R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

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R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

Postby seemslikeadream » Sun Oct 09, 2016 11:21 am

sorry Jack ...just one more OP cause this is historic and it is lovely that the Bushs (Billy) had to help drive the nail in the coffin

'I'm worried,' Bush said to a small circle of former advisers, according to Politico. 'That I will be the last Republican president.'

October 7, 2016

The End Of A Republican Party
Racial and cultural resentment have replaced the party’s small government ethos.


By Clare Malone
Filed under 2016 Election
Published Jul 18, 2016
Analysis by Harry Enten.
Research by David Nield.

Legend has it that after leveling Carthage in the Third Punic War, Roman army generals ordered that the city’s fields be sown with salt so that they’d lie fallow for years, Roman generals not being particularly well known for their benevolence in victory.

Many Republicans think Donald Trump’s nomination is doing roughly the same thing to their party: destroying any chance for growth it once had and leaving the GOP to wither and die on Trump vineyard vines.

“My general sense, looking at this election, is that what we’re witnessing here is the end of something much more than the beginning of something,” Yuval Levin, editor of the conservative policy journal National Affairs, told me recently.

Moments of historical change in the course of a party’s life can be difficult to spot. In “Party Ideologies in America, 1828-1996,” political scientist John Gerring marks the beginning of the modern Republican Party as Herbert Hoover’s shifting campaign rhetoric in 1928 and 1932, when he talked more about the virtues of the American home and family than hard-tack economics. Hoover’s oratory about the progress of the individual being threatened by an overzealous government bureaucracy stuck around for the next eight decades, and the wisdom of generations has helped us discern that this was indeed the start of a new Republican era.

The shock of 2016, though, is just how self-evident the inflection point at which the Republican Party finds itself is; Trump is a one-man crisis for the GOP. The party has been growing more conservative and less tolerant of deviations from doctrine over the past decades, so what does it mean that a man who has freely eschewed conservative orthodoxy on policy is now the Republicans’ standard-bearer?

Many have assumed that adherence to a certain conservative purity was the engine of the GOP, and given the party’s demographic homogeneity, this made sense. But re-evaluating recent history in light of Trump, and looking a bit closer at this year’s numbers, something else seems to be the primary motivator of GOP voters, something closer to the neighborhood of cultural conservatism and racial and economic grievance rather than a passion for small government.

The results of a FiveThirtyEight and SurveyMonkey poll conducted in June1 found that one of the most indicative variables in determining Republican identification this year was agreement with the statement that the “number of immigrants who come to the United States each year” should “decrease.” Trump’s campaign kicked off with a speech last June that labeled Mexican immigrants as the dregs of society — “They’re bringing crime, they’re rapists,” he said — and has hammered on the immigration issue since, adding Muslims to the dragnet of groups deemed undesirable in the United States. The election has taken on a distinctly racial tinge, and in doing so, has clarified the motivations of voters somewhat.

Trump’s strategy, while winning him the GOP nomination in the short term, has likely only served to compound the long-term demographic and ideological problems the Republican Party has long known it faces. Over the past few decades, the GOP has remained largely white, less educated and older while the numbers of minorities in the country soared, college attainment rose and the millennial generation came of age politically. Alienating the country’s growing ranks of minorities is unwise on the sheer face of the numbers, and bad reputations can stick around for years; like sports teams and baldness, our political beliefs are passed down through generations and familial connections.

What’s more, the idea of an electorate motivated more by issues of cultural grievance than by the grand ideas of conservatism is a dispiriting notion to Republicans already frustrated by the party’s particular pattern of positioning itself as ever beholden to the past. To those Republicans, Reagan hagiography has stunted the GOP: “No one under the age of 51 today was old enough to vote for Reagan when he first ran for president,” the authors of the party’s 2012 election post-mortem, a reviled document in some corners of the party, wrote. “We sound increasingly out of touch.”

Political parties strive to be something greater than the human beings they’re comprised of; they enshrine values and ideologies for the ages. The practical implications of this pursuit are often discussions of tax policy or judicial stances, but these debates are driven by what a certain group believes to be the best, most virtuous way to live life on earth. “The underlying unity of Whig-Republican ideology from Whiggism to Reaganisam,” Gerring writes, “can be found in three interrelated values — prosperity, social order and patriotism.” However one chooses to classify the moral and intellectual pillars of the Republican Party, among the questions that surround Trump’s nomination are how a party under his direction — or in the wake of his failed presidential bid — might grapple with conveying Republican values in modern America, how Trumpism fits into the trajectory of the Republican Party, and perhaps the most looming, encapsulating curiosity of all: Where will his rise take it?

