository of all the values ​​on which our future rebirth will be founded once we break with the metaphysics of the unlimited, the baleful source of all modern excesses.


This is the Institute’s mission: develop Venner’s common European memory and inspire younger generations to defend it. Thus, the Institute’s foremost enemy is the “great replacement,” an idea developed in 2010 by French writer Renaud Camus that views white Europeans as in danger of demographic replacement at the hands of immigrants.

The Institute also serves as a bridge between the older members and icons of the French New Right and a new generation of anti-immigrant and anti-Islam activists who call themselves “identitarians.”

In the exhibition hall, a plethora of groups had tables, including the New Right magazine Elements and the French identitarian activist group, who is fundraising to open a bar in Paris. New publications, run by men in their 20s, also had a space, as did several publishing houses.

Alongside them, others sold “European” artifacts and perfumes. An art installation of a ballroom in a tree where villagers used to dance promised to revive the tradition. With young people, couples with children and gray-haired men and women in attendance, the Institute — and the ideas behind it — has clearly achieved an intergenerational appeal.

The work of revisionism

Jean-Yves Le Gallou is a founding member of the Institute and one of the key architects behind the policy idea to distribute social welfare benefits to “authentic” French people first before those of immigrant descent. He described this year’s conference as:

A meeting for the European community to meet and get out of the depression that is plaguing Europeans because they are permanently made to feel guilty. It’s to tell them that they must be proud of their civilization and proud of their heritage.


But ending “European guilt” required a dramatic rewriting of European history.

The pseudo-historian Bernard Lugan set the tone early with a presentation on the Arab-Muslim slave trade. This slave trade, he claimed, was beneficently ended by French colonization. “We [the French] didn’t pillage Africa with the slave trade and it was us who liberated Africa from the slave trade” he declared to thunderous applause. Full of bravado, Lugan roused the audience to just “say no” to European guilt, quoting former French president Jacques Chirac: “there is one thing that is impossible to graft: balls!”

In order to remake far-right nationalism into a European movement, severe omissions are necessary and a cultural makeover is in order. Other speeches were interspersed with Institute students presenting their current projects, as well as videos glorifying the achievements and beauty of European culture. One Institute graduate introduced a program cataloging Europe’s sacred sites. A few among the thousand-plus guests donned traditional folk costumes. A young woman brought members of the audience to tears during a performance of a medieval chant. The crowd hummed alongside her and burst into applause at the song’s finale.

By training the young generation to create an artistic and cultural vision of what Europe is, the Institute used emotional and fantasized appeals to a homogenous and glorious Europe of old, while mostly keeping quiet about the conflicts that tore apart the continent. In this reinvented narrative of a culturally coherent and ethnically cohesive Europe, one thing remained unspoken but seemed to underlie the idea of what, to audience members, truly made European identity: whiteness.

Behind the costumes, however, the bigotry was not always far from view. The conference’s introductory video interspersed images about the greatness of Europe with images of a transgender singer and crowds of African immigrants. In his closing speech, Le Gallou called immigrants “invaders,” and declared that “not all cultures are equal.” To explain how the left had redefined the bounds of the “politically correct” in recent years, François Bousquet — the editor in chief of Elements, the New Right magazine started by Alain de Benoist — imagined how society could conceivably shift towards tolerance of cannibalism, until being critical of cannibals became socially unacceptable. Much to the crowd’s delight, Bousquet thus drew a parallel between anti-racists and LGBT rights activists and imagined defenders of cannibalism.

The Visegrád group

Also celebrated at the conference was the current great hope of the European far-right. The Visegrád group, also known as the V4, is a group of four countries in Central Europe — Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Symbolically led by Viktor Orbán, the Hungary strongman, the V4 is at the forefront of resistance to the European Union’s standards on refugee resettlement while more generally shifting to the far-right. Ferenc Almássy, from the far-right Visegrád Postpublication, delivered a well-received speech in the afternoon on the lessons one could draw from the coalition.

Almássy cheered Orbán’s resistance to “illegal immigration, Brussels and now George Soros” and his willingness to discuss the so-called “great replacement.”


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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Wed Apr 18, 2018 9:34 pm

I personally believe that the CIA/DIA and allied organizations pumped up this shit- in the 60's and 70's especially- because the people and ideas concerned were useful to them:


Julius Evola

Julius Evola was born to an aristocratic family of Sicilian origins in Rome in 1898, and in his teens had been interested in Italy’s literary avant-garde movement and in Filippo Tommaso Marinetti’s Futurist movement in art. Evola participated in the First World War in his late teens before embarking on a quest for self-transcendence to break with bourgeois values, symptomatic of the “lost generation” which had experienced the First World War and could not adjust to settled civilian life.

