"Paranoid Libertarianism" vs "Jackboot Neoliberalism"

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"Paranoid Libertarianism" vs "Jackboot Neoliberalism"

Postby liminalOyster » Tue Nov 27, 2018 6:17 pm

Both Jerky's recent Wilentz redux post and Jack's response pushed my mind back to 2014 where, I notice, this titular term starts to show up, "Paranoid Libertarianism." Starting, I think, with Wilentz, but also picked up by Cass Sunstein. And it's a really good marker for where, perhaps, really begins the current reframing of an avowed liberalism (note distinction from "neoliberalism") whose institutions will demand, as Peter Frase puts it below, "an attempt to conflate the ideal of the liberal state with the existing national security state, in an attempt to force defenders of the welfare state to also embrace the authoritarian warfare state."

I put forth that this could be a pretty good organizing discussion concept to explore the neoliberalism/fascism problem and make sense of the past roughly 5 years and its sea-changes.

The Left and the State
BY
PETER FRASE
When leftists set themselves up as defenders of government against libertarian hostility to the state, they unwittingly accept the Right’s framing of the debate.


The New Republic has long been notorious for posing as a liberal magazine while publishing articles that serve mostly to undermine liberal and progressive politics.

This tendency seemed to abate a bit when Facebook millionaire Chris Hughes took over the magazine from the notorious racist and warmonger Marty Peretz. The latest from Sean Wilentz, however, falls squarely within the old tradition. We are to believe that rather than principled critics of the surveillance state, the likes of Edward Snowden and Glenn Greenwald are motivated by “paranoid libertarianism”; they “despise the modern liberal state, and they want to wound it.”

Henry Farrell has already done the necessary demolition of this hack work at Crooked Timber, so there’s no need for me to repeat it. And I’d be less concerned if this line of argument were limited to Wilentz, who has an established track record as a truculent apologist for established government elites.

But Wilentz’s argument resembles Mark Ames’ ongoing crusade against Greenwald and Snowden, as well as David Golumbia’s criticism here at Jacobin of “cyberlibertarianism.” So I’m interested in what drives this obsession with people like Greenwald and Snowden as vectors for noxious libertarianism rather than people who are doing courageous and useful work even if their politics aren’t socialist.

I think Henry Farrell is right to see, with Wilentz, an attempt to conflate the ideal of the liberal state with the existing national security state, in an attempt to force defenders of the welfare state to also embrace the authoritarian warfare state. But with the sympathizers to Wilentz’s left, something a bit different is going on.

I found this post from Will Wilkinson helpful in thinking this through. Wilkinson is libertarian-ish in his beliefs, but I find he can provide a helpful perspective, despite coming from rather different moral and political economic premises. In this case, I think he correctly identifies the trap that some of these left attacks on people like Snowden or Greenwald fall into.

Wilkinson notes that theoretically, libertarianism is “an argument against the possibility of legitimate government.” This makes it clearly incompatible with most socialist or social democratic attempts to democratize the market or expropriate the means of production. Yet nevertheless, “it’s crazily illogical to reason that the actually existing state is justified on liberal terms just because the libertarian critique of the state is false, and a legitimate liberal state is possible.”

Substitute “socialist” for “liberal,” and I think the point stands just as well. He further points out that mounting a libertarian defense of our current economic relations depends on a parallel sleight of hand, “confusing our unjustifiably rigged political economy with a very different laissez faire ideal.”

But there seems to be an instinct among some on the Left to suppose that defending the possibility of government requires rejecting any alliance with libertarians who might criticize particularly noxious aspects of the existing state. Or, to be a bit more subtle, that any critique that emphasizes government authoritarianism merely distracts us from the critique of private power, in particular the power of the boss.

I don’t think it’s true that attacks on NSA surveillance somehow make it harder to bring up corporate privacy abuses or the tyranny of capital in the workplace. But more than that, I think that when leftists set themselves up as defenders of government against libertarian hostility to the state, they unwittingly accept the Right’s framing of the debate in a way that’s neither an accurate representation of reality nor a good guide to political action.

The Right, in its libertarian formulation, loves to set itself up as the defender of individual liberty against state power. And thus contemporary capitalism — often referred to by that overused buzzword, “neoliberalism” — is often equated in casual left discourse with the withdrawal of the state.

But in the works that developed neoliberalism as a category of left political economy, this is not how things are understood at all. Neoliberalism is a state project through and through, and is better understood as a transformation of the state and a shift in its functions, rather than a quantitative reduction in its size. In his Brief History of Neoliberalism, David Harvey underlines the importance of the state in forcibly creating a “good business climate” by breaking down barriers to capital accumulation and repressing dissent. Hence:

Neoliberalism does not make the state or particular institutions of the state (such as the courts and police functions) irrelevant, as some commentators on both the Right and the Left have argued. There has, however, been a radical reconfiguration of state institutions and practices (particularly with respect to the balance between coercion and consent, between the powers of capital and of popular movements, and between executive and judicial power, on the one hand, and powers of representative democracy on the other).

The growth of the surveillance state, in this formulation, clearly makes up a central part of the neoliberal turn, and is not something ancillary to it.

However, the misrecognition of the specifically neoliberal state continues to mislead liberals and leftists, and not only on the topic of the national security state — a state, it should be noted, that is inextricably linked with the nominally private sector, in the form of contractors such as the one that employed Edward Snowden. As the neoliberal state moves in the direction of governing through crime, it becomes increasingly important to dismantle the prison-industrial complex, a joint public-private project of domination, exploitation, and social control.

And yet there is the persistent temptation to invoke the genie of state repression, despite the Left’s documented inability to make it do its bidding. That can take the form of “humanitarian” warmongering or what Elizabeth Bernstein has described as “carceral feminism”: “a vision of social justice as criminal justice” that attempts to deploy the repressive power of the state to protect women who are portrayed as helpless victims.

Or take a very different issue: the recent chemical spill in West Virginia, which has exposed hundreds of thousands of people to toxic drinking water. The always-acerbic and astute Dean Baker notes the witless habit of referring to this event as “a failure of government regulation” and a consequence of “free-market fundamentalism.”

The real issue, he notes, is that the state protects the property rights of the rich while allowing them to profit from befouling our common resources. Baker has, I think, done some of the best popular writing attacking the fiction that the Right is for free markets while the Left is for government regulation. As I’ve noted elsewhere, the contest before us in the immediate future is between different regimes of state-created and -enforced property, not between the state and the market.

