Drawing Lines Against Racism and Fascism

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Re: Drawing Lines Against Racism and Fascism

Postby liminalOyster » Fri Dec 21, 2018 10:50 am

FROM POETRY MAGAZINE
A Response
BY TOBY MARTINEZ DE LAS RIVAS
Toby Martinez de las Rivas

Note: The following is in response to reader feedback on Toby Martinez de las Rivas’s poem “Titan / All Is Still” in the November 2018 issue.

It’s difficult to know how to respond to the views, including accusations that I am a fascist, which have been aired following the publication of my work in the November issue of Poetry. I suspect that one thing that has happened is people have read the poems, looked up the author and found, at some point, a blog post by a critic whose work I have read before and whose readings and criticisms I have often disagreed with, though I admire his overarching aims. I am not going to use this space to rebut his article point by point. That has already been done by the critic Henry King in the most recent edition of PN Review.

What I would like to do in this space is address the key issues which I feel have contributed to this interpretation of my work, and give an in-depth reading of the poems and symbols used. As I see it, there are three issues to address. First is the work in the November 2018 issue of Poetry; second is the black sun symbol; and third is a poem which has been available online for around ten years and which I read at the Dnevi Poezije in Vina in 2010 called “Elegy for the Young Hitler.”

To summarize briefly the poems in Poetry: the first poem elegizes two dead people—my stepmother, and my friend John (also the subject of the first poem in Black Sun)—and broaches the subject of the loss of my children, as well as addressing a lover, Né. The image of the black sun rising “deep in the west of me” could be disturbing if one interprets the black sun as a fascist symbol. I shall address the symbolism later, including the image of the black sun over the repeated word “Judgment.”

The second poem is addressed to my daughter, who I often call “Mouse,” and was written during a legal battle between myself and her mother. “That other life that will be ours” is the life of the body after the resurrection—the body that is bound to the will of God, that no longer has freedom of conscience, cannot form romantic attachments, remember its great loves, beautify itself, take pride in its difference. This is a poem about my fear of losing contact with my daughter and being supplanted. Perhaps, if you have been through a divorce and custody battle, you will recognize it. God (“the dead lord in hís dead city”) is seen as tyrannical—there is a long passage condemning the exercise of hís power in the strongest possible terms. It is a poem of sorrow, regret, and anger at a ruthless and conquering authority. Theology is important to me, but I can assure you: it is a very ambivalent and conflicted theology.

The third poem, about the hounding by police and subsequent death of Mame Mbaye, a Senegalese immigrant in Madrid, further explores the application of earthly and divine authority, and shows ways in which earthly authority can, at the very least, be questioned should it prove unjust.

Perhaps the most difficult element for people to process, however, has been the image of the black sun which appeared throughout my second book, and which I continue to explore. The genesis of this image was utterly banal. Terror was divided into four distinct sections arranged in formal groupings. This constituted a problem: how do you divide them? With titles? Numerals? Diagrams? Each says something different about how readers should approach the text, so it is a significant question. My publishers forwarded to me, as one possible solution, a set of ornaments which were essentially flowery squiggles in a variety of designs. None were suitable for a book called Terror. In the end, I hit on a white circle, then—which I felt was more ominous—a black circle. An eclipse. A black sun. I was happy with the solution, and promptly forgot about it until a year or so later when I started on the first abortive attempts at what would become Black Sun, and which began, in a moment of frustration after thousands of wasted words, with one of the black circles from Terror scaled up. It instantly hit me as I looked at it. It was hypnotic. A hole in the paper. A black hole, which, I knew, would drag things into it: would drag everything into it—as it is doing—but also, I sensed, a door from which things might emerge. A boundary between the living and the dead, between the dreamed and the spoken, both attractive and frightening to me.

