The Little Führer

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Re: The Little Führer

Postby American Dream » Sat Jan 21, 2017 11:48 am

The pro-Nazi origins of “America First”

Seeking to present itself as a mainstream organization, America First struggled with the problem of the anti-Semitism of some of its leaders and many of its members. It had to remove from its executive committee not only the notoriously anti-Semitic Henry Ford but also Avery Brundage, the former chairman of the U.S. Olympic Committee who had prevented two Jewish runners from the American track team in Berlin in 1936 from running in the finals of the 4×100 relay.

Still, the problem of anti-Semitism remained; a Kansas chapter leader pronounced President Franklin Roosevelt and Eleanor Roosevelt “Jewish” and Winston Churchill a “half-Jew.”

After Pearl Harbor, the America First Committee closed its doors, but not before Lindbergh made his infamous speech at an America First rally in Des Moines, Iowa, in September 1941. After charging that President Roosevelt had manufactured “incidents” to propel the country into war, Lindbergh proceeded to reveal his true thoughts.

“The British and the Jewish races,” he declared, “for reasons which are not American, wish to involve us in the war.” The nation’s enemy was an internal one, the Jews. “Their greatest danger to this country lies in their large ownership and influence in our motion pictures, our press, our radio, and our government,” he contended. Booing began to drown out the cheers, forcing him again and again to stop, wait out the catcalls, and start his sentences over.


More at: https://shirazsocialist.wordpress.com/2 ... ica-first/
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Re: The Little Führer

Postby American Dream » Sat Jan 21, 2017 12:20 pm

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Re: The Little Führer

Postby American Dream » Sun Jan 22, 2017 6:37 pm

The League of the South's Michael Hill Is Having A Bad Year

January 20, 2017 Hatewatch Staff

Has anyone checked on Michael Hill? All the signs of life are still there. He’s posting on the website of his neo-Confederate group, the League of the South (LOS). His writing, still remarkable for its flagrant anti-Semitism and his reliance on the tired (((echoes))) meme, is replete with calls for “Christian manliness” in the face of “Yankee tyranny." But something about Dr. Hill seems off.

Before Election Day, there was an almost palpable energy behind Hill’s proclamations of the pending “third secession” –– the first was the American Revolution, the second the Confederacy.

Regarding the many-headed hydra of “internationalism (globalism), which of course is the preserve of the Jew (Esau-Edomites and Khazars, to be exact)” Hill asked: “What to do? Continue to submit and pass out of existence as distinct people groups (nation-states) or fight back and drive our enemies from our midst. And when I say fight, I mean it literally. You cannot use the pen when the situation clearly calls for the sword.”

Contrast this with a post from Hill on January 19. “[U]nder which entity –– the USA regime or a free, independent South –– am I likely to see these changes made manifest? We Southern Nationalists think we know the answer.”

But in the aftermath of Trump’s surprise victory and the run-up to his inauguration, his rhetoric has been decidedly muted.

Under a Clinton administration, Hill could have sown the seeds of discontent in fertile soil. Southern antipathy towards Hillary Clinton isn’t a new phenomenon and the remarkably toxic rhetoric on display during the campaign served only to amplify that deep-seated distrust of Clinton and the Washington elite many felt she stood for.

In a post on the LOS website titled “A Few Pre-Election Thoughts” on November 3, Hill salivated over the potential of a Clinton presidency for advancing his ends:

For some time now, I have tried to get a handle on understanding this presidential election between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump. Not because I’m trying to figure out for whom I shall vote; I will not vote in a national election, only State and local. But because of my belief in the following dictum: The global elites will not allow the whims of voters to determine who holds the most powerful elected office in the world. They will not allow you, as a voter, to put their wealth, power, and position at risk by making the “wrong” choice on election day [sic]. … Few would have trouble seeing Hillary Clinton is [sic] this light –– she and her husband are crooks for sale to the highest bidders.


Completely blindsided by Trump’s victory, though, Hill, now in his 70s, has been forced to face the realization that his house is not nearly as orderly as he thought. Since Trump’s victory, League groups on social media have been awash with pro-Trump epistles from members excited to fly the stars and stripes “for the first time since Obama.”

While this post-election elation might fade should Trump fail to live up to his campaign promises, there are more structural issues that demand Hill’s attention.

The League has been rocked by numerous high-profile departures to other ascendant groups on the right that were better able to parlay Trump’s success. Perhaps most notable are former Hill disciples Brad Griffin and Matthew Heimbach, who have experienced increasing notoriety among extremist circles independent of the League’s narrowly defined condemnation of the US as a “proposition nation.”

Griffin engaged in a public spat with Hill that was fueled in part by Hill’s visible envy over the high-profile success of Griffin’s blog, Occidental Dissent. Heimbach was temporarily expelled from the LOS after photographed making a Nazi salute with a group of skinheads. Heimbach has since maintained that he was granted re-entry into the group and that he and Dr. Hill are friendly.

But when Heimbach left, he didn’t go alone. Former Georgia League Chairman William Flowers, a popular speaker in League circles, went underground for most of a year before emerging as a new initiate in Heimbach’s Traditional Workers Party (TWP).

Michael Cushman, former South Carolina LOS chairman, fled the League in 2015 due to its increasingly militant and anti-Semitic rhetoric post-Charleston. Cushman’s new blog, “Southern Future” exists essentially to defend Griffin and to act as a sales outlet for Cushman’s revisionist historical text on the “Golden Circle.”

Cushman and Griffin’s departures represent the latest in a decades-long trend of the League losing its quasi-academic veneer of respectability. That façade is being steadily replaced by the open militancy exemplified by LOS Chief-of-Staff and Florida State Chairman Michael Tubbs, a former Green Beret once convicted for his role in the theft of weapons and munitions from the U.S. military.

In “An Open Response to Michael Hill,” Griffin had this to say about the shift:

“I don’t think militias, survivalism or violent apocalyptic rhetoric – the 1980s and 1990s is the way forward. When I joined the League of the South, it was none of those things. Because of Lügenpresse guilt by association, I had to deal with the aftermath of the Dylann Roof shooting in Charleston. I’ve never wanted to be associated with violent vanguardists like that. I don’t want to attract or encourage unstable people who do stupid things.”