One should not have any illusions that critics of the national security state all share socialist politics. But we should judge these critics by what they say and do and what their political impact is. An endless inquisition into hidden beliefs and motives, and the attempt to unmask a devious libertarian hidden agenda, makes for a satisfying purity politics for those who want to justify their own inaction. But it does nothing to contest the predatory fusion of state and capital that confronts us today, which must be confronted in the government, the workplace, and many other places besides.

https://www.jacobinmag.com/2014/01/the- ... the-state/


Edit to add this oddly cogent Jill Stein interview from last week. I have to admit to a certain acquired distaste for her over the past year which I am rethinking today. I think this is a great interview of relevance to what I'd like to discuss in this thread:

Jill Stein spoke to Fresno State students on Monday, Nov. 19, 2018. (Cresencio Rodriguez-Delgado)
FEATURED
NEWS
NEWS BRIEFS
Jill Stein on Trump, Russia and her next political move
Cresencio Rodriguez
Nov 20, 2018
186 Views

Editor’s note: This one on one interview was conducted on Monday, Nov. 19, 2018 during a visit by Jill Stein to Fresno State. Stein is a former presidential candidate for the Green Party. Questions and answers have been edited for length and clarity.

Are you confident in the direction that the country is going in right now? Given all the issues that we see.

“I’m very happy that the stranglehold of Trump has been broken, particularly in the House and several important governorships and in several state houses. But when you think about where did this right-wing extremism come from – it came from the fact that working people have really been thrown under the bus as well as immigrants for that matter and hardworking farmworkers … This has gone on very much under Barack Obama, under Bill Clinton, under George Bush – it’s really been a bipartisan crisis.

“That has brought us to very difficult circumstances for working people that have led some into this very destructive mindset which is where this extremism, this worsening of racism and xenophobia, it comes from this kind of sickness that is going on right now that is not uncommon. These are the conditions that produce fascism – when people feel really threatened and have a very hard time surviving, so we don’t want to go back to more of that.

“We’re seeing a lot of that right now in the Central Valley. We’re seeing a surge of progressivism and that’s really great. It’s really important, I think, that we keep the heat on and that we liberate the power of our vote. There is a key voting reform … with Rank Choice Voting, if your first choice loses, your vote is automatically assigned to your second choice, so it’s never a so-called wasted vote, it’s never a split vote and you can be sure that whoever gets elected has majority support.

“Right now, when people get into the lesser evil thing, they try to silence other points of view as if that’s a bad thing. Democracy depends on political opposition and vigorous debate and if you have more voices you’re going to have better choices. In the last presidential election, the two main candidates were the most disliked and untrusted in our history. It was a very screwed up election, no wonder it had such a screwed up result. We need elections we can bring our values into the voting booth. Instead of voting against the person you hate, you can vote for the person you like. Democracy needs a moral compass, it needs a vision forward.

“A free and open press is our first amendment for good reason. You can’t have a democracy without an informed electorate. So we need more choices and we need to liberate the press. We need more local and small press that’s not all consolidated into these big corporate behemoths that don’t allow full coverage. We also need open debates … The people who aren’t voting, that’s 100 million, we know that’s largely black and brown voters, millennial and the poor. They’re not voting because the establishment party is not serving black, brown, poor and millennial people. This is how we revive a democracy. It’s not rocket science.

What are your thoughts on the president, who attacks the free press. Recently with Jim Acosta, they revoked his press access. But what are your thoughts on Trump’s attacks on the press?

This is intolerable, but it’s part of his attacks on our basic rights and civil liberties. An attack on our press is an attack on our democracy. We need more diversity in our press, we need more than CNN and MSNBC and FOX. We have a very deep crisis within our press to start with and Trump is certainly adding to that crisis. I think we need to break up the big media monopolies. I think we need to provide public funding and support for small media, independent, and community media. We used to have lots of community newspapers, we don’t have them anymore.

We should not be allowing the consolidation of the press that’s taken place. The right of the press has been attacked in many other ways by democratic administrations too … The press is very much under attack … our other first amendment rights are also under attack. That is our rights to be free of censorship. Also our rights to demonstrate and to seek redress of grievances through public protest – that too is very much under threat.

I want to get your thoughts on the concept of ‘fake news.’ In the 2016 election we saw so many fake news stories, stuff that was made up, memes that were posted on social media like Facebook. Then there were the accusations that the Russians were involved in the meddling. What are your thoughts on 1. The reports that the Russians were meddling in the elections and 2. The spread of fake news that was rampant.

“If you look at why fake news spreads, it has to do a lot with the algorithms of Facebook. Facebook is made to promote this stuff. At the end of the day, what Congress concluded was that Russians were ‘sowing discord’ and I think even the Mueller commission in their indictments didn’t claim that the election was changed but rather that the discord was being sown. There’s so many other things that are sowing discord too. If you look at, well, what promoted Trump? The discord was on both sides. It’s not clear that Russian discord promoted Trump. So why were the Russians just promoting discord? Facebook is promoting discord. Cambridge Analytica has been found to be promoting discord through some very sophisticated tools that make Russian strategies look like kindergarten work.”

Some of these numbers were really taken out of context, including by the news media who don’t know a lot about this stuff and framed it in a really ridiculous way in order to join the bandwagon and fan the flames of warmongering and this kind of McCarthyite new phase that we are in again, which is really dangerous and kind of foolish. The so called data is not going to hold up when it really gets scrutinized in the context of how incredibly volumonus the volume of Facebook and Twitter are. What was attributed to the Russian research agency is minute in the true ocean of Facebook communications and other social media.”

So you don’t think that the Russians had anyhing to do with the meddling because Facebook is way bigger than the Russian research agency?

“It would be very naive to think that the Russians are doing no meddling. They’re certainly doing some because that’s what we do to each other … It’s the U.S. that really leads the world in meddling, and it’s not always just by propaganda. Often it’s by violence or outright military coups. We do a lot of election meddling and none of this is OK.

“We’re ramping up the war mindset here, for something that we do as well. That’s not so smart. This is a problem, election interference is a problem, whether it’s meddling with troops or meddling with social media, it shouldn’t be done, but you can’t point the finger at the other guy when you’re doing it too. We need international dialogue and treaties to end election interference and respect national sovereignty.”

Do you think we’ll get that?

“Not in the current administration. But I also don’t think we’re going to get affordable college, we’re not going to get decent jobs, we’re not going to get healthcare … That’s what elections are about, you can have systemic change but it would require real mobilization. That’s kind of what the long term work is and the short term work for that matter –- I think that we really need to unleash the power of the votes. We need something that is going to put people over profit and create a world that we can live in. We are losing that world very quickly.”

The president constantly acts in ways that appear he’s attacking the Mueller investigation. Some are saying that by removing Jeff Sessions, that’s just another example. What are your thoughts on the Mueller investigation and then also the apparent attacks by the president?