As is the way with symbols, however, it became more than that as the book progressed. In one poem, “Avenging & Bright,” it rises as a symbol of vengeance over London—not, as was suggested in the blog post, because London is multicultural, but because it exerts such a powerful economic and cultural traction over the rest of the UK. In other poems, it stood in for history at the bottom of a well, for time burning a ring through dry grass. In another, it was an eclipse rolling over the body of Christ—a brief obscuring between the crucifixion and the resurrection: a symbol of hope. I didn’t, in fact, come to learn of its existence as a symbol associated with Nazism until much more recently. The association seemed to me—and still seems to me—highly tenuous, and amounts to one symbol at Wewelsburg castle which seems to have held no particular significance to the Nazis; in fact, it was not called a “black sun” until 1991, according to Wikipedia. This isn’t ideal, but I trusted the critical engagement of my readership and proceeded. No allusion to the Wewelsburg symbol was at any time intended.

By the end of the book, the symbol had begun to mature and assume its final form—the form in which it appears in the November issue, and here is another problem with reading cultures: the context in which you are working. Say “black sun” to some people now, some infer Nazism. Say it in a theological context, as was my intention, and you may have a very different response. Three gospels—Matthew, Mark, and John—all mention the sun going dark at the crucifixion. I connect this intimately with the point at which Christ cries out “Eli, Eli, lama sabacthani,” and receives no response: nothing but a veiled sun, a black hole. For a visual representation, I urge readers to visit Jean Cocteau’s murals of the crucifixion at the Church of Notre Dame de Paris in Leicester Place, London. Here is Matthew 27: 45-46 in the Wycliffe version which I have begun to use as an alternative to the political problems inherent in using the King James Version:

But fro the sixte our derknessis weren maad on al the erthe, to the nynthe our.
And about the nynthe our Jhesus criede with a greet vois, and seide, Heli, Heli, lamazabatany, that is, My God, my God, whi hast thou forsake me?

Here is Luke 23: 44-45:

And it was almeste the sixte our, and derknessis weren maad in al the erthe in to the nynthe our.
And the sun was maad derk...

I was (and am) reading the theologians Jürgen Moltmann, Dorothee Sölle, and Dietrich Bonhoeffer who all emphasize the powerlessness and silence of God in response to the spiritual and physical crisis of death. From there it was a small step to seeing the black sun rising over all humanity—that we must all go through this same process of crying out to God, and we must all receive the same answer: silence. Hé cannot come. This is the black sun that is not uniquely mine, but ours—it belongs to all of us. This is the black sun rising over the repeated word “Judgment” in the November issue; because that is the Judgment, as human beings, that we are under. In the book, it is set very deliberately at the back after the final poem which looks up into an ambiguous space “where there is no night, and no dawn.” There is hope there, too—a desperate, small, gigantic hope—the resurrection. The crucifixion—death, loss, despair—I see as a matter of existential fact; the other is a matter of faith. I carry both aspects around with me now, wherever I go. The hole we must walk into and turne not ayen, to the derk lond, and hilid with the derknesse of deth ... where is schadewe of deeth, and noon ordre (Job 10: 22-23) is the hole we may finally walk out of. To what, I can’t say. But, if there is a way through the derk lond this, for me, is it.

Last, “Elegy for the Young Hitler.” For readers who haven’t encountered it yet, it can be found here. The poem was originally part of a series in my first book, Terror. It ultimately wasn’t included as I felt it was out of place with the rest of the poems in that series and I realized that the title was likely to prove provocative. Nonetheless, I trusted the reading culture around me to read the poem judiciously. The key, of course, is the adjective “young.” This is an elegy for the young Hitler, the Hitler who was a competent artist and whose biography was written by his friend August Kubizek. A man who, according to Kubizek, was capable of kindness, love, and generosity to his friends, and whose future—together with the fate of over fifty million people (including members of my own family)—hung in the balance at that point. I don’t recall the exact research and reading I did for this poem, but I do remember being struck that, among all the grandiose building projects planned by Hitler, I could find no reference to a “Reichgarten.” That surprised me, thinking back to the great despots of Europe, especially Louis XIV, who looked to express their power through the taming of nature. I realized that, to Hitler, a garden would have been an impossible thing—unruly, escaping control, overwhelming its own boundaries: “No Reichgarten: the garden inevitably democratic.” At the end of the poem, I connect the image of the living, unruly garden with the idea of the body, and how one’s attitude to one’s own body is fundamental to one’s attitude toward other bodies. So, as Kubizek noted Hitler’s revulsion at his own naked body, I posited the externalized image of this: a “sterile paved Lustgarten.” The Lustgarten (“Pleasure Garden”) was a park in central Berlin that was paved over in 1934 and used as a site for mass rallies by the Nazi party. In contrast, the body to me (“in my tongue”) remains the “garden of pleasure,” a thing of sensual immediacy demanding contact and tending. It is a sad, regretful poem; a portrait of a radicalized young man unable to recognize the promptings of pity within himself—an elegy for the man that might have been (though “the moments of possession” hint at some other agency at work). I think it important to explore the points at which people become less than human; the point at which the living body becomes a piece of concrete to be broken and discarded. For me, these are the very spaces where poetry has to operate: in the difficult and uncomfortable.