Somewhere in recent years, the GOP’s engagement with modern America and how to best project those values into a nation of 320 million people became dysfunctional. As the country has diversified, the party has remained monochromatic, has grayed, and rather than allowing some birch-like give on shifting cultural norms, has become an unbending oak of ideological purity. The GOP now finds itself lacking an intimate’s ability to criticize productively, given its demographic and cultural divergence from the majority of the country.

Most prominently, as has been said time and again, it is a party of breathtaking whiteness.

“You’re not going to do better than 59 percent,” Stuart Stevens, Mitt Romney’s chief strategist, told me not long ago, citing the percent of the white vote that his candidate got in 2012 while winning 24 states. Ronald Reagan, by comparison, got only 56 percent of the white vote in 1980 but won in a 44-state landslide.

“Now, you can talk about these Reagan Republicans” — at his own mention of a conservative subset of voters some say didn’t turn out for Romney, Stevens stopped to guffaw a little — “I can tell you where to find Reagan Republicans: Go to a cemetery in Oakland County, Michigan. That’s where you find ’em.”

According to the American National Election Studies, the white percentage of the national vote overall has dropped fairly steadily from around 95 percent during the period from 1948 to 1960 to the low 80s by 1992 to 73 percent in 2012. The Republican Party did not keep pace with this change, nor did it do much to win younger voters. 2008 featured a gaping chasm between the over-65 vote and the 18- to 29-year-old vote: There was a 43-point difference between how the two groups voted, with the older crowd going for John McCain by 10 percentage points, even as he lost the overall election by a 7-point margin to Barack Obama, the country’s first black president.

Republicans’ educational attainment has also stalled. While GOP voters had historically won college-educated voters, by 2012, this was clearly not the case.

FiveThirtyEight found, in fact, that the percentage of whites without a college degree has strong explanatory power in determining where Republicans have gained strength since 2000.

Despite its demographic inertia, the Republican Party has not been without its moments of change. The tea party movement, which rose up from the grassroots in 2009, has significantly altered the way the GOP conducts its business. But the party’s “revolution” was led not by young men and women storming the barricades but by the gray-haired masses sitting down in their Adirondack Chairs and fighting to keep things as they have been. According to a 2010 New York Times/CBS News poll of tea party supporters, 75 percent were 45 or older. In keeping with Republican Party trends, the group was also overwhelmingly white, at 89 percent, and only 23 percent had a college degree.

“In 2009, that was the first time I went to a tea party, and I will tell you that the vast majority of people that I interacted with at tea parties at that time were older,” Ben Howe, a frequent contributor to the conservative blog Redstate.com, said. “They were, you know, ‘I just want to take my country back.’”

While the tea party was greeted by some as a sign of a reinvigorated party, it didn’t help to bring the GOP more in line with the country at large. Most Americans didn’t see eye-to-eye with the movement; at the height of its strength in 2010, only 32 percent of the country supported it and that number had dropped to 17 percent by 2015. Moreover, elements of the racially motivated politics that have characterized the Trump presidential campaign were evident at these gatherings, according to Howe.

“Every once in a while, somebody would come with a Confederate flag and people would stand there and point at it and call them ‘liberal plants’ and things like that,” he said.

In that way, the tea party wasn’t new. Something real has been percolating over the past decade in the Republican base when it comes to race and identity. When looking at the change in the county-by-county vote from 2000 to 2012, one of the most predictive variables for a place becoming more Republican has been the number of people ethnically identifying as “American,” not whether or not a person believes in smaller government or lower taxes. States such as Arkansas, Kentucky, Tennessee and West Virginia, where a plurality of people identified in the 2000 Census as “American,” are among those that have trended the most Republican since 2000.

Howe’s theory for the racial animus of Trump supporters boils down to simple attrition: “Everybody who was reasonable seems to have gone home in 2012,” he said. Romney’s loss in 2012 discouraged many of the once-energized fiscal conservative activists.

“This isn’t the most artful way to say it, but it’s like, where do you go when the only people who seem to agree with you on taxes hate black people?” Howe laughed ruefully. “I think what you do is you say, ‘Well, I may lose but I can’t align myself with them.’”

But instead, Howe said, he made moral compromises he regrets.

“There are some things that I don’t have core values about, that I can be negotiable on, compromise on. But then there are other things that I can’t budge on,” he said. “I think I thought I had to budge on some things: ‘Yeah, this guy talking to me right now just said he agrees with my taxes and also we need to get that Kenyan out of office.’ Why did I stand there and say, ‘Yeah’? You know? I shouldn’t have done that. I should’ve said, ‘Wait, what? No, that’s stupid. You’re stupid. Don’t be stupid.’”