“The Mueller investigation needs to go forward. It would be outrageous if Trump tries to interfere with it and it will be dangerous if that happens and it will probably force a constitutional crisis if he does that. It’s clear that he’s going off the charts right now because Mueller and Congress are talking about looking at his tax returns. This is where the very clear cut corruption lies. It’s not clear that there’s any collusion with Russia (between Trump and Russia), there certainly isn’t any hard evidence, but is there evidence of other violations of law on the part of Trump – corruption, money laundering and so on. These are not so easy to prove but they may come up. There are questions about, was that the scope of the commission but if you look at the original letter creating the commission it was wrongdoing and illegal acts including Russian collusion but not strictly limited to that at least that’s my reading of it. I think Trump has a lot to hide and he should not be allowed to single handedly interfere with a duly-constituted commission. The commission has to go forward. I’m not confident they’re going to find collusion but a president should not be allowed to interfere with a congressional inquiry.”

Earlier you mentioned that environmental crises cause disruption in central America.

Environmental and war and death squads.

And so we’re seeing a lot of people come over.

Right, these are refugees.

Can I get your thoughts further on the caravan that’s in Tijuana right now and the hysteria that’s being caused by people who are thinking this is an invasion. Do you consider this an invasion?

“Absolutely not. These are refugees who are created by U.S. policies – whether they are economic policies that devastated these economies like NAFTA put a million farmers out of business in Mexico … and then we just have a whole history of coups, death squads, just harassment of democracies as well south of the borders, plus our drug wars and our exporting of weapons and violence … If people don’t like this immigration crisis, how about we stop causing it in the first place. That’s what we need to do. In the meantime, we have a responsibility to support the refugees. This is what international law is about and we need to welcome refugees and help restore them to wholeness here. We not only have to stop causing this crisis but we really need a Marshall Plan to help restore central and south America to its rightful security after centuries of colonialism as well as corporate invasion and coups … This is the fruit of our own planting, these are seeds we have sown and we need to turn this around and create conditions of health and justice and sustainability.”

Does that include letting the migrants into the U.S.?

“Absolutely, yes. Clearly, this migrant caravan is largely refugees coming largely from Honduras as I understand. But these are clearly refugees and the notion that his is something to be afraid of is shameful. This is nothing but blatant, the lowest form of electioneering and immigrant bashing on the part of Trump in order to rile up his base. The surge we have seen in racism and xenophobia and anti semitism and violence clearly falls on his hands, that’s blood on his hands.”

For Trump?

“Yea, for Donald Trump. There’s no question that there’s been a surge in racism since the Donald Trump’s 2016 campaign began. This is really dangerous and it makes it extremely important for us to not only address the plight of refugees and stop causing the refugee crisis but we also have to address the roots of fascism here in this country. It’s not only by throwing out the bombs like Donald Trump who are demagogues really trying to promote their own political careers on the basis of fear and insecurity on the part of large numbers of Americans, particularly white middle class Americans whose status has been markedly worsened under the Obama administration and a little bit before. The last couple decades have been very hard on white, working class, middle aged people who have a high school education or less. They had a huge cut in their status.”

“That’s especially where the flames of racism are being fanned. It’s really important that we provide jobs that we provide healthcare and economic security to not only to immigrants and the unemployed and the poor, but also the marginally employed right now. That’s how you sort of heal the wounds that otherwise become fascism.”

If Jill Stein would have won in 2016, where would we be right now if you were president?

“A Green New Deal would be underway, we’d have a massive emergency jobs program so people would be a work. They would have good jobs in their communities, not working for big corporations that take the money and run but where profits are being reinvested back into the community. We would be phasing out fossil fuels right now, we would have a bonanza of good jobs with good pay in clean renewable energy and sustainable agriculture and public transportation and restoring our ecosystems. And we would be decompressing our military and engaging in diplomacy as our basic foreign policy instead of what we have right now which is economic and military domination that doesn’t help us and really doesn’t help the rest of the world. And we would have medicare for all, which can be created very quickly and becomes a money saver right away. And we would be making college education free.

That’s what would be happening if you would have been president?

“That’s right.”

Do you plan to run anytime in the future, 2020 possibly?

“Well, I’m going to run for something, I’m not sure yet what makes more sense for me to run for. (I am) talking about it and seeing where’s the need and how can I best serve at this point?

I don’t mean to offend you with this question, but some people argue that the Green Party was just thrown in there to make the Democrats lose and to make Donald Trump win and then they connect it to the Russians as well. There’s a picture of you in Russia with Michael Flynn and Vladimir Putin that fans those claims. How do you respond to those thoughts or ideas?

“The Green Party is a global party and our agenda here in the U.S. is not any different from the other progressive parties around the world. We have been doing this for decades, so to say all of a sudden to try to blame us on Vladimir Putin is a joke. It’s worse than a joke. It’s just, this is sort of what the lowest form of political suppression is – to say that all my opponents are tools of a foreign power. That’s sort of what the democrats are trying to do here because they’re insecure. They had a candidate that was not well-liked and those emails got leaked or hacked, we don’t have definitive evidence yet as to how they got leaked and hacked, but it exposed election interference on the part of the democrats. Now they have to create a panic that a foreign power is interfering. ‘Don’t look at our interference,’ we just negated some 40-50 million votes for Bernie Sanders. We essentially made those votes meaningless by saying that the DNC run by Debbie Wasserman Schultz, a Hillary Clinton ally, got to control the primary, that it wasn’t in the hands of voters. Where’s that at? They were promoting Donald Trump among their media context. That’s a lot of election interference.

How about the election interference from the big media? Like Les Moonves, the head of CBS, who said ‘Donald Trump may be bad for America but he’s damn good for CBS,’ because he would draw in a lot of viewers through his outrageousness. That’s kinda election interference when big media is giving $6 billion dollars in free primetime air coverage to Donald Trump, $3 billion to Hillary and about half of that to Bernie Sanders and virtually none to non-corporate political parties. That’s interference. That tilts the playing field as steeply as it could be tilt. Yea, you want to talk about election interference, let’s talk about election interference, not this photograph of a dinner of a conference.

“I was at this conference, which was public, I didn’t get a dime of Russian money, so I’m not on the take from anybody. The conference was a conference on foreign policy, so it was my opportunity to say ‘Hey, bombing Syria is not a good idea and Russia, you’re following in the footsteps of U.S. foreign policy here and that’s sort of catastrophic.’ We need a cease fire and we need a weapons ban to the Middle East. How’s that being in the camp of Putin? That’s not being in the camp of Putin. I happened to be at that table, but I didn’t have an opportunity to speak to Putin. I wish I had, but there was no interpreter and the Russians were no interested in talking to anybody else.

Did you speak to Michael Flynn at all? You both speak English.