After the war he dismissed Futurism as loud and showy and he instead became a member of the Dada artistic movement and gave readings of avant-garde poetry before giving up on painting due to the commercialization of avant-garde. He became influenced by German idealist philosophers such as Schopenhauer and Hegel and by Nietzsche and the Conservative Revolutionaries, and he indulged himself in “transrational” philosophy and published a number of works of “philosophical idealism”, according to which an “absolute individual” who had “achieved complete control over himself through wisdom” could easily eliminate the limits of the “real world”. Evola subsequently immersed himself in the study of magic, the occult, alchemy and Eastern religions, and especially the Indian esoteric tradition of Tantrism, which complemented Western idealism in his quest for self-transcendence, and Evola perceived its secrecy and “elitism” as negating Western rationalism and democracy, in accordance to his anti-democratic and anti-modernist political thought rooted in his readings of Plato, Nietzsche and Oswald Spengler, whose The Decline of the West Evola later translated into Italian.

Having immersed himself in the study of Western esoteric tradition in the 1920s, he met a Roman occultist named Arturo Reghini through Masonic and Theosophical circles. Reghini, who was devoted to renewing classical tradition in a fiercely pagan and anti-Christian spirit, was himself immersed in magic, alchemy and theurgy, and he edited two journals, Atanòr and Ignis, which covered initiate studies such as Pythagoreanism, yoga, Kabbalah and Egyptian Freemasonry. Reghini strongly influenced Evola in the years from 1924 to 1930, introducing him to traditional texts of alchemy, whose symbolism they regarded as universal key to the macrocosm of the universe and microcosm of man, and many articles and reviews by Evola were published in Reghini’s journal. Reghini and Evola considered the Roman patrician world and the imperial constitution to be the closest approximation to their ideal state and considered its strict hierarchy to represent a “higher, transcendental, absolute order”, which they believed the universalism of Christianity had allagedly negated and dissolved, supposedly presaging the “disorder of the modern world”.

A circle formed around Evola and Reghini, and in 1927 Evola founded the Group of Ur, an association of Italian intellectuals dedicated to studying the “esoteric and initiate disciplines with seriousness and rigor”. The Group of Ur published a monthly journal named Ur (renamed Krur in 1929) from 1927 to 1929, and Evola’s three-year affiliation with this group earned him a lifelong reputation of a theosophist crackpot, though Evola himself rejected theosophy as a “degenerate caricature of ancient wisdom”. Reghini, in a 1924 article in Atanòr, wrote that he had fifteen years earlier predicted the rise of a regime based on the ancient world and he had welcomed the rise of Fascism, and the Group of Ur performed rituals to inspire the fascist regime with the spirit of the Roman Empire.

Through Reghini, Evola came under the influence of René Guénon, a French orientalist and traditionalist who invoked the notion of a primordial Tradition which supposedly reflected itself in the “authentic religious traditions” of the East and West. Guénon was an occultist who was interested in Theosophy and Freemasonry and more especially in the Hindu philosophy of Advaita Vedanta, which was then becoming popular in the West through Vivekananda. Guénon believed that Hindu Vedanta represented a “primordial Tradition” whose transcendent truths were also preserved in Islam and medieval Catholicism, and that the modern West had supposedly lost all connection with this tradition. According to Guénon’s book written in 1927, The Crisis of the Modern World, the West had “succumbed to a spiritual decline”, embraced materialization, and become focused on a “humanistic” concern of man’s importance and consciousness which allegedly replaced all transcendence with individualism. For Guénon, this was the fulfillment of the Hindu Puranic divisions of time, the four yugas, each successively shorter than the previous one and corresponding to the Golden, Silver, Bronze and Iron Ages of Classical Greek tradition, with the present age supposedly being the “Dark Age” or Kali Yuga. Evola was subsequently inspired by Guénon into organizing his thoughts around the central concept of the critique of modernity.

Beginning in 1925, Evola started writing political journalism with the goal of transforming fascism to fit his own ideas of spiritual aristocracy and monarchy by attacking the fascist regime for its proximity to the Church, its functionaries’ careerism and its dependence on the bourgeoisie and the masses. These attacks resulted in the publication in 1928 of his book Pagan Imperialism, in which he celebrated ancient Rome and condemned the Church and the universalism of both American democracy and Soviet Communism, and that same year he declared that the identification of Italian tradition with the Christian and Catholic Church was “the most absurd of all errors”. Mussolini was impressed and wrote an article in response to Reghini’s requests for the fascist regime to initiate an era of “pagan imperialism”. The regime’s goal of a Concordat with the Catholic Church and the Lateran Treaty of 1929 however destroyed the Group of Ur’s hopes of influencing the new order and Evola declared fascism a “laughable revolution”.

