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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Functional_finance
Functional finance
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Functional finance is an economic theory proposed by Abba P. Lerner, based on effective demand principles and chartalism. It states that government should finance itself to meet explicit goals, such as taming the business cycle, achieving full employment, ensuring growth, and low inflation.[citation needed]
Contents
1 Principles
2 Rules for fiscal policy
3 History of use
4 See also
5 Notes
6 References
7 External links
Principles
The principal ideas behind functional finance can be summarized as:[1]
— Governments have to intervene in the national and global economy; these economies are not self-regulating.
— The principal economic objective of the state should be to ensure a prosperous economy.
— Money is a creature of the state; it has to be managed.
Fiscal policy should be directed in light of its impact on the economy, and the budget should be managed accordingly, that is, 'balancing revenue and spending' is not important; prosperity is important.
The amount and pace of government spending should be set in light of the desired level of activity, and taxes should be levied for their economic impact, rather than to raise revenue.
Principles of 'sound finance' apply to individuals. They make sense for individuals, households, businesses, and non-sovereign governments (such as cities and individual US states) but do not apply to the governments of sovereign states, capable of issuing money.
Rules for fiscal policy
Lerner postulated that government's fiscal policy should be governed by three rules:[1]
— The government shall maintain a reasonable level of demand at all times. If there is too little spending and, thus, excessive unemployment, the government shall reduce taxes or increase its own spending. If there is too much spending, the government shall prevent inflation by reducing its own expenditures or by increasing taxes.
— By borrowing money when it wishes to raise the rate of interest and by lending money or repaying debt when it wishes to lower the rate of interest, the government shall maintain that rate of interest that induces the optimum amount of investment.
If either of the first two rules conflicts with principles of 'sound finance' or of balancing the budget, or of limiting the national debt, so much the worse for these principles. The government press shall print any money that may be needed to carry out rules 1 and 2.
History of use
Lerner's ideas were most heavily in use during the Post-World War II economic expansion, when they became basis for most textbook presentations of Keynesian economics and the basis for policy. Thus when Keynesian policy become under fire in the late 60's and early 70's it was Lerner's idea of functional finance most people were attacking. During the post-war period, U.S. unemployment reached a low of 2.9% in 1953, during the Korean war,[2] when the inflation rate averaged at 1.1%.[3] Both rose dramatically over the next 25 years.
See also
Government success
Government failure
Market failure
Modern Money Theory
Functional Finance:
A Comparison of the Evolution of the Positions of Hyman Minsky and Abba Lerner
L. Randall Wray*
Levy Economics Institute and Bard College
January 2018
FASAB 56 BLACK BUDGET REVEALED! In this breakthrough episode Dark Journalist welcomes back Former Assistant Housing Secretary Catherine Austin Fitts to outline the new Goverment Accounting Practice called FASAB 56 that allows their agenices to hide transactions and take the entire Federal Budget Black. Fitts shows that the Missing Trillions research she has done with Professor Skidmore of Michigan State University that revealed 21 Trillion missing from the Department of Defense and HUD, has triggered the covert elements inside the Goverment to push FASAB 56 which was passed by a bi-partisan vote between the Trump administration and Congress.
The Age of Uncertainty is a 1977 television series about economics, history and politics, co-produced by the BBC, CBC, KCET and OECA, and written and presented by Harvard economist John Kenneth Galbraith.
Galbraith acknowledges the successes of the market system in economics but associated it with instability, inefficiency and social inequity. He advocates government policies and interventions to remedy these perceived faults
The content of the series was determined by Galbraith, with the presentation style directed by his colleagues in the BBC. Galbraith began by writing a series of essays from which the scripts were derived and from these a book by the same name, emerged which in many places goes beyond the material covered in the relevant television episode.
Galbraith gives an overview of economic history from the 18th century until the end of the 19th century covering issues such as the industrial revolution, the enclosure of the Scottish highlands, the Irish famine and the colonization of North America. Additionally, the ideas of economists such as Smith, Ricardo, Malthus, the Physiocrats, and Leontief, which were developed throughout this period are discussed.
http://www.rethinkeconomics.org/journal ... pluralism/
Deliberate Misunderstandings in Economics: What Pluralism Really Means
Words by Leonardo Conte, University of Lugano
Article written by Leonardo Conte from Rethinking Economics Lugano in response to the debate between Diane Coyle, which can be found here and Howard Reed, which can be found here.