For a preview of the conduct and behavior forthcoming from the League in the coming months, look no further than the conduct of younger members after this year’s Nationals Conference.

With no apparent provocation or direction from leadership, a group of 20-somethings and a few older ex-Klansmen –– Jeremy Walls and Shaun Winkler –– gathered at the outskirts of a gay pride rally in downtown Montgomery and hurled abuse like “God hates fags” at demonstrators.

Hill has been unable to keep a muzzle on the reactionaries in his fold. One has to wonder whether his grasp on the leash is failing.
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Re: The Little Führer

Postby American Dream » Mon Jan 23, 2017 10:11 am

Glenn Greenwald Sides with the Deep State on Trump and Russia

Charles Davis
Posted on January 22, 2017


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When it was a race between a middling neoliberal and a neofascist buffoon, the way a certain sort of leftist with a social media presence chose to demonstrate their enviable, contrarian wisdom was to deride the former — while not endorsing the latter, mind you, but — for engaging in McCarthyist “red-baiting” against a right-wing authoritarian. It was accepted as self-evidently false, and laughably so, that the right-wing authoritarian in Moscow would seek to swing the U.S. election to an ally. Those positing that there was, in fact, something to the claim that the Russian state hacked the DNC (and selectively leaked what it found on behalf of the new Republican president) were either naively or cynically falling for a line put forward by shadowy and unelected Deep State operatives; leave it to liberals, the savvy leftist blogged, to find a way to side with the establishment against a billionaire.

Donald J. Trump defeating Hillary Clinton in the Electoral College, if not the popular vote, presented a new challenge: How to continue shitting on liberals as the most problematic threat, post November 8, at a time when an unhinged billionaire is about to get the nuclear launch codes? Glenn Greenwald of The Intercept’s approach: Keep acting like the (U.S.) Deep State that couldn’t stop Trump’s win is — I’m no supporter, but — seeking to undermine the legitimacy of a democratically elected leader, as (don’t you know) it’s done many times before, abroad. In this telling, news of Russian intervention continues to be self-evidently #FakeNews pushed by a media elite with known ties to The Agency, and the take serves a dual function: validating the absurd nonsense pushed during the election by Greenwald and his quasi-left fellow travelers, from Rania Khalek to Michael Tracey, that Trump was, relative to Killary, the candidate of peace — the man who, say what you will, didn’t want to start World War III on behalf of Jabhat al-Nusra.


Continues at: https://pulsemedia.org/2017/01/22/glenn ... nd-russia/
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Re: The Little Führer

Postby American Dream » Mon Jan 23, 2017 4:47 pm

Build and Fight: Beyond Trump and the Limitations of the United Front

Kali Akuno and Doug Norberg

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On Inauguration Day, we note the considerable range of the opposition to Trump, from traditional activists to very mainstream folks. In many respects the opposition mounted was unprecedented, on a day where patriotic and jingoistic hyperbole is typically concentrated and loudly broadcast more than at any other time, and when, traditionally, new Presidents make appeals to the heart and to democratic unity while all who know how false the claims are, bite their lips, party, and hope for the best. The opposition struggling to find expression is broad and deep. But, nearly all expressions of opposition are resorting to traditional methods of reformist oriented protest while millions of people throughout the United States and the world are discussing and debating how they are going to survive and resist the emerging Presidential regime of Donald Trump and the rise of right-wing populism and a resurgent “America first” white nationalism.

Given the nature of Trump’s politics and how he came to power, comparisons abound between him and Hitler. Some of these comparisons are compelling; several are strategically and tactically instructive for our present predicament. But, while most activists focus on how and why Trump captured the Presidency, or the nature of an ascending neo-Confederacy, most do not address the crisis itself. Nor what the crisis practically implies, and when, where, and how the Left and the people’s movements can and must intervene to produce desired outcomes.

The crisis in question is the crisis of the capitalist world-system, which has entered a profound state of economic and ecological imbalance, social instability, inter-imperialist infighting, mass displacement, increased suffering and rampant carnage not experienced on this scale at a global level since the 1930’s. The crisis is rooted in the inherent contradictions of the capitalist system, such as the tendency of the rate of profit to fall, the need for constant expansion, uneven development within and between socio-political units, and ecological externalization, to name a few. The “Great Depression” of the 1930’s led to the second great inter-imperialist war, more commonly known as World War II, which lasted from1936 through 1945. The process of “creative destruction”, which war under capitalism facilities, ended the depression and ushered in a new era in the imperialist system, the era U.S. hegemony.

The first 20 years of U.S. global domination was perhaps the greatest period of sustained capital realization in the 400 plus year history of the inhumane capitalist system. This exceptional period, from the mid-1940’s through the mid-1960’s, was the product of successfully implementing world-system regulating instruments crafted by U.S. imperialism to structure the process of capital accumulation on a global scale, mediate inter-imperialist rivalry, suppress and corrupt the national liberation and communist movements, and contain the Socialist countries within the Cold War framework. The primary instruments crafted by U.S. imperialism on the economic side were the Bretton Woods institutions, consisting of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the General Agreement on Tariff’s and Trade (GATT), and its successor the World Trade Organization (WTO). And grand recapitalization initiatives like the Marshall Plan (which rebuilt the economies of Western Europe after second Inter-Imperialist War). On the political side the primary instruments crafted by U.S. imperialism were the United Nations (UN), the European Union, and a host of regional instruments like the Organization of American States (OAS), and all enforced by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

Beginning in the 1970’s in the effort to restore profitability, capital slowly rejected the Keynesian strategy of capital accumulation adopted in the 1930’s, and gradually adopted a cannibalistic strategy that focused on privatizing public assets, destroying workers organizations and social solidarity, commodifying as many social processes, interactions and exchanges as could be monetized, and the evisceration of the symbolic and false trappings of western bourgeois democracy. This new strategy of capital accumulation is typically called “neo-liberalism”. Neo-liberalism was first adopted wholesale by the murderous Pinochet regime in Chile in the 1970’s. It was forced wholesale upon the world once it became the official strategy, ideological framework, and statecraft of the Reagan regime in the 1980’s. It was instituted domestically through the Volcker Shock at the Federal Reserve and the policies of Reaganomics. And internationally, it was primarily instituted through the IMF and World Bank that imposed neo-liberal “structural adjustment programs” on all the nations that suffered through the debt crisis of the 1980’s.