When I spoke with Tim Miller, Jeb Bush’s former communications director, soon after Trump won the Indiana primary and the nomination, he wasn’t sure what the party might look like after November, much less four or eight years down the line.

There were potential paths back to a more mainstream party line, he theorized, including an economic downturn during a Clinton presidency, making Republicans more appealing by comparison. Miller wasn’t much comforted by that, though.

“I think another very real potential right now — why it’s important that people in the party speak out against Donald Trump and against Trumpism — is that the Republican Party moves to a period of minority status,” he said. “Where it’s essentially a party that’s driven by white grievances and by white — not racial politics, but a set of white identity politics.”

On a recent muggy early morning, as suit- and flag-pin-wearing men parked their bicycles in front of Longworth House Office Building in Washington, six members of the Freedom Caucus gathered in Ohio Rep. Jim Jordan’s mahogany-paneled office. “Morning Joe” was on mute in the background and the group of ultra-conservative allies, most of whom came to power during the tea party wave and whose notoriety grew after their starring role in the ouster of House Speaker John Boehner, chattered loudly as they waited for the morning’s full contingent to arrive.

Along with Jordan, there was Mark Meadows of North Carolina, Mick Mulvaney of South Carolina, Scott Perry from Pennsylvania, Raul Labrador of Idaho and David Brat, a Virginia freshman who surprised the political world when he successfully defeated former House Majority Leader Eric Cantor in a 2014 primary. The gathering came four days after Trump’s twitter account posted a six-pointed star sitting atop a pile of money, widely deemed to be anti-Semitic, and the day after FBI director James Comey recommended that Hillary Clinton not be criminally charged for her misuse of government email. The race, as always, was moving apace.

Made up of unyielding conservatives, the Freedom Caucus reaction to Trump has been closely watched — the group is emblematic of all that the core of the Republican Party had supposedly become in recent years; strict constitutionalists guided by the notion of America as a nation of traditional Judeo-Christian values. Many caucus members had been hesitant to endorse the presumptive nominee and some have been tepid in their backing.

Meadows, formerly for Cruz, said that while he’d support the eventual Republican nominee, full-throated backing for this year’s candidate seemed a bridge too far.

Others expressed more clarity on their candidate stance.

“The Gary Johnson thing is fun,” Mulvaney said. But, “if you’re really in the business, there are two choices: Hillary or Trump.”

It wasn’t particular policies of the Manhattan businessman’s that attracted him, Mulvaney said, but rather the relatively blank canvas that Trump might bring to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.

“He paints with a broad brush and is working on the macro issues and when you get to issues of policy, I think the center of power shifts to the Republicans in the House,” he said.

Jordan, in turn, summed up what might be seen as the broader impetus behind the caucus’s reluctant backing of Trump.

“Seventy percent of the country thinks we’re in decline, 60 percent of the country thinks their children will be worse off, and 80 percent,” he said, “think that this town is rigged against them.”2
Not 3% 14% 15%
Not Very 7 23 19
Somewhat 39 50 47
Very 52 14 19
How angry are you about the way things are going in the country today?
Survey conducted June 2-8, 2016, of 1,492 Democrats, 104 anti-Trump Republicans and 1,059 pro-Trump Republicans

Many elected officials in the GOP are, like the Freedom Caucus, trying to empathize with their constituents’ support of Trump, trying to feel the pain of the electorate and understand why the businessman might ease it or at the very least, provide an outlet for anxiety.

In addition to dissatisfaction with the state of immigration and rounding off what might be called the trifecta of cultural grievance, the FiveThirtyEight/SurveyMonkey poll found that among the top indicators of Trump support were feelings of anger at the country’s direction and a sense that things would be worse for the next generation.

Bad 50% 20% 28%
No difference 22 26 29
Good 28 55 43
Do you think free trade agreements are generally good or bad for the U.S. economy?
Survey conducted June 2-8, 2016, of 1,492 Democrats, 104 anti-Trump Republicans and 1,059 pro-Trump Republicans

These disspirited feelings bear out when it comes to the issue of free trade: More Republicans than Democrats, the survey found, were against free trade, with 47 percent of GOP voters saying it was a bad thing for the economy compared with 28 percent of Democrats who felt the same way.

According to New York Rep. Chris Collins, trade was one of the main reasons that he became the first member of Congress to support Trump, soon after his initial choice, Jeb Bush, dropped out of the race. Collins’s district is not far from Buffalo, a city whose industrial powers have been in decline for decades.