In 1930, Evola founded a review named Torre to advocate for an elitist conservatism in opposition to what he denounced as the demagogic tendencies of official fascism. Fanatical anti-Semite Giovanni Preziosi admired Torre and introduced Evola to Roberto Farinacci, the local fascist chief in Cremona as well as one of the most prominent anti-Semites in Mussolini’s regime, and who later became one of the main pro-Nazi figures in fascist Italy. While Farinacci and the more radical fascists supported Evola’s calls for a “more radical, more intrepid, truly absolute fascism”, Mussolini instead did not tolerate this opposition, suppressed Torre and subjected its staff to a character assassination campaign, and Evola had to maintain a group of bodyguards, and Torre had died out by June 1930.

In 1934, Evola wrote The Revolt Against the Modern World, heavily influenced by René Guénon. Like Guénon, Evola believed in the Hindu cycle of ages and equated the modern world to the Kali Yuga, or “Dark Age”, and according to The Revolt Against the Modern World the West had experienced “a decline” from “higher spiritual values” to materialism, the rise of which Evola held responsible for liberalism, democracy, egalitarianism and democracy, all of which he considered evil, and he labeled Communism and capitalism as “twin evils” resulting from the replacement of the spiritual by the material. He condemned this “modern decadence” on the Renaissance, Humanism the Reformation and especially the French Revolution and considered this “decadence” to have started with the formation of the medieval Communes in Italy, which he saw as the “pioneers” of the “profane and anti-traditional idea of society based on economic and mercantile factors”. He instead applauded the poet Dante’s condemnation of the revolt of the cities of northern Italy, considered the Ghibelline dynasty of the Hohenstaufen emperors (which ruled from 1152 to 1272) as the “Germanic champion” of “sacred regality” in a revived Holy Roman Empire and praised Emperor Frederick I as having affirmed “the supranational and sacred principle” of empire against the “anarchy of the Communes”. Evola considered the rise of the Communes to be a preview of the French Revolution and blamed their revolt against the Holy Roman Empire for having destroyed the “organic unity” of Italy by starting a long period of instability and civil wars while Spain, England and France were emerging from the Middle Ages under strong national monarchies. In contrast, he appealed to the ancient pagan societies of Rome and Sparta and their patriarchal warrior culture, condemned the ancient Greek and Roman intellectuals for “causing the decline of traditional values” through their questioning, and claimed that a supposed need for a “spiritual virility” consisting of hierarchy, caste, monarchy, race, myth, religion and ritual constituted a “fundamental truth” of men and society. In Evola’s worldview, the world of tradition had been the victim of the process of modernization of Europe spearheaded by Italy, and the loss of this “spiritual virility” supposedly meant Man’s retreat from cosmos to chaos, the inability to create order and the disintegration of Europe.

Around the time of the publication of The Revolt Against the Modern World, Evola soon revived the idea of Torre in Farinacci’s own fascist publication, Regime Fascista. Evola edited a page in Regime Fascista where prominent right-wing intellectuals contributed discussions on fascist “philosophy”, and René Guénon allowed the publication of excerpts and translations of his works in Regime Fascista. Evola himself called on the fascist regime to adopt a more aggressive and imperialist foreign policy on this page, and on the eve of Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia in 1935, he advised Mussolini to transform Italy into a “warrior nation” that would “appreciate and admire” the “sacred valor of war”. Evola became Farinacci’s candidate to succeed Giovanni Gentile as the philosopher of true fascism, though this succession never happened. Evola’s relationship with Regime Fascista however continued until the collapse of the Fascist regime in 1943.

Evola had however always refused to join the Fascist Party even though he had up to a point seen fascism as a “cure” for the supposed “ailments” he believed had allegedly been “caused by American capitalism and Soviet Communism”, and his relationship with Italian fascism was complicated. For him, the “greatest merit” of fascism was “to have revitalized in Italy the idea of a State” and he approved of the fascist motto of “Everything within the State, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state”, in accordance to his belief that “Man must belong to a traditional, organic and hierarchical order”. Evola saw Mussolini as working towards this direction through his replacement of parliamentary democracy by fascist corporatism and by imposing a culture of discipline against the “bourgeois spirit” (Evola considered the “glory” of fascism to be its war on the behalf of “Roman ideals” against the “bourgeois race”). He however disapproved of the fascist regime’s bureaucratic centralism and its alliance with the Catholic Church, of the fascist party’s sidelining of the aristocracy and the monarchy and Mussolini becoming a rival of the king instead of his loyal counselor and forming a traditional state, and thought the Fascist Party should have been merged into the state after Mussolini seizure of power instead of existing as a parallel state.