As we know from history, nothing remains static. The neo-liberal strategy of capital accumulation and class restoration began to lose both economic momentum and political coherence in the late 1990’s. The fragmentation started with the Asian Financial Crisis and the Dot.com bubble implosion of the late 1990’s. Despite the enormous amount of profit the neo-liberal corrective was rendering to the trans-national capitalist class, all it was delivering to the working class on a universal basis was shock, awe, and misery. From the late 1990’s on, fewer and fewer of the social and political promises advanced by the prophets of neo-liberalism could be met as the costs of maintaining the Bretton Woods/UN/NATO system increasingly became a hindrance to capital accumulation. Working class populations the world over were becoming poorer and poorer as the race to the bottom being pursued by the trans-national capitalist class kept tightening the screws trying desperately to realize a profit and maximum rates of return on investment. This stimulated the development of several breakaway political movements, like the anti-globalization movement, and state reform efforts in Venezuela, Brazil, Ecuador and Nicaragua to name a few.

And then there was U.S. imperial overstretch to tip the scales. The invasions and subsequent occupations of Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003) strained the resources of the U.S. government, weakened its military capacity, and soured the credibility of the U.S. It also weakened financial markets around the world, which resorted to ever larger and deeper extortion measures, like the financial runs on Argentina, Uruguay, and Myanmar, and the eventual cannibalization of international financial institutions during the collapse of the housing bubble in 2007 – 2008, like Countrywide Financial, Northern Rock, Bear Sterns, Wachovia and many others. The housing bubble burst caught the U.S. government and the forces of trans-national capital flatfooted, resulting in the so-called “Great Recession” and the fictitious recovery we are living through now.

By every measure the world-system is set for another major global calamity, but with even higher stakes, given the depth of the climate and ecological crisis produced by the exploit and plunder, expand-or-die capitalist mode of production. The result? Given the present balance of forces throughout the world, we are either facing another great inter-imperialist war that will result in massive destruction and the likely creation of a new “pecking order” of the capitalist world system as occurred in the 1940’s. Or the global war will produce no imperialist winners, but only result in dystopian barbarism, the collapse of “civilization”, and the likely fulfillment of the 6th great extinction event that many are coming to see as virtually inevitable.

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We have to ask ourselves, are there other options? Other possibilities? And if there are, what must we do to bring these into being?

We have to start with a clear understanding that the “liberal” center of the world-system is exhausted, bankrupt, and cannot hold. Resistance is growing and is just beginning to develop a revolutionary imagination, and address the imperative need for revolutionary organization and strategic focus. The relatively spontaneous, reactive, and largely reform-minded movements we see in North America and Europe, from the center-left (liberals and social democrats) and the right, against the predominant neo-liberal order reveals that there is tremendous potential for change. However, the change will only be substantive and beneficial to humanity if what replaces our present unethical and inequitable world is truly emancipatory. Spontaneity will not get us there, nor will the liberals, centrists, or the resurgent forces of the right. A revolutionary force is needed, one that is not yet born.

We argue, that the salvation of the human family is up to us – the revolutionary left and the people’s movements. We must find a way to align and unite our fragmented forces, and form a revolutionary, counter-hegemonic force.

Some of the fundamental questions confronting emergent revolutionary forces are how will the developing anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist struggle be unified? How will the revolutionary political forces develop and struggle? And where should and will they aim their strategic focus? As these forces develop and struggle for political and strategic clarity, they will have to confront and overcome the demons that have weakened revolutionary forces over the last several hundred years – internal democracy, hierarchy, sexism, patriarchy, heterosexism, Eurocentrism and settler-colonialism, white supremacy, xenophobia, the mental/manual division of labor, electoral fixations, economism, revisionism, and reformism. While all of these issues are of equal weight, the last three issues are of particular short-term concern in the U.S. context, because if the struggle against them mishandled, it will result in the emerging resistance movement being subject to the forces and agenda of liberal faction of U.S. imperialism, the Democratic Party.

So, the question, how do we play a leading role in facilitating and directing the current motion of resistance and transform it into a revolutionary movement is paramount. The orthodox left urging in times and conditions similar to these are to organize “popular”, “united”, or “national” fronts to unite all who can be united in the struggle against fascism. But these calls rarely take into account the inequality or lack of political parity of the “uniting” forces, and have usually blurred or ignored the difference between the fundamental unity required in strategic alliances, and the temporary or limited unity of tactical alliances. United fronts (in which all parties agree to subordinate or postpone their “secondary issues”) are necessary to mount massive campaigns of resistance against right-wing dictatorships and/or fascist regimes; but they have proven woefully inadequate as vehicles of revolutionary social transformation. They are therefore necessary tactically for defense, but insufficient for the purposes of strategically advancing a revolutionary program.

At best, “united fronts” are instruments for restoring the status quo ante, which in our case is the neo-liberal capitalist-imperialist order that has dominated U.S. political economy since the 1980’s. The failure of this order created the political vacuum that produced Trump and the resurgence of white nationalism and neo-fascism. Restoring the failed neo-liberal order is no solution. Nor is the attempt to campaign for the restoration of the welfare or social democratic state a solution, as it to was (and is) a strategy to maximize profits and pacify and disempower the working class, not social liberation.

Many of the current liberal, progressive, and left-leaning discussions about how to resist Trump and the neo-Confederates reflect the limitations of this “united front” approach. Some, like Sanders and Nader, project a combination left-right unity for economic collaboration with the emerging neo-fascist regime. Others, like Nancy Pelosi, says “the country can withstand the election of Donald Trump,” why it's important to take a breath and why she says Democrats are doing the Lord's work.