“I’ve always been on board the same page as Donald from a trade standpoint,” he told me. But Collins has had a number of policy differences with his candidate, including on Trump’s marquee issue of immigration and the proposal that 11 million illegal immigrants be deported. He brushed this aside, though; what would be a not-insignificant complication in any other election year — outright denial that a nominee’s policy plan would ever work — was explained away as a tick of management style.

Decrease 76% 21% 26%
Stay the same 21 61 52
Increase 4 17 22
Would you like to see the number of immigrants to the U.S. increase, decrease or stay the same?
Survey conducted June 2-8, 2016, of 1,492 Democrats, 104 anti-Trump Republicans and 1,059 pro-Trump Republicans

“A CEO like Donald Trump raises issues, says, ‘Here’s what I think,’ and then starts the debate,” Collins said. “Politicians don’t do things like that.”

“You’ve already seen he’s moved off of some of the Muslim comments. I’m glad to see that,” he said. “I’m convinced that when the dust settles on the immigration, we’re not going have a line of buses putting 11 million people on them.”

That even the party’s most conservative members are falling in line behind the unorthodox candidate — although, many, like Labrador, who is Latino, denounced Trump’s comments about a Mexican-American judge — should perhaps not come as a surprise. Most of the #NeverTrump movement has been situated in the shrinking centrist pockets of the party. An analysis of elected officials and Trump support by FiveThirtyEight contributor Daniel Nichanian shows that outside of “the most moderate tier of Republicans,” backing of the presumptive nominee is relatively consistent across the rest of the party’s ideological spectrum.

“Support for Trump does dip in the most conservative tier,” Nichanian writes. “But only slightly.”

This coalescing around the presumptive nominee from most corners of the party leads to questions about how, whether he wins or loses, Trumpism will entwine permanently with the GOP, perhaps making it a more populist party, one that softens on issues like free trade. Or perhaps those holdouts on the most conservative tier in the party who have not backed Trump might press with all the more urgency for hewing to the conservative line, the pillars of ideology.

“I have probably been predicting, for nearly 10 years, that I thought the two-party system comes apart well inside the next 10 or 15 years. I expected that you’d have a diminishing of the political parties and the rise of people who bring their own brand to the process,” freshman Sen. Ben Sasse of Nebraska told me recently. “I didn’t expect it to happen in 2016, but I did think it would happen in 2020 or 2024, at least, 2028.”

A former college president and a historian by training, Sasse, 44, is a graduate of Harvard and Yale whose profile skyrocketed in the wake of a Facebook post he penned lodging his official protest against Trump as the party’s candidate. Since then, he’s become the pinup fantasy for some in the #NeverTrump movement, the sort of ideal independent candidate to run against Trump and Clinton.

The infatuation with Sasse is tied to the question of what comes next for the GOP. In the eyes of many, as the country continues its rapid diversification and integration into a technologically driven economy, there is a need to groom a coalition of next-generation leaders.

Young, tan and a bit floppy-haired, Sasse looks the part of a rising political star, but he doesn’t talk like one all the time, tweeting both about “the disintermediation of media,” his 14-year-old daughter’s character-building weeks on a cattle ranch, and talking to political reporters about the very destruction of our American political paradigm.

“We have before us the task of trying to create a society of lifelong learners because people’s jobs are going to expire every three years forevermore at a pace that’s going to continue to accelerate. And so what’s the Republican’s Party solution to that? What’s the Democratic Party’s solution to that?” Sasse said. “The Democrats have a really crappy product — they’re trying to sell more central planning and more monopolistic rule of experts in the age of Uber — and Republicans, no one knows what we stand for.”

Yuval Levin, whose recent book, “The Fractured Republic,” tackles this idea of where the Republican Party might go in a more decentralized, economically and demographically diversified country, has made a career out of thinking through what path the party might take, editing the quarterly policy review, National Affairs.

Involvement in policy areas that help Republicans seem more empathetic and in-the-muck with working communities and families seems to be a key consideration, along with the fact, according to Levin, that localized actions are where the party’s strengths lie.

“The biggest opportunities are in welfare and higher education, in part because those are policy areas that we largely thought of as being in the purview of states and localities,” he told me. But for Levin, the party’s modes of communication are just as important as policy.

“The way for conservatives to approach the public is to first ask people, ‘How do you think problems get solved? Is it by putting power in the hands of experts who have the answers or is it by putting resources in the hands of people who need solutions?’” he said. “We haven’t talked that way to the public, so I don’t blame the public for having no idea that this is what Republicans have done.”

Republican progress has been retarded by wistfulness for the past, a country song-inclination to long for the way things used to be.