“Yea, so he introduced himself to me. But at the time, he was nobody. He wasn’t working for Trump. He had been head of military intelligence or something like that under Obama. When he was fired, he sort of became a peace advocate or something. He was just fishing around trying to find a place for himself, it was really kind of sad. RT invited him. It was a conference with RT. They had invited him because he seemed like he was not part of the anti-Russian mindset. There were a number of foreigners at the table. Not Michael Flynn, but the others of us, there was a foreign minister from the Czech Republic and a foreign minister from Germany. He was the only person from within earshot that spoke English. So I spent the evening talking to him but that’s it. Michael Flynn introduced himself and I gave him my elevator speech on why I was there and he wasn’t interested at all. The conversation ended after about one sentence and he went back to his side of the table. When Putin came in, he wasn’t there for very long. He’d came basically to make a speech. He wasn’t interested in talking to anybody so I didn’t have a chance to give him my elevator speech about why we needed a cease fire and a weapons ban.”

Did you go as Jill Stein, or did you go as Jill Stein from the Green Party?

“So, I at the time had announced an exploratory presidential campaign, but RT refused to include that. So I was just Jill Stein, former presidential candidate. They didn’t want to give me any publicity or promotion as a candidate. It’s preposterous to say that this is a product of Russian interference, in the least … If people are looking for Russian interference, they don’t have to look too far. If they try looking at my campaign, there’s absolutely none. All they have is a picture of me at a table. Well, there are lots of pictures of Hillary talking one on one, actually talking, with Vladimir Putin. So this is just a concocted smear campaign. The Democrats see the Greens as their competitors so they are trying to smear us as Russian tools. But there is zero evidence.”

Did you end up giving a speech at the conference?

“I was on the foreign policy panel. Which is why I went – to give my pitch about why we need a peace offensive in the Middle East and that bombing Syria was absolutely the wrong thing to do, which Russia had just begun doing. That was my pitch. I also talked, not in that speech, but I had the chance to talk to a member of the Russian parliament and there I also pitched a Green New Deal, why we need a global Green New Deal and why Russia should work with the U.S. to phase out fossil fuels – which is a very hard thing for Russia to do because their economy is totally dependent on it. They have very little else. In other words, this wasn’t kissing up to Russia, or promising them something, but rather laying out another way forward … Nuclear weapons was another thing, why need to get back on track and dismantle our nuclear weapons and phase them out quickly. Unfortunately, Democrats are leading the charge right now against Russia and we are losing our treaties and entering into extremely dangerous territory right now. That’s another reason why in my view it’s really important that this is an all hands on deck moment. We are kind of making a beeline toward oblivion right now and we really need a deep system change so that we can move these solutions forward.

And your presence here in front of all these students today, is that sort of a way to start building a bigger movement in the Central Valley for your party?

“Yes, absolutely. I was here with many other local activists. Some are Green, some are sort of like leaning in Green right now. I think this is a big tipping point moment. We’re at the breaking point moment and we’ve got to change that breaking point into a tipping point. It’s about fighting Big Ag and making sure that we have water supply and healthy food that doesn’t make us sick and doesn’t make farm workers sick and that doesn’t create an economy which is devastating. The Big Ag economy, like the fuel economy puts money in the hands of a few important people and everybody else is really driven down into incredible poverty. This is just not workable and people are feeling that. People are getting supercharged right now. It’s very exciting.”

Do you think there’s an opportunity right there for the Green Party to grow?

“Absolutely, huge. And we’re seeing a lot of interest. Actually, our numbers are going up in many states as well. We were completely locked out of the media and out of debates. There’s this myth out there that ‘Oh, everybody has to vote democrat because this is the most important election ever but of course the next one, things will be even worse so ‘Oh, in this election you just have to hold your nose and vote democrat.’” “Democrats are not going to solve this, they’re going to keep fanning the flames of rightwing extremism as people continue to be thrown under the bus by the neoliberal agenda. The money continues to tie the democrats to neoliberal or centrist agenda. Basically it’s a corporatist agenda. That’s not going to help students, that’s not going to help working people. Our environment is going down in flames right now. Jobs continue to trend to low wage, part time, gig economy. It’s not going to get better and the emergency is going to grow. It cannot be solved within the two-party tailspin. I think people are sort of waking up that this is a breakaway moment.

If you decide to run for something, when would you announce?

“I will be in the thick of it one way or another. Whether I run for Congress or possibly state rep or something, or president, I don’t know yet. Those discussions are just beginning. We were totally focused on the midterms. I’ve just been trying to help other candidates move up. That was another one of the myths out there. That, ‘Oh, the Green party shows up every four years and they try to run for president as a tool of Russia or whatever.’ Actually, that’s a very ignorant thing to say because we’re all about grassroots stuff and running for local office and we were really shut out in this election. Many of our candidates are getting more and more votes. So, let me turn it back on you, should I run?”

Well, that’s a question for you to answer. I’m here to ask you the questions. But I’m sure the people in this room are waiting on that announcement from you.

“Well, we’ll let you know.”

http://collegian.csufresno.edu/2018/11/ ... ical-move/
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Re: "Paranoid Libertarianism" (c 2014)

Postby Grizzly » Wed Nov 28, 2018 3:18 am


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Re: "Paranoid Libertarianism" (c 2014)

Postby liminalOyster » Wed Nov 28, 2018 5:00 pm

This is actually a perhaps better than average Hedges piece. Bolded stuff gets to the heart of the matter viz tarring (both kinds of) libertarianism as well as reasons IMO to be skeptical of PTB investment in "social justice." Makes me think the SJW slur is particularly stupid because it individualizes (of course!) what likely has real roots in PR and concerted push.

Neoliberalism's Dark Path to Fascism
Chris Hedges. Nov 26, 2018
Mr. Fish / Truthdig

Neoliberalism as economic theory was always an absurdity. It had as much validity as past ruling ideologies such as the divine right of kings and fascism’s belief in the Übermensch. None of its vaunted promises were even remotely possible. Concentrating wealth in the hands of a global oligarchic elite—eight families now hold as much wealth as 50 percent of the world’s population—while demolishing government controls and regulations always creates massive income inequality and monopoly power, fuels political extremism and destroys democracy. You do not need to slog through the 577 pages of Thomas Piketty’s “Capital in the Twenty-First Century” to figure this out. But economic rationality was never the point. The point was the restoration of class power.

As a ruling ideology, neoliberalism was a brilliant success. Starting in the 1970s, its Keynesian mainstream critics were pushed out of academia, state institutions and financial organizations such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank and shut out of the media. Compliant courtiers and intellectual poseurs such as Milton Friedman were groomed in places such as the University of Chicago and given prominent platforms and lavish corporate funding. They disseminated the official mantra of fringe, discredited economic theories popularized by Friedrich Hayek and the third-rate writer Ayn Rand. Once we knelt before the dictates of the marketplace and lifted government regulations, slashed taxes for the rich, permitted the flow of money across borders, destroyed unions and signed trade deals that sent jobs to sweatshops in China, the world would be a happier, freer and wealthier place. It was a con. But it worked.