Evola found Italian fascism to be too compromising and from the mid-30s onward he spent time in Germany, where he felt “in his natural element” and where his books were successful among right-wing German intellectuals. In his view, fascism had “attained its most sublime form” in Germany because right-wing thinkers such as leading Conservative Revolutionaries had been taken seriously by the Nazis. Evola himself became popular in those circles after he started lecturing at the University of Berlin and the city’s Herrenklub from 1934, with his articles being published in German right-wing and conservative periodicals from 1928 to 1943, and he sought to create an elite organization similar to the Herrenklub in Rome. Evola admired Hitler far more than Mussolini, and he admired the Nazi SS, considered them to be a vehicle of the state, hierarchy, “racial heritage” and a revival of ancient pagan warrior elites and he compared them more favorably to the Moschettieri di Mussolini, though the SS rejected Evola’s ideas as supranational, aristocratic and reactionary. What he liked most about Nazi Germany was the regime’s “attempt to create a kind of new political-military Order with precise qualifications of race”, though he disliked Nazi populism, plebeian culture and nationalism as manifestations of modernity, and considered the Führer principle by which Hitler derived his legitimacy from the Völk as ignoring transcendent reality

Evola was a racist, though he rejected the biological racism of the Nazis, which he saw as “based on reductionist and materialist science”, and he instead adhered to a spiritual conception of racism where he considered race as not solely biological, but subject to spirit and tradition, with his conception of “race” being divided into body, mind (religion and adherence to tradition) and soul (character and emotions), and he asserted that races only declined when their spirit failed. Evola’s interpretation of the word “Aryan” was similarly metaphysical and in his book on Buddhism he translated arya to mean “aristocratic” or “high caste” and “illuminated” as well as related to the populations who migrated into northern India at the end of the Bronze Age, and whom now discredited white supremacist theories then claimed were “light-skinned Nordic invaders”. Evola was a virulent anti-Semite, and he quoted the notorious anti-Semitic forgery, The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, to accuse the “Jewish press and finance” of spreading the “liberal virus” which would supposedly destroy all remnants of monarchy and aristocracy, and he published his own preface and an essay in the Italian translation of the Protocols. When his friend, Romanian fascist and Iron Guard founder and leader Corneliu Codreanu, was murdered in 1938, Evola responded with the vilest anti-Semitic tirades.

In his book written in 1941, The Synthesis of the Doctrine of Race, Evola expressed his anti-Semitism by accusing Jewish culture of possessing a “corrosive irony” which according to him had allegedly “affected Europe” and by blaming Jewish intellectuals for “demolishing the foundations of Europe’s traditional culture”. Evola however saw the Nazi musings on race as polemicism and expediency and he considered their conspiratorial view of history as a “demagogic aberration”: he instead believed that racism could have “positive results” if interpreted in Nietzschean terms of spirit instead of biological terms of blood. Likewise, his anti-Semitism instead was metaphysical and he saw Jewish people as a “symbol for the rule of money, individualism and economic materialism in the modern world”. Evola denigrated Judaism as having “degenerated into a secular ethic of professional advancement and mammonism”, and he accused Jews of supposedly “poisoning, debasing and soiling all that is high and noble”. Instead of the Nazis’ anti-Semitic conspiracy theories which accused Jews of being the source of the “decadence” of the modern world, Evola’s own anti-Semitism consisted of him accusing Jewish people of supposedly “taking advantage” of humanism, the Reformation and the rise of rationalism to allegedly “rise to lofty heights of power and influence in the modern world” and “subvert ‘Aryan’ spirituality” and “create the secularized scientistic and mechanistic world of modernity”: he described banking and rational calculation in early Europe as “fatal Jewish influence” and claimed that the presence of individuals who happened to be Jewish in both the Russian Revolution and American banking and industry was “evidence” of “erosive influence”. Evola’s anti-Semitism also took the form of him citing the Jewish backgrounds of Sigmund Freud (the founder of psychoanalysis), Albert Einstein (the developer of the Theory of Relativity), Karl Marx (the theoretician of Historical Materialism), and Émile Durkheim (the architect of social science) to accuse Jews of allegedly being “at the forefront of modernistic ideas” and of supposedly “denigrating lofty ideas by ascribing every human motive to economic and sexual motives”.

Another manifestation of Evola’s racism was that the asserted that in Italy “Nordic elements” coexisted in perpetual anarchy with “African” and “Mediterranean” elements, and he claimed that this was an “absence of psychic equilibrium” which supposedly “explained” the “complex, creative and infuriating history of the Italian people”, and Evola’s writings provided a theory of “Nordic Romanità” to Mussolini, who since 1921 had been trying to create a “new type breed of man in Italy” by “introducing a higher civic consciousness” among Italians. Evola believed in the existence of “inferior peoples” and he advocated for the imposition of social Darwinism on all areas which later came to be known as the Third World by claiming that some “races” supposedly possessed an alleged “dominant character” and that some others were allegedly “intended by nature to be slaves”, and his remarks about the Ethiopians, who were later terrorized and colonized by Fascist Italy, showed how his views concurred with Mussolini’s fascist imperialism. Evola supported the fascist regime’s attempt to create “a race imbued with a traditional and anti-materialistic conception of human nature”, though he was disappointed by how the fascist regime did not realize this goal and he complained that Mussolini failed in his plan to “improve the race”.