Other democratic pundits strike a laissez-faire “populist” tone, exemplified by the “Wait for the Government to Collapse and then your in Power” article in Politico, saying “the most likely outcome of this Republican government is probably failure, which is a horrible thing for the country but actually a very convenient one for the Democratic Party. So follow that strategy, disassociate yourself from the outcomes, wait for the government to collapse and then you’re in power again.” It’s the old mad illusion of democratic pendulum swings, but with a caveat: “this is bad for the country and the way things go badly might result in horrific tragedies, so that’s a grim prospect, but if you’re simply analyzing the political calculation, that’s available to the Democrats…. at times they’re going to have to balance their political interests against policy outcomes. So if you have a chance to bargain with the Trump regime, in a way that averts humanitarian catastrophe, you could trade away some of your political leverage to do so, to negotiate minor details on Obamacare so that you can avoid subjecting millions of people to hardship, then that’s probably worth doing. Climate would be another area where that kind of bargain is worth doing—giving them bipartisan cover in order to mitigate the damage of the policy agenda. But otherwise, if you’re just analyzing what’s in the political best interest, it’s almost never to cooperate.”

Such arguments are promoted by liberal Democratic figures and echoed by reform-careerists, in order to hold more privileged “middle-class” folks to a loyalist agenda, and in order to silence more radical and demanding activists and critics. In other words, Democrats should ride the discontent and direct it toward non-involvement with Trump initiatives, so the pendulum will swing back mechanically to the Democratic Party retaking power. Many will, (unfortunately in this view) be thrown under the bus -- "for the common good."

This argument appeals to the reform left who, long accustomed to playing the single-issue reformist game a la “NGOism”, who will fit right in and help throw radicals and all manner of anti-system activists – like those struggling against the police, prisons, poor education, inadequate health and childcare, substandard and unaffordable housing, gentrification, domestic violence, anti-surveillance, whistleblower, animal rights, transphobia, climate justice, Islamophobia, BDS, anti-fascism, etc. – under the bus for "the greater good", so as not to spoil the "strategic deal” of a projected pendulum reversal.


Continues at: http://navigatingthestorm.blogspot.com/ ... p-and.html
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Re: The Little Führer

Postby American Dream » Mon Jan 23, 2017 6:42 pm

“The ideologies of the rulers are by their nature more changeable than the ideas of the oppressed. …For not only must they, like the ideas of the latter, adapt each time to the situation of social conflict, but they must glorify that situation as fundamentally harmonious.”

Walter Benjamin, The Arcades Project
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Re: The Little Führer

Postby American Dream » Wed Feb 01, 2017 2:11 pm

Does Trump Represent Fascism or White Supremacy?

How should we understand the impending presidency of Donald Trump? What should we be prepared for? While some have framed Trump’s victory as a sign of resurgent fascism, our guest contributor argues that we should see it as the latest development in a much older phenomenon, which is not an interruption of democracy but intimately interlinked with it.


There are many ways to conceptualize the relationship between democracy and fascism, and this is a dangerous time to take anything for granted; we will be publishing more on this subject shortly. In the meantime, this is a useful contribution towards analyzing the dangers ahead and how to ready ourselves for them.


Fascism is Obsolete, Whiteness is Here to Stay

Long before Donald Trump’s recent electoral victory, but in a chorus that has grown deafening in the last month, people have been talking about the possible return of fascism. As terrifying as Donald Trump is, it is nonetheless important not to level just any criticism against the president-elect. And though the misogynist mogul’s favorite epithet, “just disgusting,” fits him like a glove, the charge of fascist is inaccurate.


Since we’re interested in an analysis that enables more effective resistance, and not simply in spewing, Twitter-like, any insult with a chance of sticking, it behooves us to examine just which right-wing model Trump is following.


I would argue that fascism was made definitively irrelevant by the Second World War and its aftermath, during which it was conclusively absorbed by democratic capitalism. Since 1945, when the victorious allies dismantled the Nazi state and recruited the elements they found most useful, fascism has been nothing more than a second-string linebacker in a game that is democratic to its very core. The future, of course, is full of surprises, but it would take much more than a Trump victory for fascism to be tenable or necessary again in a central capitalist country like the United States.


One of the very few actual neo-fascist parties to appear on the political scene in the last decade is Golden Dawn in Greece. True to the original model, they combined a political party and a terroristic street movement, recruiting within the police and military to create party-specific loyalty, and forging connections with national capitalists and the mafia, in order to create a dual power capable of intimidating or overriding the checks and balances of democratic institutions and non-partisan media. Many people predicted Golden Dawn might seize power, and imagined a return to fascism. Golden Dawn imagined the same thing, and this utter naïveté, their ignorance about the historical moment and their role within democracy, proved to be their demise. As long as Golden Dawn acted to push public debates to the right, to create scapegoats for Greece’s social woes, to kill immigrants and attack anarchists or other social radicals, they were tolerated. But once they revealed that their designs on power were actually sincere and that they were willing to use violence against non-marginal elements in society, the democratic powers stepped in and cut them short, arresting the leadership and excluding the party, at least partially, from the public debates that shape acceptable opinion. Nowadays, fascism doesn’t stand a chance against democracy, and any gang of neo-fascists who fail to grasp that their role is simply to be a tool within the democratic toolbox is in for a rude shock.


In Spain, one of the other European countries hardest hit by the crisis, the neo-fascist or crypto-fascist parties have collapsed in recent years, and from Italy to the UK, the extreme right has followed a model that actually relies on and encourages democratic mechanisms. Structurally speaking, the progressive populist party SYRIZA in Greece actually has more in common with the fascist model than the Republicans under Trump (organic connections with extraparliamentary groups that have a powerful capacity for street mobilization, a unification of extreme left and extreme right discourses, a national vision of socialism, intense patriotism and militarism).


Fascism is not just any extreme right-wing position. It is a complex phenomenon that mobilizes a popular movement under the hierarchical direction of a political party and cultivates parallel loyalty structures in the police and military, to conquer power either through democratic or military means; subsequently abolishes electoral procedures to guarantee a single party continuity; creates a new social contract with the domestic working class, on the one hand ushering in a higher standard of living than what could be achieved under liberal capitalism and on the other hand protecting the capitalists with a new social peace; and eliminates the internal enemies whom it had blamed for the destabilization of the prior regime.