I am grateful for the opportunity to provide clarity and context on my work.

https://www.poetryfoundation.org/harrie ... a-response
"It's not rocket surgery." - Elvis
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Re: Drawing Lines Against Racism and Fascism

Postby American Dream » Fri Dec 21, 2018 12:07 pm

I'm going to register agnostic on the TMLDR question. Should we draw lines against Racism and Fascism? Yes, I think we must do so somehow. Is Toby a crypto-reactionary practicing entryist skullduggery? I'm really not sure, so I'll have to leave things at that, though it might matter more to me if I were actively curating such activity.
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Re: Drawing Lines Against Racism and Fascism

Postby liminalOyster » Fri Dec 21, 2018 12:15 pm

I find this ironic because it reminds me of a certain strain of cagey passive aggressive CT that I know you loathe - *well, I'm not saying that John Podesta eats baby brains for sexual pleasure in a pizza dungeon so I'm going to *register agnostic.*"

How does TMLDR's response leave open, for you, even the possibility that he is a crypto-fascist? How is his piece not a successful and definitive case-closed?
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Re: Drawing Lines Against Racism and Fascism

Postby American Dream » Fri Dec 21, 2018 12:37 pm

I did read and assimilate his response , however it would take much more investigation for me to feel like I really understand, especially as controversy is still blazing in literary circles. I'd rather just wait. Later, I may feel like I have a more informed opinion on the matter.
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Re: Drawing Lines Against Racism and Fascism

Postby American Dream » Sun Dec 23, 2018 7:18 am

How Fascist Sympathizers Hijacked Reddit’s Libertarian Hangout

Users worry the new moderators’ unprecedented restrictions could boost the far right.

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“We are very clear in our site-wide policies on the behaviors that are prohibited on Reddit including content that encourages or incites violence, threatens, harasses, or bullies,” a Reddit spokeswoman told Mother Jones in an email. “If a user or a subreddit is in violation of these policies then we will pursue appropriate enforcement actions. Moderators of banned communities are evaluated on a case by case basis.”

Exactly why rightc0ast, who did not respond to Mother Jones‘ requests to comment, and company have taken over the group isn’t clear. Supposed screenshots of leaked messages between r/Libertarian’s new moderators show discussion of plans to shift the group’s discourse toward right-libertarian ideology, pushing out other groups like left-libertarians and socialist-libertarians. And in a 2017 Discord chat associated with the r/Physical_Removal subreddit reviewed by Mother Jones, rightc0ast defended his own online recruitment on 4chan, an internet message board known as a hotbed of hate speech, of sympathetic minds to far-right ideologies.

“Giving up on halfchan is a mistake. It’s a recruiting ground. One more active, and receptive than ever. Once in a while I pop in and participate in the red pill threads,” rightc0ast wrote; “red pill” is an internet term that usually means moving someone toward far-right and extremist ideologies.

“It’s a recruiting ground…I pop in and participate in the red pill threads.”