“It’s important to recognize the class origins of this project, which occurred in the 1970s when the capitalist class was in a great deal of difficulty, workers were well organized and were beginning to push back,” said David Harvey, the author of “A Brief History of Neoliberalism,” when we spoke in New York. “Like any ruling class, they needed ruling ideas. So, the ruling ideas were that freedom of the market, privatization, entrepreneurialism of the self, individual liberty and all the rest of it should be the ruling ideas of a new social order, and that was the order that got implemented in the 1980s and 1990s.”

“As a political project, it was very savvy,” he said. “It got a great deal of popular consent because it was talking about individual liberty and freedom, freedom of choice. When they talked about freedom, it was freedom of the market. The neoliberal project said to the ’68 generation, ‘OK, you want liberty and freedom? That’s what the student movement was about. We’re going to give it to you, but it’s going to be freedom of the market. The other thing you’re after is social justice—forget it. So, we’ll give you individual liberty, but you forget the social justice. Don’t organize.’ The attempt was to dismantle those institutions, which were those collective institutions of the working class, particularly the unions and bit by bit those political parties that stood for some sort of concern for the well-being of the masses.”

“The great thing about freedom of the market is it appears to be egalitarian, but there is nothing more unequal than the equal treatment of unequals,” Harvey went on. “It promises equality of treatment, but if you’re extremely rich, it means you can get richer. If you’re very poor, you’re more likely to get poorer. What Marx showed brilliantly in volume one of ‘Capital’ is that freedom of the market produces greater and greater levels of social inequality.”

The dissemination of the ideology of neoliberalism was highly organized by a unified capitalist class. The capitalist elites funded organizations such as the Business Roundtable and the Chamber of Commerce and think tanks such as The Heritage Foundation to sell the ideology to the public. They lavished universities with donations, as long as the universities paid fealty to the ruling ideology. They used their influence and wealth, as well as their ownership of media platforms, to transform the press into their mouthpiece. And they silenced any heretics or made it hard for them to find employment. Soaring stock values rather than production became the new measure of the economy. Everything and everyone were financialized and commodified.

“Value is fixed by whatever price is realized in the market,” Harvey said. “So, Hillary Clinton is very valuable because she gave a lecture to Goldman Sachs for $250,000. If I give a lecture to a small group downtown and I get $50 for it, then obviously she is worth much more than me. The valuation of a person, of their content, is valued by how much they can get in the market.”

“That is the philosophy that lies behind neoliberalism,” he continued. “We have to put a price on things. Even though they’re not really things that should be treated as commodities. For instance, health care becomes a commodity. Housing for everybody becomes a commodity. Education becomes a commodity. So, students have to borrow in order to get the education which will get them a job in the future. That’s the scam of the thing. It basically says if you’re an entrepreneur, if you go out there and train yourself, etc., you will get your just rewards. If you don’t get your just rewards, it’s because you didn’t train yourself right. You took the wrong kind of courses. You took courses in philosophy or classics instead of taking it in management skills of how to exploit labor.”

The con of neoliberalism is now widely understood across the political spectrum. It is harder and harder to hide its predatory nature, including its demands for huge public subsidies (Amazon, for example, recently sought and received multibillion-dollar tax breaks from New York and Virginia to set up distribution centers in those states). This has forced the ruling elites to make alliances with right-wing demagogues who use the crude tactics of racism, Islamophobia, homophobia, bigotry and misogyny to channel the public’s growing rage and frustration away from the elites and toward the vulnerable. These demagogues accelerate the pillage by the global elites while at the same time promising to protect working men and women. Donald Trump’s administration, for example, has abolished numerous regulations, from greenhouse gas emissions to net neutrality, and slashed taxes for the wealthiest individuals and corporations, wiping out an estimated $1.5 trillion in government revenue over the next decade, while embracing authoritarian language and forms of control.

Neoliberalism generates little wealth. Rather, it redistributes it upward into the hands of the ruling elites. Harvey calls this “accumulation by dispossession.”

“The main argument of accumulation by dispossession rests on the idea that when people run out of the capacity to make things or provide services, they set up a system that extracts wealth from other people,” Harvey said. “That extraction then becomes the center of their activities. One of the ways in which that extraction can occur is by creating new commodity markets where there were none before. For instance, when I was younger, higher education in Europe was essentially a public good. Increasingly [this and other services] have become a private activity. Health service. Many of these areas which you would consider not to be commodities in the ordinary sense become commodities. Housing for the lower-income population was often seen as a social obligation. Now everything has to go through the market. You impose a market logic on areas that shouldn’t be open to market.”

“When I was a kid, water in Britain was provided as a public good,” Harvey said. “Then, of course, it gets privatized. You start to pay water charges. They’ve privatized transportation [in Britain]. The bus system is chaotic. There’s all these private companies running here, there, everywhere. There’s no system which you really need. The same thing happens on the railways. One of the things right now, in Britain, is interesting—the Labour Party says, ‘We’re going to take all of that back into public ownership because privatization is totally insane and it has insane consequences and it’s not working well at all.’ The majority of the population now agrees with that.”

Under neoliberalism, the process of “accumulation by dispossession” is accompanied by financialization.

“Deregulation allowed the financial system to become one of the main centers of redistributive activity through speculation, predation, fraud, and thievery,” Harvey writes in his book, perhaps the best and most concise account of the history of neoliberalism. “Stock promotions, ponzi schemes, structured asset destruction through inflation, asset stripping through mergers and acquisitions, the promotion of levels of debt incumbency that reduce whole populations even in the advanced capitalist countries to debt peonage. To say nothing of corporate fraud, dispossession of assets, the raiding of pension funds, their decimation by stock, and corporate collapses by credit and stock manipulations, all of these became central features of the capitalist financial system.”

Neoliberalism, wielding tremendous financial power, is able to manufacture economic crises to depress the value of assets and then seize them.

“One of the ways in which you can engineer a crisis is to cut off the flow of credit,” he said. “This was done in Eastern, Southeast Asia in 1997 and 1998. Suddenly, liquidity dried up. Major institutions would not lend money. There had been a big flow of foreign capital into Indonesia. They turned off the tap. Foreign capital flowed out. They turned it off in part because once all the firms went bankrupt, they could be bought up and put back to work again. We saw the same thing during the housing crisis here [in the United States]. The foreclosures of the housing left lots of housing out there, which could be picked up very cheaply. Blackstone comes in, buys up all of the housing, and is now the biggest landlord in all of the United States. It has 200,000 properties or something like that. It’s waiting for the market to turn. When the market turns, which it did do briefly, then you can sell off or rent out and make a killing out of it. Blackstone has made a killing off of the foreclosure crisis where everyone lost. It was a massive transfer of wealth.”