From as early as 1935, Mussolini had already admired Evola’s articles on race and his Fascist regime officially adopted Evola’s ideas when Italy enacted its own racial laws in 1938, and Mussolini was impressed by The Synthesis of the Doctrine of Race, with a subsequent printing carrying the title The Synthesis of the Fascist Doctrine of Race; when Mussolini finally met Evola in September 1941, he promised to support Evola’s German-Italian journal, Blood and Spirit, though by then the Italian fascist regime was already losing the Second World War and Blood and Spirit never appeared. Until 1941 Evola had been hoping that the process of “fascistization” would “correct the manifold defects” of the Italian people though, after the Fascist Grand Council overthrew and arrested Mussolini in 1943 and the outbreak of the Italian Civil War opposing the Communist Italian Resistance to the fascists, he declared that “a damaged and inconsistent human component” had been hidden under the facade of fascism and that “it was not fascism that acted negatively on the Italian people” but that it was the Italian “race” which had “acted negatively on fascism”, and he lamented that the Italians had not fought “until the end without a lament and without a rebellion” unlike the Germans who “fought on” because of their supposed “love of discipline”.

Evola was in Berlin when Italy officially surrendered to the Allies in September 1943, and he was among the first to meet Mussolini in Hitler’s lair after the Waffen-SS officer Otto Skorzeny had freed him from imprisonment. He subsequently participated in the creation of the fascist Republic of Salò, and in September 1943 he returned to Rome with Farinacci and started organizing a far-right group called Movimento per la Rinascita dell’Italia. Evola however disapproved of the pseudo-egalitarianism of Mussolini’s new government and of the Congress of Verona, held in November of that year, where the Italian fascist movement was reconstituted. When Rome was liberated by the Allies in June 1944, Julius Evola fled to Vienna where he sought to assist the Nazis by working with fascist leaders all over Central Europe and acting as liaison for the SS as Nazi Germany tried forming a “European army” against the United States and the Soviet Union. He was injured during an aerial bombardment of Vienna, his wounds forcing him to remain in Austria until the war was over and paralyzing him from the waist down and forcing him to remain in a wheelchair for the rest of his life.

Following the war, Evola returned to Italy, though he regarded its liberation by the Allies as an “unmitigated disaster” which would lead Italy to embrace liberalism. He was however popular among young Italian neo-fascists, largely because his reputation had not been ruined by the war. Though Evola rejected participation in party politics, rejecting even the Movimento Sociale Italiano (MSI) formed by veterans of the Republic of Salò he had once helped create, he was however influential among the Italian neo-fascist Right, especially among the more radical sections of the MSI which formed an evoliani faction within the MSI led by Pino Rauti, himself a disciple of Evola. In the 40s, Evola guided this faction towards more reactionary positions through his writings in La Rivolta Ideale, the journal of the MSI, and later through his pamphlet titled Orientamenti (Orientations), written in 1950. Giuliano Salierni, a young MSI activist in the 40s and early 50s, later recalled how he and other young MSI members visited Evola to listen to his accounts of working with the Nazis and his calls for violence against Communists.

In Orientamenti, Evola described Europe as “afflicted” by the same condition as Italy’s for centuries whereby it had become weakened and “dominated by stronger outside powers”: for him, the French and Spanish invasions of Italy of the 15th and 16th centuries had caused a “moral devastation” in Italy and left it disoriented, and he claimed that its 20th century analogue was the domination of Europe by the US and the USSR. In Orientamenti, Evola called for the “European man” to “rise again” by embracing an “aristocratic conception of life” to renew himself spiritually, and for his “brothers in the new battle array” to see capitalism and Bolshevism as “degrees of the same illness” and the US and the USSR as “two branches of the same evil”. In Orientamenti, Evola stressed the “warrior ethic” and “legionary spirit” and outlined how ideals, elites and order could be maintained with the MSI, the police and the army taking over the state. He however warned his followers against subversion, on grounds that it would not work and would condemn the “aristocratic revolution” to failure, and instead advised them to “prepare silently the spiritual ambience” form when a new form of authority would form and to “advance with pure force when the moment strikes”.

In 1951 Evola and twenty neo-fascists were arrested and tried for attempting to revive the Fascist Party, which is illegal in Italy’s post-war constitution. Evola was also accused of being the inspirer of the Fasci of Revolutionary Action, a violent shadow organization of the MSI which carried out the far-right’s strategy of tension through indiscriminate bombings and aggression against Communists. Evola defended himself by claiming that he could not be held responsible for how his books were interpreted and the case against him came to nothing since he had never been an official member of the Facist Party or of neo-fascist organizations, and he continued agitating for far-right causes and remained the guru of the neo-fascist Right in Italy until his death in 1974.