Trump showed contempt for democratic convention by threatening to intimidate voters and hinting that he might not concede a lost election, but his model of conservatism in no way abolishes the mechanisms that are fundamental to democracy. In another four years, we’ll be subjected to the electoral circus all over again. Trump did appeal especially to cops and border guards, but in no way began inducting the police into a para-state organization designed to cement his hold on power. He gave shout-outs to the militia movement and tickled the fancy of the Ku Klux Klan, but has done nothing to centralize those groups into a paramilitary force under his command. He promised a new deal for the working class, but will not even take the first steps towards instituting it, and whatever his intentions he will prove utterly unable to reward the owning class with social peace. He will make life harder for those he identifies as the enemies of society (Muslims and immigrants, especially), but he will not eliminate them.


There is, in fact, nothing fascist about Trump.


Trump’s rise to power is entwined with a social force that predates fascism and that has outlasted it. Though it remains to be seen exactly what model of conservatism the brash egomaniac will implement, his encouragement of whiteness, as a reactionary mechanism for social control, is abundantly clear.


In the centuries between Christopher Columbus and George Washington, and in laboratories as far flung as the plantations of Ireland and Brazil, in the mass deportations from Spain and in the mass enslavement in Africa, the white race was created to categorize and control the subjects of a globalizing world order. In the face of insurrections that saw kidnapped Africans, poor Europeans, and besieged indigenous people fighting together against their common enemy, the colonial powers passed laws and erected concentric layers of religious, cultural, economic, judicial, institutional, and biological barriers to break the solidarity of the oppressed. Whiteness became the projection of European Enlightenment values, the new normal, and the peoples who did not fit into it were racialized and forced to occupy lower orders on the social hierarchy. Those who did not accept their place were disappeared, one way or another.


Historically, racism is a globally unified phenomenon, but it has played out differently in different corners of the world. In the colonies that would become the United States, whiteness took on a vital paramilitary role from an early date. A small minority of major landowners, who brutalized their workforce and carried out constant genocidal warfare against the native populations, had to deputize a poor but privileged middle stratum, convincing these armed citizens to fight their wars for them and remain ever vigilant against uprisings or border raids.


The privileges, depending on your point of view, were either paltry or game-changing. They included the psycho-social privilege of being considered human, which was a pretty big deal for commoners coming from Europe, where the aristocrats hadn’t really ever had use for the category of “human” and had rarely if ever sought the common ground with their subjects that whiteness provided. Another principal privilege was the right to own property. For the majority of whites, this meant one of two things. Being entitled to sell their lives one back-breaking day after another for money, in the employ of the rich, or being entitled to win access to stolen native lands, which they would clear-cut, plow, and farm for a few years before falling into debt, being bought out by the big landowners, and moving farther west to repeat the process. The point of this story is not to generate sympathy for whites, but to illustrate how easily people, then as now, can be duped.


Economically, it wasn’t a great bargain for most whites, unless you compare it with the forms of exploitation or dispossession reserved for Africans and Native Americans. The abstract right to own property rarely translated into personal enrichment, but it guaranteed not becoming someone else’s property and not having your entire community obliterated and dispersed in an act of conquest. Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz documents the key role white paramilitary rangers played in the constant and total warfare against native peoples in her Indigenous Peoples’ History of the United States, and the role of poor whites in the patrols that surveilled enslaved Africans and hunted down fugitives—patrols that eventually evolved into modern police forces—is exposed in books like Our Enemies in Blue. Simultaneously, poor people of European origin who broke with whiteness to fight in solidarity with other oppressed peoples were punished with the full force of the law, and any kind of fraternity or mixing between whites and other peoples was discouraged and even criminalized.


Whiteness today continues to fulfill its paramilitary role in a diffuse, informal way, completely different from how fascist movements manifest. The ideological diversity—some would say confusion—and the many contradictions of the militia movement reflect this lack of central organization. What is most clear from these armed citizens’ groups—who alternately identify Latino immigrants, Muslims, or the federal government as their chief enemy—is that a great many low- and middle-class citizens feel called to protect and serve. Who exactly has deputized them is unclear, but they overwhelmingly identify with their whiteness, or, in the case of the few blacks and Latinos in the movement, with their Americanness, which from the beginning has been another, seemingly more inclusive iteration of whiteness.


Race also played a big role in Trump’s victory. Beyond the fact that a disproportionate number of whites voted Republican, studies showed that identifying with their whiteness or feeling racially threatened by other groups was a marked factor that made people of European origin more likely to support Trump.


Although the billionaire’s narrative of victimization—which the media has compliantly disseminated—is frankly pathetic, whiteness in the United States is indeed facing a crisis. Not because “whites are becoming a minority” or any other paranoid supremacist fantasy, but because in the last few decades, the paramilitary functions of whiteness have largely been absorbed by an increasingly powerful government that can do with judges, prisons, and urban redevelopment bureaucracies what yesteryear it had to do with lynch mobs—to such an extent that, paradoxically, even a black man can be put in charge of the whole apparatus. While I don’t think that Obama’s presidency changed the situation for people of color in the US, except in a psychological way that I, as a white person, cannot appreciate, it is clear that racists across the country have come out of the closet since Obama’s entry into the White House.


The media in general have suggested that Trump’s appeals to whites were so effective because of the economic situation: working-class whites have felt threatened as their privileges and their social standing decline, so the story goes. Yet the racial gaps in wealth and standard of living have grown since the crisis. If economics were the bottom line, white Americans would feel more secure, not less secure, after Obama’s presidency. White privilege, in this sense, continues to pay its dividends. I would argue that it is actually the paramilitary function that is an ingrained part of whiteness which is in crisis, and which mobilized large numbers of whites for Trump. (Conversely, the fact that blacks became poorer under Obama probably kept some of them away from the polls).


The border militias represent one expression of the paramilitary mentality. Another expression, the pro-cop movement that has sprung up as a reaction to Ferguson, contains an instructive paradox. The resistance that gained attention with the Ferguson uprising has been a major source of instability for the US government, and has also called into question the historically sacred right of the police to kill people of color. White reactionaries have answered the call of duty to defend an oppressive system, and in general these pro-cop activists have been associated with the Trump camp. They have attacked Black Lives Matter protestors and tried to restore the police’s tarnished image. But they have also entered into conflict with law enforcement.