Harvey warns that individual freedom and social justice are not necessarily compatible. Social justice, he writes, requires social solidarity and “a willingness to submerge individual wants, needs, and desires in the cause of some more general struggle for, say, social equality and environmental justice.” Neoliberal rhetoric, with its emphasis on individual freedoms, can effectively “split off libertarianism, identity politics, multiculturalism, and eventually narcissistic consumerism from the social forces ranged in pursuit of social justice through the conquest of state power.”

The economist Karl Polanyi understood that there are two kinds of freedoms. There are the bad freedoms to exploit those around us and extract huge profits without regard to the common good, including what is done to the ecosystem and democratic institutions. These bad freedoms see corporations monopolize technologies and scientific advances to make huge profits, even when, as with the pharmaceutical industry, a monopoly means lives of those who cannot pay exorbitant prices are put in jeopardy. The good freedoms—freedom of conscience, freedom of speech, freedom of meeting, freedom of association, freedom to choose one’s job—are eventually snuffed out by the primacy of the bad freedoms.

“Planning and control are being attacked as a denial for freedom,” Polanyi wrote. “Free enterprise and private ownership are declared to be essentials to freedom. No society built on other foundations is said to deserve to be called free. The freedom that regulation creates is denounced as unfreedom; the justice, liberty and welfare it offers are decried as a camouflage of slavery.”

“The idea of freedom ‘thus degenerates into a mere advocacy of free enterprise,’ which means ‘the fullness of freedom for those whose income, leisure and security need no enhancing, and a mere pittance of liberty for people, who may in vain attempt to make use of their democratic rights to gain shelter from the power of the owners of property,’ ” Harvey writes, quoting Polanyi. “But if, as is always the case, ‘no society is possible in which power and compulsion are absent, nor a world in which force has no function,’ then the only way this liberal utopian vision could be sustained is by force, violence, and authoritarianism. Liberal or neoliberal utopianism is doomed, in Polanyi’s view, to be frustrated by authoritarianism, or even outright fascism. The good freedoms are lost, the bad ones take over.”

Neoliberalism transforms freedom for the many into freedom for the few. Its logical result is neofascism. Neofascism abolishes civil liberties in the name of national security and brands whole groups as traitors and enemies of the people. It is the militarized instrument used by the ruling elites to maintain control, divide and tear apart the society and further accelerate pillage and social inequality. The ruling ideology, no longer credible, is replaced with the jackboot.

https://www.truthdig.com/articles/neoli ... o-fascism/
Last edited by liminalOyster on Thu Nov 29, 2018 1:17 pm, edited 1 time in total.
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Re: "Paranoid Libertarianism" vs "Jackboot Neoliberalism"

Postby Elvis » Thu Nov 29, 2018 1:56 am

They used their influence and wealth, as well as their ownership of media platforms, to transform the press into their mouthpiece. And they silenced any heretics or made it hard for them to find employment.

This is why one has to go to RT to see Chris Hedges on television. It's fucking ridiculous. That's why I've said RT, at the end of the day, is more objective than ABC/NBC/CBS/CNN/PBS.

Neoliberalism—worse than its "bad cop" twin, libertarianism.
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Re: "Paranoid Libertarianism" vs "Jackboot Neoliberalism"

Postby liminalOyster » Thu Dec 06, 2018 12:39 am

A Conspiracy So Dense
Kathryn Olmsted -- Baffler No. 42
The dubious half-life of Richard Hofstadter’s “paranoid style”

AT THE OUTSET OF THE TRUMP ERA, historian Leo Ribuffo declared that “Richard Hofstadter’s famous catchphrase, the ‘paranoid style in American politics,’ should be buried with a stake in its heart.” It’s safe to say that this directive has gone unheeded. Hofstadter’s controversial thesis about the primordial origins of the McCarthyite Red Scare has, if anything, been revived with renewed fervor. On the surface, it’s not hard to see why: as Donald Trump and the far-right insurgency behind him spiral off into ever higher levels of conspiratorial speculation about the “witch hunt” of the Russia probe and the opaque yet sinister operations of the “deep state,” many bewildered liberal pundits have prescribed therapy for the body politic.

Public intellectuals on the left borrow the “paranoid style” model, in its broad outlines, to help explain Trump, whom they see as “the pinnacle of paranoid politics and American idiocy,” as Salon scribe Conor Lynch put it. And many Trump defenders on the right cite some of the more hyperbolic criticism provoked by the president as proof that the paranoid style is alive and well among Trump opponents. Hofstadter—especially Hofstadter reduced to a catchphrase, his arguments shorn of their nuances and complexities—still speaks to a wide variety of American journalists and political junkies.

To get at the stubborn, bipartisan appeal of Hofstadter’s fifty-five-year-old thesis, it’s critical to revisit the cultural moment that gave rise to the elite-baiting, conspiracy-mongering turn of the modern right—as well as to Hofstadter’s own forensic efforts to explain it as a bona fide pathology lurking in the deeper recesses of the American civic mind.

Con Jobs

“The Paranoid Style in American Politics” created a sensation when it was first published as a free-standing essay in Harper’s. And no liberal public intellectual of the moment was better positioned to spark this new phase of debate. When Hofstadter offered his famous thesis in 1963, he was already one of the most highly regarded and versatile scholars of United States history. He had won the Pulitzer Prize in 1956 for his work comparing the Populists, Progressives, and New Dealers, The Age of Reform, and would go on to win a second Pulitzer for Anti-Intellectualism in American Life eight years later. In addition to these works, he was best known for his 1948 classic, The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It, and for his essay on McCarthyism, “The Pseudo-Conservative Revolt,” in an influential 1955 collection edited by sociologist Daniel Bell called The New American Right. A professor at Columbia, Hofstadter was also one of the most distinguished members of the so-called New York intellectuals—a group of thinkers who shaped scholarly debate and tried to propose solutions to the political problems of their day.

In the early 1950s, Hofstadter, like many American liberals, grew deeply concerned about Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy’s crusade to expose American Communists in the federal government—a genuine political witch hunt, as opposed to Robert Mueller’s investigation of Trump.

Hofstadter and his fellow intellectuals asked how it was possible that so many Americans on the right had lost their minds.

McCarthy was a homegrown American demagogue with pronounced fascist leanings—a blowhard and a liar who won election in 1946 in part by fabricating stories about his service in World War II; in 1950, he launched his high-profile bid to denounce and imprison alleged Soviet spies in the U.S. government. None of his charges were borne out—though there had been some Communist spies in the government, McCarthy did not discover any of them. But that was of secondary concern to the fire-breathing senator. The activities of McCarthy’s Senate inquisition, together with hearings on the Communist menace conducted by the House Un-American Activities Committee, kept the attention of the press riveted on McCarthy and his crusade, and the national leadership of the Republican Party largely cowed by the McCarthyite inquisition. At one point on the Senate floor, McCarthy even suggested that President Harry Truman’s highest foreign policy advisers, Secretary of Defense George Marshall and Secretary of State Dean Acheson, were Soviet agents: “How can we account for our present situation unless we believe that men high in this government are concerting to deliver us to disaster?” McCarthy suggested. “This must be the product of a great conspiracy, a conspiracy on a scale so immense as to dwarf any previous such venture in the history of man.”