While remaining an independent intellectual, Evola was still influential among Italian neo-fascists whose members described themselves as the “generation of 1945”, hailed Evola as a “celestial warrior” and were opposed to both American capitalism and Soviet Communism. In 1956, he wrote Men Among the Ruins for this new generation of neo-fascists, with an introduction by Junio Valerio Borghese, a veteran of Mussolini’s fascist regime and one of the most influential figures of Italy’s post-war neo-fascist Right. In Men Among the Ruins, he argued that the task of the Right in the post-war years was a counter-revolution, or, more accurately, a “conservative revolution”, which consisted, politically, of outmaneuvering the Christian Democratic Party (DC) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI), who for him respectively represented American capitalism and Soviet Communism, and, ideologically (and by borrowing from Marxist Antonio Gramci’s ideas on cultural hegemony and counter-hegemony), of forming a counter-hegemony against the DC and the PCI (which he considered the hegemonic forces in Italy) which would be led by a minority elite of reactionary “supermen” adhering to an anti-bourgeois, warrior view of life. However he held that mainstream Italian conservatives had “played into the hands of the Left” by attaching themselves to the capitalist order and that his revolution should not be based on bourgeois sociopolitical structures, but on the the state and “values and interests of a superior character” which transcend the economy.

However, with post-war capitalist growth and consumerism sweeping away the remnants of tradition, hierarchy and order, Evola had given up on these means and his 1961 book, Riding the Tiger, was more pessimistic. For him, feminism and women’s liberation, the progress of modernity and liberty, and the spread of drugs, sex and alcohol meant that the world had “entered the final period of Kali Yuga” and nothing of it was worth salvaging, and his solution for this was for the West to retrace its steps and turn to spirituality through an anti-modern and traditional philosophy. Evola’s recommendations to his disciples was to withdraw from the politics of nation-states: he identified with aristocrats like Bismarck and, like Bismarck who considered nationalism to be a dangerous modern development, he was distrustful of nationalism, which in the aftermath of the French Revolution had been used by the then Left to defeat the aristocratic order and was still a revolutionary force in the form of Third World anti-colonial struggles in the 60s. Instead, he thought that a “new European order” would arise from the remains of the Second World War: he called for a cooperation between the the European reactionary elites against American and Soviet occupation of Europe modeled on the international volunteers who had joined the Waffen-SS, who for him were reminiscent of the Order of Teutonic Knights, and he was encouraged by the emergence all across post-war Europe of neo-fascist organizations, whom he encouraged into a total way against the Left and the Center in a “revolutionary struggle” to restore Tradition.

Evola’s influence among Italian neo-fascists in the 60s was even stronger than it had been in the 50s. Evola became the figurehead of counter-revolution among the generation of 1968 and Giorgio Almirante, the leader of the MSI, called Evola “our Marcuse – only better”, in reference to the status of the Frankfurt School philosopher Herbert Marcuse as figurehead of the 1968 student movements and of the New Left. In the late 60s, many of Evola’s books were reissued and prominent neo-fascist leaders in the early 70s called him the “intellectual hero” of the militant neo-fascist movement in Italy and considered Riding the Tiger as its “breviary”. Evola was against accommodation with the liberal order, instead advocating for violence (Evola was fascinated by and agreed with Georges Sorel’s theories of violence), organizing the right-wing into a fighting force, calling on his followers to become “spiritual warriors” who would overthrow the liberal order through a “holy war” to establish a “metaphysical Regnum” and a “solar civilization” and declaring that, “It is not a question of contesting and polemicizing, but of blowing up everything”. The strategy of tension of neo-fascists in Italy escalated around this time, starting with the Piazza Fontana bombing in Milan in 1969, which was one of the early episodes which marked the beginning of two decades of turmoil in Italy known as the Years of Lead, with numerous violent neo-fascists throughout this period using Evola’s works as inspiration. Evola, who had advocated a radical doctrine of anti-egalitarianism, anti-democracy, anti-liberalism and anti-Semitism, was the prime thinker of the Italian extra-parliamentary neo-fascist Right throughout the thirty years prior to his death in 1974.


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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Wed Apr 25, 2018 6:53 am

The alt-right is drunk on bad readings of Nietzsche. The Nazis were too.

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When Nietzsche famously declared that “God is dead,” he meant that science and reason had progressed to the point where we could no longer justify belief in God, and that meant that we could no longer justify the values rooted in that belief. So his point was that we had to reckon with a world in which there is no foundation for our highest values.

The alt-right skipped this part of Nietzsche’s philosophy. They’re tickled by the “death of God” thesis but ignore the implications.

“Nietzsche's argument was that you had to move forward, not fall back onto ethnocentrism,” Hugo Drochon, author of Nietzsche’s Great Politics, told me. “So in many ways Spencer is stuck in the 'Shadows of God' — claiming Christianity is over but trying to find something that will replace it so that we can go on living as if it still existed, rather than trying something new.”