“The_Donald and /pol/ are still full of eager to learn whites looking for doors,” rightc0ast continued. “It’s not everyone’s thing, but discouraging people from [going] is about the most cucked thing someone can do. Literally may as well be the Jew.”

The battle over r/Libertarian, and the prospect that it could become newly receptive to far-right ideas, highlights the internet’s so-called libertarian to far-right pipeline. Writers like Robert Evans at Bellingcat have documented how many online fascists reference going through “libertarian phases” on their way to the far right. Robert Bowers, the shooter who killed 11 in a Pittsburgh synagogue in October, posted memes about being a libertarian before moving to deeper far-right positions.

Other writers have also covered the trend among prominent far-right internet figures including Stefan Molyneaux, who came to prominence as a libertarian before tacking further right toward white supremacy and ethnonationalism, and Gavin McInnes, who claims to be a libertarian but founded the fringe alt-right group the Proud Boys. (He has recently taken steps to distance himself from the group.)

“The paleo-libertarian seed that Ron Paul, Murray Rothbard, and Lew Rockwell planted in the 1990s has come to bear some really ugly fruit in the last couple of years as elements of the alt-right have made appearances in various libertarian organizations and venues,” economist Steve Horowitz wrote in a post on Bleeding Heart Libertarians in 2017.

Nithyanand explained that the pipeline is fueled by libertarianism’s position on the outside of mainstream politics. Liberalism and conservatives have the Democrats and the Republicans, corresponding, dominant political parties. Libertarians have no such equivalent, which Nithyanand said can lead to adherents having frustrated feelings of alienation.

“We’ve seen this happen in very similar ways many times.”


“If you look at things like the men’s rights movement, there’s a feeling of disenfranchisement from the mainstream, and that helps pull people into extremism,” he said, referring to the misogynistic internet movement predicated on marginalizing women. “Libertarians don’t really have a voice in the current political theater. This makes them ripe for an ideological pipeline.”

Some Reddit users, including Prince_Kropotkin, a prominent anarchist user of the platform who has followed developments on r/Libertarian closely, warns that the new far-right control of the subreddit will ruin it. “Unfortunately, we’ve seen this happen in very similar ways many times, and it tends to end up with swastikas adorning the subreddit,” he said in a chat message.

Users of r/Libertarian have said that, since Trump’s victory in the 2016 election, their subreddit had already seen an uptick in spammy, far-right, polemic posts unrelated to libertarianism. In the end, a power shift in the subreddit may have been inevitable given the group’s lack of moderation and its ideological seat adjacent the far right.


https://www.motherjones.com/politics/20 ... far-right/
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Re: Drawing Lines Against Racism and Fascism

Postby American Dream » Sun Oct 06, 2019 8:52 am

On Exile and Esoteric Fascism

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Around 2014, it was discovered that Nathan Block aka “Exile”, who had been released from prison by then, had a Tumblr blog called “Loyalty is Mightier than Fire” (an Evola quote) which was full of writings by fascists such as Julius Evola, “esoteric Hitlerist” Miguel Serrano, Carl Schmitt who was a key theorist for the Nazi party, and Oswald Spengler, the German nationalist who was a prominent member of the “Conservative Revolution”, as well as numerous Nazi imagery including Swastikas, Black Suns and runes used by Nazis. Exile’s blog also showed that he was “fond of portraits of Hitler, memes threatening racist skinhead violence, imagery of intimidating white men with the caption “support your local fascist crew,” links to a veritable cornucopia of transphobic screeds, and at least a couple articles about how the prison experience will necessarily turn whites into “racialists” for all the insight they would gain into the “problem of the Blacks.”” This revelation was followed by a series of in-person conversations between local activists and Sadie and Exile which left no doubt that they could be “fairly characterized as neo-fascists”. Some of Exile’s answers during these conversations included “Evola shows us the way” and “Some of my good friends are neo-nazis”. Both in and out of prison, Sadie and Exile have made racist remarks about non-white people (“the Mexicans”) and Exile has made statements supporting white separatism, which Sadie has defended. They’re both a part of the black metal scene in Olympia where white separatist attitudes have a stronghold among some members of that scene. Some time later, a mutual friend had tried talking to Bryan LeFey (Poison Ring) about Exile but I was told he was unwilling to talk about it. According to members of the Olympia community, Bryan LeFey has been the biggest apologist for Stella Natura and Exile and is known to have spread false rumors about anti-fascists.