When you explain to your professor what Rethinking Economics does, it is common for them to say: ‘I agree on certain things, but not on others’. The issue is that the things they don’t agree with are rather fundamental. The first thing they find fault with is concerned with pluralism. According to them, economics is already pluralist enough in the sense that it already deals with different kinds of issues: from health, education, agriculture and development to wars, politics and elections. Many argue that the range of topics covered is becoming broader and wider over time, reflecting its well-established pluralism. As the Bloomberg View columnist Noah Smith puts it, ‘Economists study gender relations in the workplace, racial gaps, changes in labour contracts, early childhood education, minimum-wage policy, regional opportunity gaps, automation and the future of jobs, and a vast array of other highly important, immediately relevant topics’ (Smith, 2018).
Also, the benefits of railroads in 19th century India, the effect of modern technological change on jobs, and the effect of sugar taxes on obesity rates in the UK are some of the studies you can come across while reading recent research journals in economics (Coyle, 2018). According to some, ‘these examples should be enough to convince people that a lot of modern economic research is going in the right direction’ (Moran, 2018). However, I am sorry to tell you this is not what pluralism actually means. Epistemologically speaking, pluralism is the coexistence of different statuses, qualities or characteristics of an object of analysis. For instance, the presence of multiple points of view on a single topic as well as substantially diverse theoretical apparatuses for an area of analysis can be considered a pluralist approach. Therefore, that is something profoundly different from what Noah Smith, Diane Coyle and many other mainstream economics’ advocates claim. Thus, it is also far removed from the reality of economic research today, both in terms of theory and methodology.
The big concern with the theoretical framework, I argue, is that the sub-disciplines of economics actually apply the same bunch of theories to their particular issues. That is, health economics, development economics and environmental economics are nothing more than neoclassical economics applied to health, development and the environment. Thus, they pursue the aim of “pluralism” just by masquerading themselves with a thin layer of applied science. However, most of these disguised disciplines do not have anything new or different from what the standard mainstream approach claims. And I am not referring to the ‘libertarian caricature of economics’ cited by Mr. Smith. In fact, ‘mainstream economists are emphatically not all laissez-faire libertarians’, although ‘the textbook they are working from allows thinkers and commentators with an atomistic worldview to commandeer a privileged position in the debate’ (Reed, 2018).
But the debate here is not free market versus government intervention. Instead, it is about using the same theoretical apparatus to explain different issues. That is, in mainstream economics textbooks everything dealing with the economy is forced into one of the following: supply and demand, general equilibrium, moral hazard, information asymmetry, externality, perfect competition, marginal productivity, utility etc. In such a framework, there is no room for critical thinking on these subjects. When there is, it is still constrained within the narrow bounds of the mainstream (Moran, 2018). In fact, most of the “reforms” occurred in economics education have been about ‘adding modules to the basic template, leaving the core of the old discipline essentially intact’. As Reed continues, ‘this is insufficient, and treats the symptoms rather than the underlying malaise’ (Reed, 2018).
Economics’ narrow views are affecting not only the way it is taught, but also and particularly its research. A vicious circle takes place when only a certain kind of research is done, as it soon becomes the only one that is actually financed. This is often the case because the panel of reviewers of the top journal’s boards are often mainstream economists. As a result, both in economics classes and papers, adopting different views or approaches from other schools of thought than the mainstream one, becomes hasty and insufficient. Moreover, taking into account considerations drawn by other social sciences is usually prohibited in economics research. Instead, one single approach – the one reflected by the so-called neoclassical theory – is presented as the only framework of analysis for all of the outlined themes. Therefore, remember that when economics sells itself as “pluralist” by treating a broad range of topics, there is actually nothing more monolithic than the assortment of axioms used to analyse them.
A similar argument can be made about methodology, however requiring more subtle considerations. Economists often promote themselves as the most scientific of the social scientists, due to their massive use of advanced quantitative methods, often derived from the natural sciences. That is, economics is “scientific” because it uses the methodologies of physics, while other social sciences like psychology, sociology and political science focus more on the “social” aspects, preferring ‘a theoretical lens which looks at social and legal structures over individual choice, and an empirical method which focuses on qualitative details over statistical techniques’ (Moran, 2018). To reach the aim of scientific status, economists started to utilize mathematics extensively. Some argue that the models used by economists ‘are written with mathematical notation as a shorthand and to enforce logical consistency’ (Coyle, 2018). Well, maybe we ought to start debating what ‘science’ and ‘scientific’ really mean, exploring the forefront philosophy of science and applying principles derived from Popper, Kuhn and Lakatos to economics. But we won’t have time to do that. Also, we don’t really need to.