McCarthy asked how it was possible for the United States to have lost its atomic monopoly; in response, Hofstadter and his fellow intellectuals asked how it was possible that so many Americans on the right had lost their minds. What on earth had prompted American voters to support this liar, and why were the nation’s allegedly conservative leaders too terrified to question him? As heirs to what Hofstadter’s contemporary, Louis Hartz, confidently pronounced as the unchallenged liberal character of America’s national political tradition, these scholars decided the American right must have gone from a peevish minority persuasion—a set of “irritable mental gestures” in Lionel Trilling’s haughty formulation—into a full-blown psychological disorder. Many of the authors behind this new effort were sociologists or psychologists who used social scientific theory to try to understand their political moment. Daniel Bell, David Riesman, Seymour Martin Lipset, and Nathan Glazer analyzed the ideas and origins of the modern American right via the canons of social-psychological inquiry. Because Hofstadter was a historian, he looked for answers in the American past.

Status Update

Hofstadter first grappled with the sources of McCarthyism in his essay on “pseudo-conservatism,” which was initially published in 1954 and then republished in The Paranoid Style in American Politics and Other Essays. In the piece, he borrowed from the Frankfurt School philosopher Theodor Adorno to argue that the so-called conservatives of postwar America were actually “pseudo-conservatives” who shared a deep but unacknowledged hatred of American values and institutions. A scholar who was less scrupulous and less concerned about precise definitions might have used the term “fascist” to describe them. But Hofstadter actually attributed the more confrontational mood on the American right to a broader, retrograde strain in American politics. These pseudo-conservatives were motivated by what Hofstadter called “status politics”—namely, the fear that these legatees of a small-town reform tradition were losing their privileged position as civic arbiters in the diverse, volatile social environment of the United States.

Hofstadter expanded his arguments about status anxiety in his next major work, The Age of Reform, which searched for the roots of what he called “the cranky pseudo-conservatism of our time” in an unlikely precursor: the Populist and Progressive movements of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century. The Populists in particular, he argued, won support from precisely the same type of backward-looking rural Americans who later supported McCarthy. In Hofstadter’s stories of the American past, the participants in many American social movements were inspired not by economic oppression, as the previous generation of historians had argued, but set on the path to political insurgency via the anxieties arising from their perceived sociocultural decline.

By 1965, Hofstadter’s language had evolved. He had replaced the term “status anxiety” with “cultural politics.” But the basic underlying project was unchanged: Hofstadter continued to mine psychological theory to analyze the dark, anti-intellectual, and irrational elements of past American social movements and the echoes of these movements in the present. Again and again in American history, he argued, national politics had served as an arena for “uncommonly angry minds.” From the WASP-driven anti-Masonic, anti-Mormon, and anti-Catholic uprisings dating from the middle of the nineteenth century, on through the Populists in the 1890s, to McCarthy in the 1950s, American political activists had been immersed in what he termed the distinctive “paranoid style” of the American political tradition.

The People Pathologized

Hofstadter knew that his use of a clinical term for mental illness would provoke controversy. “I call it the paranoid style,” he wrote, “simply because no other word adequately evokes the qualities of heated exaggeration, suspiciousness, and conspiratorial fantasy that I have in mind.” But he was not talking about “certifiable lunatics,” he explained. Rather, “It is the use of paranoid modes of expression by more or less normal people that makes the phenomenon significant.”

The first part of the essay marshaled evidence from political platforms and public speeches to demonstrate the prevalence of hyperbolic, fearful rhetoric throughout much of American history. The second part, which tends to be the one quoted by journalists and pundits, examined how the 1960s American right updated this paranoiac strain of thought, particularly as they closed ranks behind Senator Barry Goldwater’s campaign for the presidency in 1964. Hofstadter preferred the term “the Right”—not “conservatives”—in line with the Adorno critique of modern right-wingers as “pseudo-conservatives.” It was indeed one of the hallmarks of pseudo-conservative orthodoxy to reject the traditional conceptions of political order in America and embrace conspiracies with no basis in reality. Fortunately, Hofstadter argued, the paranoid style was still a fringe phenomenon, a political persuasion that was “the preferred style only of minority movements.”

The essay immediately attracted a lot of attention inside and outside the academy. Hofstadter first wrote the piece as a lecture he delivered at Oxford in 1963. He then expanded it for Harper’s the next year. The Washington Post ran an abbreviated version of the lecture as an op-ed. The Paranoid Style in American Politics and Other Essays was published in book form in 1965—a fitting gloss for triumphant liberal intellectuals on what they believed was the sound and final defeat of the Goldwater uprising on the right.

Among historians, however, the Hofstadter thesis found a far less enthusiastic reception. Not long after Hofstadter’s book appeared, a new cohort of American historians became disenchanted with the essay’s broad terms of analysis.

Hofstadter knew that his use of a clinical term for mental illness would stir controversy.

Many young historians of that decade identified with the New Left and disagreed with Hofstadter’s Cold War liberalism. They found much to attack in his individual works of scholarship. In his influential 1967 study The Intellectuals and McCarthy, Michael Paul Rogin proved that Hofstadter’s argument in Age of Reform about the link between the Populists and Progressives, on the one hand, and McCarthy on the other, was just wrong. McCarthy’s support came from conservative Republican areas, Rogin demonstrated, and his followers were not the same farmers and workers who had backed William Jennings Bryan and Robert La Follette. Several books over the next few decades showed that the Populists had fought for economic justice and were not the one-dimensional anti-Semites and xenophobes Hofstadter portrayed. (Or at least, these books argued, the Populists were not any more anti-Semitic or xenophobic than most other white Protestant Americans had been at the time.)

In the 1970s, scholars grew interested in social history and sought to examine the contributions of ordinary Americans, especially racial minorities and women. Many of these new social historians were appalled that Hofstadter’s The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It assumed that American politics had been shaped, as the title said, exclusively by men, and elite white men at that. Moreover, they noted, as Hofstadter’s critics have done for decades, that he did not do archival research for his books, but instead wrote provocative syntheses mostly based on secondary sources.

At the same time that these scholars of left-wing reform movements were calling the basic terms of the “paranoid style” argument into question, Hofstadter’s work on the right also came under attack by historians of conservatism. Beginning in the 1990s, scholars of the American right sought to understand and sometimes even empathize with grassroots conservative activists, and they objected to the way Hofstadter had put them on the metaphorical couch and psychoanalyzed them. These historians emphasized the modern sensibilities and adaptability of various conservative activists, from Klan members in the 1920s to suburban housewives in the 1960s, and condemned what they saw as a tone of Eastern, urban condescension in the work of Hofstadter and other mid-century scholars of the right.