Image


https://ktbtk.wordpress.com/esoteric-exile/
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Re: Drawing Lines Against Racism and Fascism

Postby American Dream » Tue Oct 22, 2019 8:48 am

Why We're Investigating Extreme Politics in Underground Music

Gradually – culture moved slowly in those days – these underground, potentially dangerous acts of social defiance manifested themselves in the new pop culture. Many have interpreted the wave David Bowie made outside Victoria Station on returning from Sweden in 1976 as a Nazi salute, while his coke-fuelled fascination with fascism rose to the surface on that year’s Station To Station, a record peppered with references to Nietzsche and the occultist Aleister Crowley. “I believe Britain could benefit from a Fascist leader. After all, Fascism is really nationalism” Bowie told a journalist that year, while musing to another that Hitler was “one of the first rock stars”. Bowie, to his credit, was publicly contrite the following year: “I have made my two or three glib, theatrical observations on English society and the only thing I can now counter with is to state that I am NOT a fascist.”

At that point, racism was part of mainstream culture. Later in 1976, Eric Clapton drunkenly declared his support for anti-immigrant firebrand Enoch Powell to an audience in Birmingham, who probably wanted to hear him yell “Laaaaylaaaaa”, rather than “get the foreigners out, get the wogs out, get the coons out" and "keep Britain white". That year, a shit one for Britain, which was plunging fast into and social and economic doldrums, saw a surge of support for the Far Right, in the shape of the National Front, and the formation of Rock Against Racism as a response from the musical underground.

But not everyone got the message. High street punks, following the lead of Siouxsie Sioux and Sid Vicious, adopted the Nazi swastika as a symbolic rejection of the suburban society they wanted no part of. In Manchester, Joy Division’s Hitler Youth stylings and references to Rudolph Hess – not to mention the fact they were named after a concentration camp brothel from the novel House Of Dolls – can, perhaps generously, be read as clumsy, yet powerful attempts to find beauty in the macabre and to hold a mirror up to Britain’s own psychic ills. In London, Throbbing Gristle brought extreme performance art to the music scene and invented “industrial” music, creating the blueprint for four decades, and counting, of electronic noise outfits. TG’s logo cleverly merged Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists lightning bolt with Bowie’s glam fash-flash from the cover of 1973’s Aladdin Sane. TG called their Martello Street studio the Death Factory, an overt reference to the Nazis’ wartime death camps and titled tracks ‘Zyklon B Zombie’ (a reference to the gas used to exterminate their victims) and ‘Subhuman’. Initially oblique, the reasoning behind their extreme references were gradually made explicit: an attempt to expose the hypocrisies of politicians and the conservative media, and to draw parallels between the mundane brutalities of day-to-day life and the horrors that mankind so often inflicts upon itself.

Following in TG’s wake came a grimly-determined race to the bottom, as the early 1980s experimental noise scene entirely blurred, or perhaps simply erased, the lines between provocative art and outright political incitement. Whitehouse, Sutcliffe Jugend, Death in June and others sought to out-outrage audiences, and each other, with visual and lyrical preoccupations with far right politics, serial killers, rape and sadism. The deliberate obfuscation of motive was a standard technique for generating mystique amongst many of these groups – did they really want to move in with the Moors Murderers and bring about a new Holocaust, or did they just like shouting about it? Many of these early noiseboys, now older and perhaps wiser, put it down to youthful indiscretion; some have chosen to maintain their tired mystique, while others remain defiantly unapologetic.