For our purposes, it is enough to make two precise points about the relationship between economics and physics. First, the use of mathematics does not imply logical consistency. Instead, logic is a branch of philosophy, which does not always use mathematics to express its statements and does not need it in order to develop consistent arguments. Among the other social sciences, there are totally consistent theories that do not use mathematics and are often more logical than the ones developed by economists. Secondly, it is sufficient to explore some basic history of physics to understand why economics does not really use its “rigorous” methodology. For instance, physicists are able to study the behaviour of gases without necessarily knowing about theirs parcels’ position and velocity. That is, they use macroscopic laws to understand the behaviour of macro units of analysis. However, economists are not able to do that at all. Instead, they prefer to base all of their knowledge about the economy on the so-called ‘micro-foundations’. As a result, economists still lack a proper understanding of many macro issues (The Economist, 2018).
Having totally neglected the macroscopic approach might be one of the reasons for the serious failings of modern macroeconomics, and the weakest aspect of economists’ methodology.* Unfortunately, quantitative modelling has become so fundamental that any theoretical insight have to be put into an economic model in order to be accepted by economists. Nonetheless, this approach leads to the paradox where the methodology is considered to be more important than the content itself, so that standard economic methods are often used to say something that is basically already known (Moran, 2018). This necessarily stifles creativity and the production of new knowledge overall. As Cahal Moran argues, ‘research incentives typically mean adhering to at least one of these techniques, despite the plethora of other techniques available’. As a result, ‘mainstream economics papers often deal with what seem like exciting questions, but give ultimately disappointing answers because they follow the same old methods’ (Moran, 2018).
Another important issue is the conception of value judgments (or lack of) within the mainstream approach. In this regard, there are two points to be raised. Firstly, some claim that ‘neoclassical economics pretends to be ethically neutral while smuggling in an individualistic, anti-social ethos’ (Reed, 2018). The ‘awry, malign and psychopathic’ mainstream approach based on the neoclassical architecture certainly ‘airbrushes out the negative consequences of a destructive behavioural mind-set–selfish individualism’, regarding such behaviours ‘not only as inevitable, but desirable’ (Reed, 2018). In fact, economics does not make any difference between normative and positive analysis. For instance, ‘profit-maximisation in mainstream economics becomes not merely a description of what does happen in a capitalist economy, but a template for what should happen’. As a result, students acquire that ‘mental virus’ embedded in mainstream economics, ‘behaving more in line with its selfish predictions that those who have studied other topics’ (Reed, 2018).
The second point recalls what I already mentioned in the previous paragraph. That is, most of the economists believe that using objective “scientific” mathematical models exempts them from value judgments. However, they miss the point that the choice of model you make strongly affects the conclusions you draw, both by determining what to model and by modelling it in a certain way (Moran, 2018). Therefore, choosing a model is an implicit way to give value – meaning importance – to certain variables rather than others. As a result, economic models only deal with phenomena that can be quantitatively measured, completely neglecting that which cannot. Thus, default frameworks (rational choice models, linear regressions etc.) actually do represent a choice – a very precise one – which highlights some variables disregarding others that – even if not measurable – are often fundamental to understand the evaluated issue.
On top of that, some argue that economists’ core work has recently become much more empirically grounded and data based (Coyle, 2018). However, this tendency might even be worse for the development of the discipline. Firstly because the lack of grounded theory is the pillar for any science to be considered as such. Secondly, an increase of empirical work on a broad range of topics actually reflects a systemic crisis that economics is currently facing. Every discipline has a specific set of topics that represents the “object” of its studies. This is true for the natural sciences as well as for the social ones; while physics studies the laws of the nature, psychology studies the mind and human behaviour. However, the same cannot be said for economics where studies on money, employment and wealth are only a fraction of economists’ work. This only proves the deep identity crisis that economics has been going through for decades.