Contrary to the pacifist white-washing of would-be Black Lives Matter leaders, shooting cops has been a part of urban black resistance before, during, and after Ferguson. Though the media will only talk about the Martin Luther Kings and not the Robert Williams, African American resistance has more frequently tended towards the strategy of self-defense and autonomy than democratic integration over the last three hundred years, and the tension can be seen today between different strata of black communities. However, it is also true that more cops are shot by white people, and that there has been an explosion in anti-police ambushes by white right-wingers. Often, these shooters express a desire to protect America or to defend traditional values with their attacks. Some of the most reactionary defenders of whiteness, it seems, believe that an increasingly authoritarian government is not allowing them to play their historic role.


When American society seemed stable and “American values” globally triumphant at the end of the Cold War, the apparent obsolescence of whiteness provoked little concern. But with economic precarity on the rise, forceful protests by black, Latino, and indigenous people spreading across the country, and systemic instability causing growing anxiety, white people are waiting for a call to arms that isn’t coming. Their traditional spokespeople on both wings of the political elite—the old-school reactionaries who reminisce about segregation as well as the enlightened progressives and their flocks of white knights—have not been speaking to their crisis. In fact, the liberals in government can even contemplate disarming them, so obsolete have they become. Though the conservatives still speak in favor of gun rights, it has been a long time since they have mobilized the citizens to confront the latest threat, internal or external. Whites are in crisis not because they are losing economic privileges but because the growing power of the State usurps their paramilitary prerogatives. And for the outright reactionaries who see through the lens of delusional race fantasies, it does not help that the symbol for all this state power, Obama, was perhaps the most authoritarian president in recent memory, measured in terms of surveillance programs, drone killings, deportations, prosecution of whistleblowers under the 1917 Espionage Act, number of FBI informants, giving insider support to Hollywood films that portray torture as necessary in the so-called War on Terror, protecting secret CIA prisons from judicial oversight, and so on.


Though the State does not actually maintain a monopoly on violent force, as a rule it aspires to. In a government ruling over a volatile society in which the gravest contradictions are internal (for example, having internal colonies rather than external colonies), those in power will not hesitate to mobilize a part of the population as paramilitaries. But as its institutions grow in strength and resolve the contradictions that previously threatened it, the State will tend to disarm the population, to turn lynching into a bureaucratic affair, and genocide into a dry policy question. Citizens will have fewer chances to participate in their democracy, and as cynical as it might seem to speak of murder and vigilantism as forms of civic duty, the history of democracy from Socrates to Birmingham bears this view out. Military service, which means killing enemies of the State, all euphemisms aside, has always been the foremost mark of the citizen.


Continues at: https://crimethinc.com/2016/12/13/featu ... -supremacy
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Re: The Little Führer

Postby American Dream » Wed Feb 01, 2017 2:41 pm

Against omniscience posted by Richard Seymour

ImageI.
There is a style of political reasoning which the Trump moment lends itself to, which can be called conspiracism.

The Trump base is itself galvanised by some quite outre conspiracy theories -- Obama the secret Muslim, covert socialism in the highest reaches of government, cosmopolitan elites screwing over American workers to fund the rising Asian middle class, and so on. And at times of crisis, this paranoid style can seep into all political tendencies.

Is this because, during a crisis of politics, all tendencies undergo a crisis in their forms of reproduction, and in their modes of representation? What happens, after all, when the old ways of doing things, and saying things, no longer work? We struggle for coherence, try to reassemble the pieces to make sense, to orient ourselves in action. This struggle lends itself to abbreviation. We move too quickly to totalisation, to forcing events into a coherent framework. We lose sight of the necessary openness, indeterminacy and opacity of political situations. We forget that there is always an element of chance in everything that happens, and that not everything that goes on is legible.


II.
I have written elsewhere about the logic of conspiracism, so I will only offer a précis of the argument here. To wit, conspiracism is a way of reading the tea leaves and devising patterns such that everything seamlessly fits together. And the problem with conspiracism is not that it involves 'conspiracy theories' -- everyone has their favourite conspiracy theory, and some of them are even well-founded -- but that it collapses politics into conspiracy. The networks of conspiracy do all the explanatory work, and the colossal, embedded, structuring role of social, economic, political and cultural systems are at best raw material for the conspiracy.

As such, conspiracism enacts a displacement and an externalisation, allowing us to explain complex processes, usually involving the breakdown of an old order, by reference to a simple scapegoat, which acts as a metaphor for all that has gone wrong. Unsurprisingly, this sort of thinking is classically situated in reaction -- the Spanish response to Dutch iconoclasm, Burke's response to the French revolution, endless antisemitic conspiracy theories about the Russian Revolution, Cold War paranoia about Russia, and so on. Yet, as I say, in worlds of breakdown and chaos, the tendency spreads.

We have already had, as one expression of this tendency, what Sam Kriss dubbed the "alt-centre". Unable to apprehend Trumpism by the usual expedients, many liberals adopted a Manchurian-style approach, attributing extraordinary powers to the intervention of Russia, an economic basket-case that is far weaker than the United States. Rather than bespeaking the fragility of the old political order and its complex fall-out, the weakness of the nascent Left and the exhaustion of managerialism, Trump's victory tokened a Russian coup -- a comical reiteration of Cold War paranoia. And there is a danger of "the resistance" to Trump forming an "alt-" wing.


Continues at: http://www.leninology.co.uk/2017/01/aga ... ience.html
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Re: The Little Führer

Postby American Dream » Wed Feb 01, 2017 2:47 pm

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Re: The Little Führer

Postby American Dream » Wed Feb 01, 2017 2:55 pm

http://www.ijan.org/new-opinions/auschw ... on-juarez/


From Auschwitz to Palestine, Ferguson to Juarez


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Dear friends and comrades,

Eight days after Donald Trump has been sworn into office, the International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network (IJAN) reflects on the significance of today, Holocaust Memorial Day. We hear echoes of the fascism and white supremacy of 1930’s Europe in the words and threatened actions of Trump’s administration. We see the racist, Islamophobic, anti-semitic, sexist, homophobic, transphobic, xenophobic, and ableist hate and violence Trump fuels and is fueled by. We know his cabinet of billionaires and elitists will not and cannot make good on their promises of a better quality of life and economic future for the people of the United States (and the world). We know that when they do not, he will blame the very people on whose shoulders their wealth has been built and their power has always targeted.
To Trump, his administration and the bigots he has mobilized, we say: Never Again For Anyone!