In America Boyd Rice, aka American noise artist Non, still supported by Mute Records, has spoken publicly about amongst other things, his Social Darwinism, his misogyny and his unusual beliefs about rape and, over four decades, surrounded himself with a wretched pantheon that includes Tom Metzger (leader of US neo-Nazi organisation White Aryan Resistance), Bob Heick (founder of American Front, another White Nationalist order), Charles Manson (whom he visited in prison on a number of occasions) and Michael Moynihan, of neo-folk/martial band Blood Axis, himself for many years an intellectual influencer for America’s new right.

In Europe, cryptic references to the ‘metapolitical’ fascism of European New Right ideologues like Julius Evola, Alan de Benoist and Aleksandr Dugin are de rigeur for the neo-folk/martial post industrial music popularised by Death in June, whose only core member Douglas Pearce is, shall we say, unguarded in his vituperation of racial diversity and multiculturalism – greatest hits include “The West’s liberalism will be its death” and “Britain imported millions of unskilled labourers from the colonies for that kind of work and look what a huge success that was”. Former DIJ member Tony Wakeford was at one time a British National Front activist (though he recanted his racist past in 2007), while his follow up groups Above the Ruins and Sol Invictus have included members – like Gary Smith and Ian Read – with direct links to right-wing extremism. It’s hardly surprising then that convicted National Action activist Claudia Patatas should be seen photographed, a beaming fan, alongside Pearce, or that a member of the murderous American neo-nazi organisation Atomwaffen Division, is seen sporting a striking Death In June totenkopf T Shirt.

In Scandinavia during the early 1990s, young Black Metallers prioritised the visceral impact of their look and their music over intellectual considerations. And, within the largely equal-opportunities misanthropy central to the ethos of the scene, a vein of explicitly National Socialist Black Metal emerged. Its poster boy was, and still is, Varg Vikernes of Burzum, whose beliefs that “true Norwegian culture” was being eroded by Judeo-Christian values were backed up with a series of notorious church burnings. Having served 14 years for the murder of Mayhem guitarist Euronymous, Vikernes now lives in France, spreading far right propaganda via his ‘Thulean Perspective’ YouTube channel. Countless National Socialist black metal bands have since sprung up across the globe, and as with the noise and neofolk scenes before it, it’s perhaps no surprise that fans of a musical aesthetic which thrives on darkness, misanthropy and sonic brutality, should be drawn to the outer edges of politics and occultism. Membership of organisations like the crypto-nazi-satanic Order Of Nine Angles have grown dramatically as a result.

The latter’s infiltration of the UK underground music will be the the subject of the first in an irregular series of features examining the ways in which extremist political ideas have entered (predominantly) underground music cultures. Looking at bands, albums, labels and movements the articles will attempt to understand, and present clearly, the motives of the players involved, the ideologies they address, the historical contexts within which they were formed and the problems that they may raise today.

We hope to discover why some people think it acceptable to wear a Burzum or Death in June t-shirt in public, when they would never dream of wearing of wearing the slogans of a White Nationalist organisation, or a far right political party; and we hope to understand why it might have been OK for Siouxsie Sioux to wear a swastika armband in 1976, but Christine and the Queens probably wouldn’t get away with it now (nor, presumably, would she want to).

Fear not, this isn’t the birth of a new, conservative era for the Quietus. We aren’t going to fall into the kneejerk-triggered traps that state that artists should be held responsible for the actions of their fans, or that participation in ‘negative’, misanthropic music scenes leads one to acts of violence. Real world atrocities are the result of a multitude of inter-related social, economic and psychological factors – culture can, of course, play a part in shaping and influencing events, normalising certain destructive attitudes and beliefs for example, but we know from years of experience that listening to heavy metal won’t make you a satanic murderer, that listening to Marilyn Manson didn’t cause the Columbine school shootings, and that rap, grime and drill aren’t the cause of gang violence.

But, what (if any) responsibility do we have to police our musical and cultural scenes? What responsibility do artists have to police their fanbase? Are an artist's personality defects, behavioural flaws or political beliefs reason enough not to at least explore their work?


https://thequietus.com/articles/25682-f ... etal-noise
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