In his book, Levin levels criticism at the narrative Americans on both the left and right have woven for themselves over the last 70 years.

“We really have almost no self-understanding of our country in the years since World War II that is not in some fundamental way a baby-boomer narrative,” Levin writes, words that hold particular resonance in an election year where the major party nominees are 68 and 70.

Nostalgia for the way things used to be — heavy industry, vibrant social safety net institutions — “is why younger Americans so often find themselves re-enacting memories they do not actually possess, and why our nation increasingly behaves like a retiree,” he writes.

Sasse, Utah’s Mike Lee, Paul Ryan of Wisconsin and Tom Cotton of Arkansas are Republican officials who Levin thinks might be able to help revive GOP policy, “partially because they’re a little more at home in the 21st century,” he said. “It’s also because they’re a little more free of the particular kind of Reagan nostalgia that holds a lot of the party captive.”

When I asked the Freedom Caucus members how they would respond to Levin’s argument that the party had grown too nostalgic, too Reagan-centric, the room crackled.

“We’re supposed to respond to this guy? How many followers does he have?” David Brat asked incredulously. There was silence for a moment; it was difficult to discern whether he meant Twitter followers or policy acolytes.

“He’s actually a pretty smart guy,” Labrador finally said.

“Well, you can be smart, but does he have any followers?” Brat asked. “A lot of people at Harvard are smart, but they don’t have any followers.”

“I don’t disagree,” Labrador said to me, turning back to the original question. “I gave a speech about Ted Cruz, and I said, ‘A lot of people are saying that Ted Cruz is the next Reagan.’ And I said, ‘I hope he’s not, I hope he’s the next Ted Cruz because I want to make sure that we look forward.’”

“That’s a good one,” someone murmured approvingly.

Brat was sticking to his guns, though. “I totally disagree. It’s not time to move past Reagan. Reagan stands for something, for a positive America.”

Division within the party, not just on Reagan’s place in its communion of saints, is likely to continue even after November’s election, at least the way Republican pollster Kristen Soltis Anderson sees it.

“There are some folks who will say, ‘Oh, well, won’t this have finally purged the party of its demons? Won’t they be tired of losing and finally, they’ll do all that stuff in the GOP autopsy and everything’ll be great?’”

That, she said, was “fantasy land.”

So too in her eyes was the notion that all Republicans needed to do to win was turn out conservative whites that stayed at home during 2012, the “missing white voters” electoral thesis.

“What I think was flawed about that theory is it assumed that those missing white voters were all conservative Republicans,” she said. “We have an awful lot of voters in our party who aren’t particularly interested in shutting down the government or slashing government spending, including entitlements. We have a lot of voters in our party, every time the argument was made, ‘Well, Donald Trump is not conservative enough,’ they kind of shrugged their shoulders.”

If Trump lost, Soltis Anderson said — which seems at this point, not an unreasonable possibility — the factions in the party would only become more entrenched. It would not just be the Trump supporters vs. the Never Trumps; instead, Never Trump would be pitted against Never Trump in a civil war of the moral resistance. Lacking a common enemy, they would revert to their differences.

“On the one hand, you have the autopsy folks, right?” she said, referring to those who concur with the findings of a 2012 report that said, among other things, that the GOP should reach out to minority voters. “You have the people that look at Donald Trump and they go, ‘He’s alienating Latino voters, he’s doing damage to the brand, he’s looking backwards, not forwards, he’s the opposite of what we needed.’”

The other Never Trump faction — “the Ted Cruz folks, the conservative purists,” as Soltis Anderson put it — would disagree with the diagnosis of why Trump was bad for the party. “Their main argument with Trump is not that he’s mean to Latinos; their main argument with Trump is that he’s not really a conservative, he’s not really one of us,” she said. “When all is said and done, those two Never Trump forces are going to blame each other for his existence.”

The prospect that the GOP leaders wouldn’t even be able to agree on why Trump — arguably the worst crisis the modern party has experienced — was even a crisis to begin with, seemed to say it all.

“There is no happy ending to this story,” she said.

CORRECTION (July 18, 10:15 a.m.): An earlier version of this article misspelled the name of a Republican pollster. It is Kristen Soltis Anderson, not Kristin.

CORRECTION (July 19, 3:30 p.m.): A previous version of the second chart in this article incorrectly described the data being shown. The chart shows the percentage point change in the GOP’s county-by-county margin of victory, not vote share, and covers 2000 to 2012, not 2008 to 2012.

VIDEO: What’s happening to the Republican Party?
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Re: R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

Postby Cordelia » Sun Oct 09, 2016 12:05 pm

Imagine, a prophetic George W.