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A man makes a slashing motion across his throat toward counterprotesters as he marches with other white nationalists, neo-Nazis, and members of the alt-right during the “Unite the Right” rally August 12, 2017, in Charlottesville, Virginia. Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

The irony of racist Nietzscheans

The alt-right renounces Christianity but insists on defending Christendom against nonwhites. But that’s not Nietzsche; that’s just racism. And the half-baked defense of “Christendom” is an attempt to paper over that fact.

Nietzsche was interested in ideas, in freedom of thought. To the extent that he knocked down the taboos of his day, it was to free up the creative powers of the individual. He feared the death of God would result in an era of mass politics in which people sought new “isms” that would give them a group identity.

“The time is coming when the struggle for dominion over the earth will be carried on in the name of fundamental philosophical doctrines,” he wrote. By doctrines, he meant political ideologies like communism or socialism. But he was equally contemptuous of nationalism, which he considered petty and provincial.

Listening to Spencer talk about Nietzsche (and, regrettably, I listened to his Nietzsche podcast) is like hearing someone who never got past the introduction of any of his favorite books. It’s the kind of dilettantism you hear in first-year critical theory seminars. He uses words like “radical traditionalist” and “archeofuturist,” neither of which means anything to anyone.

Like so many superficial readers of Nietzsche, Spencer is excited by the radicalism but doesn’t take it seriously. Spencer’s rejection of conventional conservatism clearly has roots in Nietzsche’s ideas, but Spencer’s fantasy of a white ethnostate is exactly what Nietzsche was condemning in the Germany of his time.

“Nietzsche's way forward was not more [racial] purity but instead more mixing,” Drochon told me. “His ideal was to bring together the European Jew and the Prussian military officer. Spencer, I take it, only wants the latter.” Nietzsche, for better or worse, longed for a new kind of European citizen, one free of group attachments, be they racial or ideological or nationalistic.

Racists find affirmation in Nietzsche’s preference for “Aryan humanity,” a phrase he uses in several books, but that term doesn’t mean what racists think it means. “Aryan humanity” is always contrasted with Christian morality in Nietzsche’s works; it’s a reference to pre-Christian Paganism. Second, in Nietzsche’s time, “Aryan” was not a racially pure concept; it also included Indo-Iranian peoples.

People often say that the Nazis loved Nietzsche, which is true. What’s less known is that Nietzsche’s sister, who was in charge of his estate after he died, was a Nazi sympathizer who shamefully rearranged his remaining notes to produce a final book, The Will to Power, that embraced Nazi ideology. It won her the favor of Hitler, but it was a terrible disservice to her brother’s legacy.

Nietzsche regularly denounced anti-Semitism and even had a falling-out with his friend Richard Wagner, the proto-fascist composer, on account of Wagner’s rabid anti-Semitism. Nietzsche also condemned the “blood and soil” politics of Otto von Bismarck, the Prussian statesman who unified Germany in 1871, for cementing his power by stoking nationalist resentments and appealing to racial purity.

So there’s no way to square Nietzsche’s philosophy with the racial politics of the alt-right, just as it wasn’t fair to charge Nietzsche with inspiring Nazism. But both of these movements found just enough ambiguity in his thought to justify their hate.

THE ALT-RIGHT RENOUNCES CHRISTIANITY BUT INSISTS ON DEFENDING CHRISTENDOM AGAINST NONWHITES. BUT THAT’S NOT NIETZSCHE; THAT’S JUST RACISM.


Nietzsche as a mirror

Nietzsche liked to say that he “philosophized with a hammer.” For someone on the margins, stewing in their own hate or alienation or boredom, his books are a blast of dynamite. All that disillusionment suddenly seems profound, like you just stumbled upon a secret that justifies your condition.

He tells you that the world is wrong, that society is upside down, that all our sacred cows are waiting to be slaughtered. So if you’re living in a multiethnic society, you trash pluralism. If you’re embedded in a liberal democracy, you trumpet fascism. In short, you become politically incorrect — and fancy yourself a rebel for it.

Nietzsche was a lot of things — iconoclast, recluse, misanthrope — but he wasn’t a racist or a fascist. He would have shunned the white identity politics of the Nazis and the alt-right. That he’s been hijacked by racists and fascists is partly his fault, though. His writings are riddled with contradictions and puzzles. And his fixation on the future of humankind is easily confused with a kind of social Darwinism.

But in the end, people find in Nietzsche’s work what they went into it already believing. Which is why the alt-right, animated as they are by rage and discontent, find in Nietzsche a mirror of their own resentments. If you’re seeking a reason to reject a world you don’t like, you can find it anywhere, especially in Nietzsche.


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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Wed Apr 25, 2018 8:34 pm

Hindu Mysticism and the Alt-Right

By David Lawerence

The alt-right- which attracts rascist cranks from a variety of far-right philosophies- has revived a number of esoteric thinkers and fascist gurus of the 20th century

A glance at the comments section of any alt-right website will confront the viewer with crude racism towards people of non-white ethnicities, not least people of Indian origin, who are variously degraded as “Pajeets”, “street-sh*tters”, or stereotyped as sexual harassers. Of course, this is unsurprising from a movement steeped in white supremacy.