Summing up, some recognize the shortfalls of the discipline in addressing its issues and blame the economists, not economics (Rodrik, 2009). Others, instead, state that the problem is economics, not economists (Moran, 2018). While the former are often well-established economists unwilling to expose their research to criticism, the latter are typically students, tired and annoyed by modern economics’ narrow approach where the ‘reliance on a single framework is hamstringing the research of capable, conscientious and critical economists’ (Moran, 2018). As Noah Smith also recommends, grounded preparation in epistemology and ethics would be necessary – if not fundamental – to economists’ education. While the former would be useful in order to assess the meaning and validity of models, the latter is rather relevant for systematic discussions of many economic problems (Smith, 2018). In conclusion, econ critics are not ‘stuck in the past’. It’s economics that needs to be fundamentally changed.
At the 2013 Climate, Mind, & Behavior Symposium, Rebecca Adamson of First Peoples Worldwide illustrates alternative economic systems modeled after indigenous worldviews and the power they have in pushing us towards a more sustainable existence.
https://www.exploring-economics.org/en/ ... nce-to-th/
To learn more about the Garrison Institute's Climate, Mind & Behavior Initiative:
Visit our website: https://www.garrisoninstitute.org/what- ... -behavior/
Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/climatemind
Let's begin with capitalism, a word that has gone largely out of fashion. The approved reference now is to the market system. This shift minimizes — indeed, deletes — the role of wealth in the economic and social system. And it sheds the adverse connotation going back to Marx. Instead of the owners of capital or their attendants in control, we have the admirably impersonal role of market forces. It would be hard to think of a change in terminology more in the interest of those to whom money accords power. They have now a functional anonymity.
—J.K. Galbraith
"Free Market Fraud", The Progressive (January 1999)
These measures were on the side of increasing spendable income, though unfortunately they were largely without effect. The tax reductions were negligible except in the higher income brackets; businessmen who promised to maintain investment and wages, in accordance with a well-understood convention, considered the promise binding only for the period within which it was not financially disadvantageous to do so.
Nothing is so admirable in politics as a short memory.
During his reign, Mali may have been the largest producer of gold in the world; it was at a point of exceptional demand for the commodity.
Musa made his pilgrimage between 1324 and 1325.[20][21] His procession reportedly included 60,000 men, all wearing brocade and Persian silk, including 12,000 slaves,[22] who each carried 1.8 kg (4 lb) of gold bars, and heralds dressed in silks, who bore gold staffs, organized horses, and handled bags. Musa provided all necessities for the procession, feeding the entire company of men and animals.[19] Those animals included 80 camels which each carried 23–136 kg (50–300 lb) of gold dust. Musa gave the gold to the poor he met along his route.
Musa not only gave to the cities he passed on the way to Mecca, including Cairo and Medina, but also traded gold for souvenirs. It was reported that he built a mosque every Friday.
Musa's generous actions inadvertently devastated the economies of the regions through which he passed. In the cities of Cairo, Medina, and Mecca, the sudden influx of gold devalued the metal for the next decade. Prices on goods and wares greatly inflated.
To rectify the gold market, on his way back from Mecca, Musa borrowed all the gold he could carry from money-lenders in Cairo at high interest.
Musa embarked on a large building program, raising mosques and madrasas in Timbuktu and Gao. Most notably, the ancient center of learning Sankore Madrasah (or University of Sankore) was constructed during his reign.
In Niani, Musa built the Hall of Audience, a building communicating by an interior door to the royal palace. It was "an admirable Monument", surmounted by a dome and adorned with arabesques of striking colours. The wooden window frames of an upper storey were plated with silver foil; those of a lower storey with gold. Like the Great Mosque, a contemporaneous and grandiose structure in Timbuktu, the Hall was built of cut stone.
During this period, there was an advanced level of urban living in the major centers of the Mali. Sergio Domian, an Italian scholar of art and architecture, wrote of this period: "Thus was laid the foundation of an urban civilization. At the height of its power, Mali had at least 400 cities, and the interior of the Niger Delta was very densely populated."