George W. Bush Fears the Death of the Republican Party

'"I'm worried that I will be the last Republican president,"
Politico reports he said at an administrative reunion party."

http://www.motherjones.com/politics/201 ... ican-party

The greatest sin is to be unconscious. ~ Carl Jung

We may not choose the parameters of our destiny. But we give it its content. ~ Dag Hammarskjold 'Waymarks'
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Re: R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

Postby seemslikeadream » Sun Oct 09, 2016 12:32 pm

Cordelia » Sun Oct 09, 2016 11:05 am wrote:Imagine, a prophetic George W.

George W. Bush Fears the Death of the Republican Party

'"I'm worried that I will be the last Republican president,"
Politico reports he said at an administrative reunion party."

http://www.motherjones.com/politics/201 ... ican-party


Imagine that, the party's final days delivered by an establishment president who started the Iraq War and an outsider reality television star widely endorsed by white supremacists. The end of the party of Lincoln does seem near.

Isn't it amazing that the worst most vile U. S. President who gave us permanent war and then Trump says that?


By E.J. Dionne Jr. Opinion writer July 17
The Republican Party came to life as the bastion of “Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Speech, Free Men.” It was a reformist party dedicated to stopping the spread of slavery and to fighting a “Slave Power” its founders saw as undermining free institutions.

The new political organization grew out of the old Whigs and reflected the faith that Henry Clay and his admirer Abraham Lincoln had in the federal government’s ability to invest in fostering economic growth and expanding educational opportunity. Its partisans embodied what John C. Calhoun, slavery’s chief ideological defender, described disdainfully as “the national impulse.” It was, in fact, a good impulse.

But the Republicans who held their first national convention 160 years ago were more than just Northern Whigs. Their ranks also included many former Democrats who shared a fervor for the anti-slavery cause and helped take some of the Whiggish, elitist edge off this ingathering of idealists and practical politicians.

“The admixture of Whig and Democratic politics inside the Republican Party,” writes historian Sean Wilentz in “The Politicians & The Egalitarians,” his recently published book, “created a forthright democratic nationalism, emboldening the federal government, for a time, at once to stimulate economic development and broaden its benefits.”

The Republicans descending on Cleveland would thus have every right to insist that all Americans owe a large debt to the GOP. We are a better, freer and more prosperous nation because their party was born.

What the heck is happening at the Republican National Convention? Play Video1:23
Kayla Epstein explains what the heck is going on at the 2016 RNC. (Peter Stevenson, Dani Johnson/The Washington Post)
Of course it would be historically naive to pretend that time has stood still since 1856. To do so would mean ignoring that the South, which hated the original Republicans, is now the dominant force in the party. It would involve being blind to the way in which our two great political parties have switched sides in how they view the capacity of our federal government to promote a more inclusive prosperity.

It would be equally untrue to history to claim that the nativism of Donald Trump is alien to the party. On the contrary, the anti-immigrant, anti-Catholic Know-Nothings were an important force in early Republicanism, and the party embraced opposition to newcomers at various points in subsequent eras.

Nonetheless, Republicans who are not in the least progressive have reason to mourn what is likely to come to pass this week: the transformation of the Party of Lincoln and Dwight Eisenhower into the Party of Trump. Some are bravely resisting this outcome to the end — and good luck to them. A fair number of leading Republicans have stated flatly that they will never vote for Trump. Their devotion to principle and integrity will be remembered.

But so many others in the party have found ways of rationalizing support for a man who plainly does not take governing, policy or even what he says from one day to the next seriously. It is comical but also embarrassing to watch politicians and consultants fall all over themselves to declare that Trump is “maturing” because every once in a while, he reads partisan talking points off a teleprompter. This is seen as a great advance over the normal Trump, whose free-association rants refer to his opponents as “lyin’,” “crooked,” “sad,” “weak,” “low-energy” and — in the very special case of Sen. Elizabeth Warren — “Pocahontas.”

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Liberals have long complained about conservatives “dog whistling” appeals to racial animosity. But hypocrisy really is the tribute vice pays to virtue and so it does mark a decline in simple decency that Trump has shouted out his prejudices openly: falsely claiming that Barack Obama, our first African American president, was not born in the United States; railing against Mexican immigrants as “rapists”; and calling for “a total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States.”

And a party that helped build popular support for internationalism after World War II is about to turn to a man whose foreign policy pronouncements defy coherence. He’s not even consistent in supporting noninterventionism or protectionism, both of which are part of a historically legitimate Republican tradition. He substitutes bullying for choosing, bluster for strength.