‘Never again for anyone’ means asserting all our humanity. Never again for anyone means drawing on our histories and standing strong with those being targeted today. Never again for anyone means remembering the people who once hid and protected us as we do the same for others today.

Never again for Black people who are the targets of racism, hate, and State violence; who throughout time – through slavery, colonialism, policing and mass incarceration – and who today continue to be exploited for profit, criminalized, and killed. The resilience of Black communities and the power of Black resistance – from slave rebellions to the Black Panthers to Black Lives Matter – inspire people’s movements across time and place.

Never again for the Indigenous peoples of Turtle Island (North America) who have faced and continue to face genocide, ongoing settler colonialism, land theft, Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, loss of languages, poverty, state and police violence. Indigenous peoples continue to be at the frontlines of struggles including through the fight against pipelines and resource extraction which threaten their traditional ways of living, their sacred lands, and millions of people’s access to clean water.

Never again for immigrants who live in constant insecurity and instability. Forced out of their homes and homelands, torn from their families as a result of the destruction of sustainable economies and ways of life due to global capitalism. Immigrant labor and lives are exploited – their families and lives threatened by borders that cross their homelands. Trump is issuing executive orders to deport 11 million immigrants and expand an already deadly wall on the US Mexico border. He has threatened to instate a Muslim registry and is committed to using torture in an escalated “War on Terror”. We must demand protection and sanctuary for immigrant women, men, children, transgender and queer people and their families.

Never again for Arabs, Muslims, and people from Southwest Asia and North Africa who are the targets of ongoing and ever increasing hate violence at work, in schools, on the streets as well as profiling, detainment, deportation and persecution from federal and local law enforcement. Trump’s administration includes politicians with explicit Islamophobic beliefs who espouse racist propaganda and threaten policies that criminalize Muslim, Arab and Southwest Asian people, communities and movements. Trump has already begun to put in effect a ban on refugees specifically targeting the countries of Syria, Iraq, Iran, Libya, Sudan, Yemen, Somalia, all of which have been subject to U.S. war and imperialism. We must continue to assert that refugees are welcome here, create sanctuary spaces, and resist every step Trump and his administration takes along the way. And never again for Palestinians whose struggle is a key part of the global war for power and resources, and whose liberation is a fight not only for Palestine but for self-determination, for the right to resist, for indigenous autonomy and against today’s colonizations throughout the world.

Never Again for the peoples of the Global South whose suffering during past colonial Holocausts paved the way, and was often an explicit inspiration, for the Nazi crimes, and whom the Trump Administration continues to target and oppress

Never again for poor people who continue to be at the frontlines of environmental racism, gentrification, economic discrimination and who face increasing homelessness and incarceration. Poor and working class people have always been exploited, displaced and poisoned for the profit of a few, and the few social services and safety nets that are left are already threatened by the Trump administration.

Never again for people in prison who endure and resist against the violence of prisons and who by and large are being punished for the ways they have survived generations of racism, poverty, sexism, homophobia, transphobia and abuse. With over 2.3 million people incarcerated and the highest global rate of locking up its own people, the United States uses prisons to manage centuries of inequality, exploitation and oppression. Incarcerated people are exploited for their labor, profited on by an industry that runs an expanding prison system, and face some of the most violent expressions of state repression. Trump has repeatedly confirmed his support for incarceration, the privatizing of prisons, policing and police violence, the death penalty and even torture, such as reinstating waterboarding. Mass incarceration, solitary confinement, and the private prison industry must be abolished and we must invest in transformative, community-based alternatives.

Never again for women, queer, and transgender people
whose bodies, gender, and sexuality are under constant surveillance and are the targets of gender-based violence and murder. Women, queer and trans people live and resist in a society that denies their right to love, to their sexual and gender expression, to have security for their families, to parental rights and to equal employment and pay. Women rising up together against sexism and demanding wages for domestic labor and the right to autonomy over their bodies and sexuality is a step towards liberation for all, and as such is a threat to the men who profit off of women’s bodies and unpaid labor. Queer and trans people are fighting not just for equality within the system, but for dismantling the systems that violently enforce the gender binary and fighting for equity among all genders. We must continue to fight for safer spaces, particularly for trans women of color who are mistreated, abused, murdered, incarcerated and ostracized from communities.

As Jews, we know from our own histories that fascism employs an ordered strategy to targeting groups of people, and we know that wherever we are in that order, it is our duty to fight for the people who are most threatened. Though Jewish people are not the most targeted or threatened by Trump’s administration, and though anti-semitism looks different today than it did in the 1930’s and 40’s, it still serves a purpose within white nationalism. Having been scapegoated, persecuted, and murdered for the interests and failures of those in power, we are obligated to act in solidarity with those being targeted today. For Jews, this political moment should serve to strengthen our resolve in the fight against all forms of racism. Trump’s administration demonstrates something we have known for a long time: Islamophobic, Zionist, and anti-semitic forces align because of shared racist ideology as well as shared economic and political interests in the United States, Palestine, and globally.

So today, on Holocaust Memorial Day, we remember and carry on legacies of Jewish resistance and our ongoing participation in collective struggles for emancipation and justice. We gain strength and inspiration from long histories of Black, indigenous, queer and transgender struggle, the struggles of women, the struggles of oppressed and exploited people across place and time.

Now is the time to stand uncompromised, not to make compromises.

With love and in struggle,

The International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network
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Re: The Little Führer

Postby American Dream » Thu Feb 02, 2017 1:18 pm

http://queenmobs.com/2017/02/jeremiad-executive-order/

JEREMIAD AGAINST THIS EXECUTIVE ORDER

Image

We find ourselves in the midst of what one day might be thought of as the constitutional version of the Cuban missile crisis. And as during those dark days of 1962, the continued existence of the Republic is not preordained. We now exist in a present moment where we cannot be assured of anything. Yet our nation’s survival also means avoiding the providential teleology of defeatism. Anyone doubting the new president’s extremism, or the influence that radical voices have on him, must by now surely see the folly of expecting this administration to moderate. The president’s recent executive order is a de facto Muslim ban, which has split families apart and forces to send back to Syria and Iraq men and women who often risked their lives in the service of our nation during our military debacle in Iraq. This order, with its religious litmus test, violates the establishment clause, and turns its back on the American city on a hill which promises religious liberty for all. In a nation of laws, this order is flagrantly unconstitutional, unethical, inhumane, and un-American.