However, the alt-right – which attracts racist cranks from a variety of far-right philosophies – has, in its search for pseudo-academic and mystical underpinnings, revived a number of esoteric thinkers and fascist gurus of the 20th century, the ideas of whom have gained an unprecedented reach through alt-right publishing houses and websites.

Through these thinkers the broad alt-right has appropriated elements of Hindu philosophy and developed a lore that shares certain ideological commonalities with Hindu nationalism (Hindutva) today. The movement commonly invokes, often semi-ironically, an almost-New Age mythos that stretches from the semi-divine origins of “Aryans” to the end of the world itself. Such sweeping narratives elevate the gutter prejudice of the alt-right to a belief in a sacred mission to preserve ancient, superior bloodlines, and casts the movement’s followers as warriors, engaged in a transcendent spiritual battle.

Alt-right ideologue Greg Johnson, editor-in-chief of Counter-Currents Publishing – one of the two major publishing houses of the alt-right – wrote in a review of Farnahm O’Reilly’s “racial nationalist fantasy” Hyperborean Home that “Facts are not enough” to inspire a white nationalist movement.

“We need a myth, meaning a concrete vision, a story of who we are and who we wish to become. Since myths are stories, they can be understood and appreciated by virtually anyone. And myths, unlike science and policy studies, resonate deeply in the soul and reach the wellsprings of action. Myths can inspire collective action to change the world.”


The Aryan Homeland

The opening paragraph of Richard Spencer’s “meta-political manifesto for the Alt-Right” – released by his AltRight Corporation the day before the disastrous Charlottesville rally – reads:

“Race is real. Race matters. Race is the foundation of identity. “White” is shorthand for a worldwide constellation of peoples, each of which is derived from the Indo-European race, often called Aryan. “European” refers to a core stock […] from which related cultures and a shared civilisation sprang.”


The central motivating issue for the alt-right is the preservation of a white “Aryan” race, held to share common ancestry with ancient northern Indians. Indeed, the phrase “Indo-European” is repeated so frequently by the movement’s intellectuals that it has become its own meme.

According to Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke’s impressive work Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism and the Politics of Identity, the Aryan mythology of the far right originated with Enlightenment philologists. Drawing on apparent similarities between northern European and Indian languages, Friedrich Schlegel (1772 – 1829) posited that an ancient superior race originating in northern India – the Aryans – had swept across the West, founding the world’s great civilisations. The narrative of an Indian-originating super race provided a non-Biblical (and therefore non-“Semitic”) origin story for Europeans, and subsequent antisemites held the heroic Indo-European Aryans in a dualism with their supposed counter-image, the lowly Jews.

Myths around a prehistoric Aryan homeland were developed by Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856 – 1920), known as the “father of Indian unrest” for his militant Indian nationalism. Tilak believed the Hindu holy texts – the Vedas – had been authored by the descendants of ancient Aryans. Tilak claimed that his studies of the Vedas suggested that some 10,000 years ago the Aryans had existed in a spiritually superior civilisation in the Arctic, which was lost in an exodus to the south with the onset of the Ice Age. For Tilak, the “vitality and superiority” of the Aryans, as proved by “their conquest, by extermination or assimilation, of the non-Aryan races with whom they came into contact”, could only be explained by the “high degree of civilisation in their original Arctic home.”

Tilak’s Arctic Aryan homeland theory was adopted by far-right Western thinkers, including the Italian fascist mystic Julius Evola (1898-1974), who referred to this mythic Indo-European homeland as “Hyperborea”. Evola believed the Aryans were sapped of their godlike powers as they travelled south, becoming further estranged from Hyperborean traditions of the Arctic north. We shall return to Evola later in this article.

Amongst Evola’s admirers is Aleksandr Dugin, a Russian fascist philosopher credited with being an influential ideologue within the Kremlin, who has further deepened this mythology. Dugin holds that Hyperboreans had access to divine knowledge and were engaged in a war with their supposed ancient enemies of the earthly civilisation of Atlantis. This war has parallels today in the struggle between the Atlantean North America and Hyperborean cultures such as Russia, Iran and India, who have maintained their spiritual traditions (although the original Hyperboreans have lost their power through interbreeding with dark-skinned southern peoples).

The first English language translation of Dugin’s work was published in 2012 by Arktos Media, the premier publisher of the European New Right (ENR) and alt-right, to which Dugin has ties. Arktos was founded in 2009 by Swede Daniel Friberg and American John Morgan, and was based in Goa, India, for the first three years of its existence.


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CEO of Artkos Media Daniel Friberg (left) and Aleksandr Dugin (right) in New Delhi, India, 2012


Continues at: https://hopenothate.com/2018/03/23/hind ... alt-right/
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