Many Republicans oppose Trump because they see him as the one candidate most likely to lose to Hillary Clinton. But others fear something worse: a Trump victory. They know that his presidency would represent a grave danger to the republic, a repudiation of the most noble Republican aspirations, and the end of their party as a serious vehicle for governance. The GOP can survive a Trump defeat. It will never get over being permanently defined by his politics of flippant brutality.
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Re: R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

Postby Iamwhomiam » Sun Oct 09, 2016 1:06 pm

Talk about being prophetic, the one thing I agreed with Cruz about:

"I believe God isn't done with America"
Ted Cruz, March 23, 2015

"I said before the end of the Republican Party is at hand; Donald is its death knell."
Iamwhomiam, Dec.17, 2015
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Re: R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

Postby Luther Blissett » Sun Oct 09, 2016 3:15 pm

If it comes to be, it would be unbelievably exciting. Though naturally I fear the modern incarnation of the far right and the violent threat they pose in the absence of any kind of container. I think that anti-globalists with a more conservative bent will be much easier to bring into a more humanitarian fold; I think that's where they were before and only shifted right because of Loki or lack of desirable options.
The Rich and the Corporate remain in their hundred-year fever visions of Bolsheviks taking their stuff - JackRiddler
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Re: R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

Postby Spiro C. Thiery » Sun Oct 09, 2016 6:15 pm

If it meant anything other than furthering the Democratic Party's unaccountability to its brand, sure. Anyway, the Republican Party isn't going anywhere. It's serving the same function it has for a few generations now. And the fact that a Bush is leaking for the Clintons fits perfectly with the two families' overlap in private equity and public policy.
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Re: R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

Postby Nordic » Sun Oct 09, 2016 7:15 pm

Sorry but no, never gonna happen.

The GOP was dead when Obama was elected -- all he had to do was dig the whole and nail the coffin shut.

Instead he brought them back to life. Completely revived them. Back to normal.

He even put tons of them in his administration so they could continue to wreak havoc and slaughter people throughout the world. Because the US government is, if anything, a death cult.

Without Repubs, Obama would have had to have kept his campaign promises. The horror!

The Status Quo is King. Long live the Status Quo

And how could ANYONE who's not out of their fucking minds think the GOP party could be dead and gone when the fucking Drmocratic Party has literally turned into the old GOP Party!!

Jesus F Christ.
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Re: R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

Postby kelley » Sun Oct 09, 2016 7:26 pm

The comments Bush made are disingenuous

The election itself is an op and Trump's role was to destroy the GOP from within

Roger Stone helped devise this plan and the Clintons helped enact it

The majority of Americans are blind to these machinations

It's pure realpolitik in action

The real issue at hand is the organizational collapse of the national security state as it was conceived in the late '40s

The new transnational elites have absolutely no idea how to proceed in other than binary fashion and power sharing concepts are in utter disarray

This is one reason why Hilary will be a one term leader

( I use that term loosely)

Her appointment is even more symbolic than Obama's

Sorry if this sounds overly simplistic but it's been a long day and exhaustion is enervating but at times fatigue clarifies things in a pretty lucid way
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Re: R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

Postby Belligerent Savant » Sun Oct 09, 2016 9:16 pm

I don't understand the point of this thread.

Is this some form of satire, where one entertains that -- even if it comes to pass (which it won't) -- it would make ANY F'ING DIFFERENCE AT ALL?
If THEY deem it beneficial to kill off one of these farcical parties, another will be propped up (perhaps draped in a slightly varied "outfit") that will simply continue to serve the interests of the few - the interests of the status quo - as Nordic already conveyed above.

In short, even if true it wouldn't F'ing matter. Actually, if anything the newly propped entity may well be worse than the current incarnation of the Republican Party.
(As it is, neither party currently resembles whatever tenets they claimed as defining characteristics even just 20 years ago)
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Re: R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

Postby seemslikeadream » Mon Oct 10, 2016 12:50 am

WSJ: “GOP Defunding Trump”- Triggering Its Internal Civil War


But let’s cut to the chase. The Republican base, as nurtured and grown via thirty years of carefully coded, incrementally escalated racial, class and gender warfare is now a hotbed of distrust of the very institutions that gave birth to it. The GOP base catagorically denies the validity of major conservative media outlets like Fox News, of governing institutions at both the state and federal levels, of the Republican National Committee, and of our system of elections. For them its all rigged. Its all corrupt.