Courts in New York, Washington, Virginia and so on have ruled that parts of the order are illegal, yet there are accounts that Office of Homeland Security agents are ignoring those rulings. We are headed towards a full-blown constitutional crisis – one short week into the new administration. This blinding moment of now may be the one in which future American history is decided. More than the primaries, more than the election, more than the transition, now may be the brief period where it is confirmed if we are a nation of laws, where rights are respected, or rather the sort of nation that the revolutionary American ideal was framed against. And whatever comes of this in the short term – whether a victory for tyranny or for civil rights – will look relatively small. But in its smallness lay the possibility of great significance. Surely there are dark signs – an extremist cabinet, extremist advisers, and as always the never-ending messages from the White House with no sense of propriety or decency, where the word “freedom” is apparently too long to fit into a 140 figure tweet.

But what of those other signs, what of those early buds on the tree? In the face of this unconstitutional and un-American order protesters thronged the international arrival gates at our nation’s airports. Dulles, Logan, JFK are our new Gettysbergs and new Valley Forges. These sites of resistance are a new forge for a new politics, a new progressivism which unifies black, white, Hispanic, LGBT, straight, Christian, Muslim, Jewish – a new progressivism whose animating principle is something very old, that too often forgotten call to “Solidarity.” We must remember that not only did the president receive three million less votes than Hilary Clinton, but that he received twelve million less votes than all of the other candidates on the ballot combined. His approval rating hovers at around a third of the nation. His order has been condemned by Republicans like Senators John McCain and Lindsey Graham, and the shameful silence of other Republican senators and representatives may give way to denunciations soon. Most evangelical leaders are on our side. The Pope is on our side. The people are on our side.

Image

The protestors who have come to the defense of their Muslim brothers and sisters know that fundamental truth: that all men and women are in their own accord strangers and pilgrims, but that it is in that communion of commonality and empathy where we truly define ourselves, and the blessed nation is that which reaffirms this truth, the wicked one that which denies it. Remember, that to deny the Mother of Exiles is an act of privilege, entitlement, or ignorance (or all three), but that it is also sinful. For “Thou shalt neither vex a stranger, nor oppress him: for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt.”

And what then, when a Pharaoh becomes the ruler of Canaan, what of when we leave Egypt only to find that Egypt is now in Canaan, what do we do when New Jerusalem becomes a city in just another Babylon? When we have failed at our charge and in the words of John Winthrop we’ve been “made a story and by word through the world?” Then we recommit ourselves, we ask for contrition over our wickedness at abandoning the covenant of liberty. We welcome and give succor to the stranger, for we were once strangers and could be again. We tattoo that motto on our hearts and we emblazon it on our minds, lest our hands wither and our tongues cleave to the roofs of our mouths, and we recall by these rivers of Babylon that resisting tyranny is obedience to God. America is a nation that has yet to be discovered – though, she may yet still be found.
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Re: The Little Führer

Postby American Dream » Thu Feb 02, 2017 6:40 pm

First They Came For the Muslims…and We Said, ‘NOT THIS TIME MOTHERF*CKER!’
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NEW YORK, NY - JANUARY 28: Protestors rally during a demonstration against the Muslim immigration ban at John F. Kennedy International Airport on January 28, 2017 in New York City. Donald Trump signed the controversial executive order that halted refugees and residents from predominantly Muslim countries from entering the United States.


The shooting came in the midst of the airport protests that were underway because of the Muslim ban, and it reinforced the concern about what was forming under Donald Trump. To that end, the protests have continued into this week. The Columbus, Ohio rally resulted in police pepper spraying participants, however many remained peaceful. And as has been the case with anti-Trump rallies they have spread globally with protests taking place in the UK. Meanwhile, hundreds of State Department diplomats and officials have signed on to a letter of dissent condemning the Muslim ban. “A policy which closes our doors to over 200 million legitimate travelers in the hopes of preventing a small number of travelers who intend to harm Americans from using the visa system to enter the United States will not achieve its aim of making our country safer,” a draft of the dissent letter read. “Moreover, such a policy runs counter to core American values of nondiscrimination, fair play, and extending a warm welcome to foreign visitors and immigrants.”


More at: http://idavox.com/index.php/2017/02/01/ ... therfcker/
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Re: The Little Führer

Postby American Dream » Fri Feb 03, 2017 3:16 am

Soldiers of Odin Collapsing? Entire Saskatchewan Chapter Breaks Away

We've been understandably focused on the tragedy in Quebec City -- an event that we consider to be a terrorist attack in which a white nationalist murdered six Muslim men and wounded several others -- however another interesting event occurred during the past 24 hours that will be of interest to our readers:


Image


Continues at: http://anti-racistcanada.blogspot.com/2 ... ntire.html
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Re: The Little Führer

Postby American Dream » Sat Feb 04, 2017 8:53 am

“Trump’s Proposed Change Would Give Green Light to White Supremacist Violence”

FEBRUARY 4, 2017 SPENCER SUNSHINE

The Trump administration’s reported new plan to change a federal program which combats violent “extremism” into a project focused exclusively on “radical Islam” looks like another step toward demonizing Muslims — while adding to concerns that the administration will actively empower open white supremacist groups. Reuters reports that multiple inside sources say the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) grant program will be being renamed either “Countering Islamic Extremism” or “Countering Radical Islamic Extremism.”

Almost every year, the white supremacist movement is the political movement that kills the most Americans. (In the rare year that they don’t come in first, they come in second.) But, for many years now, the federal government has refused to focus resources on violent far-right groups. Instead, efforts have been poured into surveilling the Muslim community at large — even going so far as to entrap Muslims in order to arrest them. The FBI also spent years fixating on eco-saboteurs and animal liberation activists, even though they had not killed anyone. The far right, however, has gotten a relative pass. This is despite white supremacists having committed mass shootings in Charleston, South Carolina and Oak Creek, Wisconsin; armed conflicts with patriot movement paramilitaries in rural Nevada and Oregon; and multiple police killings by sovereign citizens.



Read the full article at Truthout
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