Economy and education
It is recorded that Mansa Musa traveled through the cities of Timbuktu and Gao on his way to Mecca, and made them a part of his empire when he returned around 1325. He brought architects from Andalusia, a region in Spain, and Cairo to build his grand palace in Timbuktu and the great Djinguereber Mosque that still stands today.[27]
Timbuktu soon became a center of trade, culture, and Islam; markets brought in merchants from Hausaland, Egypt, and other African kingdoms, a university was founded in the city (as well as in the Malian cities of Djenné and Ségou), and Islam was spread through the markets and university, making Timbuktu a new area for Islamic scholarship.[28] News of the Malian empire's city of wealth even traveled across the Mediterranean to southern Europe, where traders from Venice, Granada, and Genoa soon added Timbuktu to their maps to trade manufactured goods for gold.[29]
The University of Sankore in Timbuktu was restaffed under Musa's reign with jurists, astronomers, and mathematicians.[30] The university became a center of learning and culture, drawing Muslim scholars from around Africa and the Middle East to Timbuktu.
In 1330, the kingdom of Mossi invaded and conquered the city of Timbuktu. Gao had already been captured by Musa's general, and Musa quickly regained Timbuktu, built a rampart and stone fort, and placed a standing army to protect the city from future invaders.[31]
While Musa's palace has since vanished, the university and mosque still stand in Timbuktu today.
By the end of Mansa Musa's reign, the Sankoré University had been converted into a fully staffed University with the largest collections of books in Africa since the Library of Alexandria. The Sankoré University was capable of housing 25,000 students and had one of the largest libraries in the world with roughly 1,000,000 manuscripts.
https://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cgi ... text=cjlpp
Cornell Journal of Law and Public Policy
Volume 27 Issue 2 Winter 2017 Article 1
Social Security Is Fair to All Generations: Demystifying the Trust Fund, Solvency, and the Promise to Younger Americans
Neil H. Buchanan
George Washington University
The Social Security system has come under attack for having illegitimately transferred wealth from younger generations to the Baby Boom generation. This attack is unfounded, because it fails to understand how the system was altered in order to force the Baby Boomers to finance their own benefits in retirement. Any challenges that Social Security now faces are not caused by the pay-as-you-go structure of the system but by Baby Boomers' other policy errors, especially the emergence of extreme economic inequality since 1980. Attempting to fix the wrong problem all but guarantees a solution that will make matters worse. Generational justice and distributive justice go hand in hand.
[. . .]
The technical question addressed in this Article is whether the Social Security system has altered the balance of economic benefits between the Baby Boomers and the generations that will follow. I show that the Baby Boomers allowed themselves to be overtaxed, relative to what would have been necessary to fund the Social Security system, for more than three decades.
[. . .]
...the economy that future generations are inheriting will in fact be much less prosperous than it should have been—but not because of any problems with Social Security. Inadequate public investments combined with the rise in inequality have made future financing of retirement more difficult than it needed to be. They are manifestations of our (many) failings in other areas of policy.
After describing the mechanics (and overall financial health) of the Social Security system, I will confront the argument most often invoked to justify changes to Social Security's finances: justice to future generations. Notwithstanding the popular belief in the selfishness of the Baby Boomers, the fact is that the Baby Boom generation and its parents sacrificed significantly in order to make it possible for the generations that follow to be able to afford to support the Baby Boomers in their retirement.
The "generational contract" that Social Security represents, therefore, justifies continuing to guarantee promised levels of benefits to retirees through the next several decades, rather than being an excuse to undermine the system now in an effort to prevent future generations from supposedly being cheated. Younger generations will be trying to clean up the messes that they are inheriting for decades to come. Understanding that the Social Security system is not the cause of any of those problems will have two beneficial effects on future policy. First, it will prevent post-Baby Boomers from undermining Social Security in a way that would damage their own future prospects. Second, it will allow them not to waste time on a political fight to undermine or privatize Social Security, and instead to put all of their energies into fixing the very real and important problems that will define their lives for decades to come.
[. . .]
Are older generations of Americans using Social Security to enrich themselves at the expense of their children and grandchildren? To listen to the public debate in the United States, one could be forgiven for thinking so. Derogatory labels for older people, such as "greedy geezers,"7 have become common in the American political debate, with news commentators, politicians, and even the popular culture chiming in with claims that older Americans are the cause of otherwise-solvable budget problems, and more generally that they are a cohort of selfish retirees and near-retirees who refuse to give up their excessive government-provided benefits, which will inevitably lead to disastrous outcomes for thegenerations to follow.8 This narrative is completely false.
"All races have produced notable economists, except the Irish. They're too artistic—or possibly too civilized."
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