They will now call for retribution. The white supremacist core of the GOP base will abandon the Republican Party. Their numbers are such that their exit will effectively end the Republican Party’s capacity to compete in national elections. If alt right activists start a far right party even more of the Republican base will bleed away. Given the kind of personalities involved and the culture of political aggression priviledged inside the GOP’s centers of power, I can only conclude an all out war is coming.

We are watching the voilent implosion of the GOP in real time.

I take no joy in the collapse of Republican institutions that have spoon fed misinformation, ignorance and hate to a generation of Americans. The collapse of the GOP comes at a terrible cost. It comes at the cost of the forty years of undermining our economic, political and social foundations that preceded it. We are deeply and horribly wounded by a culture of hate fostered by generations of GOP operatives. Cynical opportunists like Roger Ailes, Rush Limbaugh, Dick Cheney, Karl Rove, Ralph Reed, Jerry Falwell and hundred more, who have lined their pockets with millions while feeding on America’s vitality and diversity like vampires.

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Re: R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

Postby seemslikeadream » Mon Oct 10, 2016 1:03 am

Republicans who scrambled to distance themselves from Trump look less like profiles in courage and more like

morally obtuse cowards. Trump’s comments about grabbing pussy were a boast of sexual assault. But why Republicans

drew the line there as opposed to the Muslim ban, deportation of 11 million undocumented migrants, unraveling NATO,

spreading nuclear weapons, ostentatious support of Vladimir Putin, not to mention lewd comments about women, including

plenty of news accounts of forced kissing, Republicans are fleeing Trump because of a deep fear of a landslide that will

destroy their political futures. No amount of moral preening can change that.

Voters are unlikely to be fooled. If you’re a backer of the Vichy government in France and switched your allegiance to the

Allied forces and Charles De Gaulle just as Germany was ready to lose the war, it doesn’t make you a member of la

resistance. The good news for Republican Senate candidates like Ayotte is that they were often running well ahead of

Trump. They may yet survive but they’re increasingly imperiled the more Trump reinforces the appearance that he was

always unfit for office.

Republicans have two dilemmas, then. Get to election day with minimal damage and then repair the breach after Trump.

They might do well enough at the first, holding the U.S. Senate, containing House losses as well as their lead in state

houses. (Under President Obama, Democrats lost more than 900 state legislative seats.)

Repairing the ideological fissures will be much harder. Because the U.S. has only two major political parties, they’re always

to some degree an uncomfortable confederation of disparate interests. But the Republicans are now riven in a way that

Democrats just aren’t. There is no huge fight in the Democratic party on immigration; there is in the Republican party. The

trade fight in the Democratic party is much less fraught. Trump challenged Republican orthodoxy on everything including

entitlements—he doesn’t want them touched—and collective security like his badmouthing NATO. Maybe sheer hatred of a

President Hillary Clinton will allow these divisions to be papered over easily. Richard Nixon brought the Republican Party

together in 1968 after the Goldwater debacle, making a tent just big enough to accommodate hard-right supporters of the

Arizona senator as well as the moderate Rockefeller Republicans.

http://www.newsweek.com/republican-crac ... oon-508079
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Re: R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

Postby kool maudit » Mon Oct 10, 2016 3:44 am

This is good. Movement conservatism is inauthentic, as is neoliberalism. They are fake versions of the platforms people really want to see go head to head: left-wing socialism versus right-wing nationalism.
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Re: R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

Postby dada » Mon Oct 10, 2016 10:56 am

The people should probably fight white-wing nationalisim themselves. Left-wing socialism is busy, poisoning all the young minds. It's hard work.
Both his words and manner of speech seemed at first totally unfamiliar to me, and yet somehow they stirred memories - as an actor might be stirred by the forgotten lines of some role he had played far away and long ago.
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Re: R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

Postby seemslikeadream » Mon Oct 10, 2016 10:59 am

dada » Mon Oct 10, 2016 9:56 am wrote:The people should probably fight white-wing nationalisim themselves. Left-wing socialism is busy, poisoning all the young minds. It's hard work.

who are these people you are talking about?
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Re: R.I.P GOP The End Of A Republican Party

Postby dada » Mon Oct 10, 2016 11:49 am

seemslikeadream » Mon Oct 10, 2016 10:59 am wrote:
dada » Mon Oct 10, 2016 9:56 am wrote:The people should probably fight white-wing nationalisim themselves. Left-wing socialism is busy, poisoning all the young minds. It's hard work.

who are these people you are talking about?

The people in the post above my post. Here:

kool maudit wrote:This is good. Movement conservatism is inauthentic, as is neoliberalism. They are fake versions of the platforms people really want to see go head to head: left-wing socialism versus right-wing nationalism.

I guess they're an imaginary crowd.
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