From Couch to Catchphrase

Far removed from the ideological battles of the 1940s and 1950s, the new historians of conservatism believed that Hofstadter and his peers had put too much emphasis on the supposed irrationality of right-wing activists. The New York intellectuals’ “excessively psychological interpretation,” wrote Lisa McGirr in Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right, “distorted our understanding of American conservatism.” McGirr and other historians sought to avoid pejorative labels like “Radical Right” and “paranoid style.” After these revolutions in historical interpretation, Hofstadter disappeared from many syllabi, and graduate students only learned about him when other historians briefly summarized his arguments before dismissing them.

To be sure, some historians—particularly those who specialized in political history—continued to admire Hofstadter, but they usually couched their admiration in defensive terms and insisted that his interpretations remained important even if they were wrong. As Columbia’s Alan Brinkley wrote in 1985 about The Age of Reform, “It is a book whose central interpretations few historians any longer accept, but one whose influence few historians can escape.”

Curiously, though, Hofstadter’s declining stock in the academy hasn’t dampened the enthusiasm for his best-known work among the American punditocracy. Indeed, the “paranoid style” catchphrase has only gained currency in American political commentary as Hofstadter’s academic renown has waned. Searches of newspaper databases show that pundits routinely trotted it out to describe Americans on the left as well as the right: in the 1990s, filmmaker Oliver Stone was a favorite target, largely thanks to his overheated conspiratorial epic JFK. As early as 2006, historian David Greenberg was so annoyed by facile journalistic invocations of Hofstadter that, in an article headlined “Richard Hofstadter: The Pundits’ Favorite Historian,” he called for a moratorium on references to the “paranoid style.” Alas for Greenberg, in 2006 American politics was just beginning to get truly crazy.

First came the Birthers, who contended that Barack Obama had actually been born in Kenya and was ineligible to be president.

In 2006, historian David Greenberg called for a moratorium on references to ‘the paranoid style.’ Alas, American politics was just beginning to get truly crazy.

Many Republican leaders supported the Birther theory despite the mountain of archival and eyewitness evidence that Obama had been born in Hawaii. The anti-Obama theories continued to multiply: conspiracy theorists insisted that he was a secret Muslim, or even a Manchurian Candidate who was controlled by agents of the New World Order. (How these cunning figures could have been so confident, decades earlier, that a Kenyan-born crypto-Muslim would be a surefire heir to the American presidency is a mystery that all this baroque conspiracy-mongering left unexplained.) The most outrageous exponents of these conspiracy theories—including Alex Jones, who also believes that 9/11 was an inside job and that recent mass shootings were government “false-flag” provocations to alarm and terrorize the electorate—won tens of millions of viewers and readers.

Then, in 2015, Donald Trump, who helped birth the Birther movement, announced that he was running for president. The reality show tycoon supported a whole variety of conspiracy theories. Vaccinations caused autism. Climate change was a hoax. The Democrats planned to steal the election with votes cast by millions of undocumented immigrants. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia might have been murdered. Texas Senator Ted Cruz’s father might have been involved in the Kennedy assassination. And, of course, Barack Obama was not a U.S. citizen.

Losing the Plot

In this environment, it’s not surprising that journalists and political pundits believed that Hofstadter could help them understand the darkness, unreason, and conspiratorial transports of the modern right. But in reviving Hofstadter’s thesis, these commentators also resurrected its most glaring weakness—the New York intellectuals’ penchant for pathologizing the opposition, and thereby simultaneously stigmatizing and underestimating the appeal of the resurgent American right. Ironically enough, the latter-day embrace of the paranoid style’s explanatory power also appears to stem in no small part from the status anxiety of the pundit class. At a time when the mainstream outlets of opinion-making and political reportage are being swamped by viral, fact-averse simulacra of news coverage on Facebook, and in digital outlets of glorified Trump propaganda such as Breitbart News and Infowars, the notion that Trump voters are unhinged paranoiacs may help to keep the burgeoning audiences for such platforms at reassuring arm’s length.

Still, for all the limitations of Hofstadter’s Cold War thesis, there are some ways in which his observations about the paranoid fringe of the McCarthy era can be made to apply to today’s Trumpian conservative mainstream. In view of the renewed popularity of the phrase “the paranoid style,” it’s worth recalling some of Hofstadter’s own cautions surrounding the use of his interpretive scheme. To begin with, Hofstadter did not use the term “paranoid style” as an indiscriminate descriptor, to be applied to all Americans who believed there were plots against them. There were real conspiracies, he was careful to point out, and from time to time it was reasonable for Americans to call attention to them.

This is important because, as the poet Delmore Schwartz is supposed to have said, even paranoids have real enemies. A casual student of recent American history can recite a long list of very real conspiracies carried out by the U.S. government since the 1960s. The FBI systematically spied on and harassed members of leading civil rights groups, including Martin Luther King Jr. Top bureau officials tried to blackmail King into killing himself by threatening to publicize a tape recording of his extramarital affairs. The CIA tested hallucinogenic drugs on unsuspecting American citizens—and then tried to destroy all the memos documenting the program—and illegally spied on American citizens at home. Abroad, the CIA worked with the Mafia to try to shoot, poison, and stab Fidel Castro; without the Mafia’s help, the agency also tried to kill other foreign leaders. Top officials of President Nixon’s re-election committee raised millions of dollars in illegal campaign contributions through bribes and extortion, and then used that money to pay spies to break into the offices of various Democratic candidates (and to bribe those spies to keep silent, once they had been caught). The Iran-Contra conspiracy involved the president’s national security adviser overseeing a program to break the law by selling arms to Iran in order to bribe terrorists and funnel money into Central American counter-revolutionary movements. It’s not always crazy for Americans to believe that their government conspires against them, because sometimes it does.

Hofstadter also clearly differentiated between these types of evidence-based conspiracy theories and those characterized by paranoia. The practitioners of the paranoid style, he argued, did not just believe in a few plots, but in the ultimate plot—the Insiders versus the People. “The distinguishing thing about the paranoid style,” he wrote, “is not that its exponents see conspiracies or plots here and there in history, but that they regard a ‘vast’ or ‘gigantic’ conspiracy as the motive force in historical events. History is a conspiracy, set in motion by demonic forces of almost transcendent power, and what is felt to be needed to defeat it is not the usual methods of political give-and-take, but an all-out crusade.”

The language used by Trump and by his supporters often meets these criteria. According to the president, reporters for the mainstream media aren’t merely skeptical of his claims, they are the “enemy of the people.” In the view of his fans, Robert Mueller’s investigation is not just unnecessary and distracting, it’s a “witch hunt,” led by members of the “deep state.” Ninety-two percent of Republicans and Republican-leaning voters think that members of the news media knowingly report false or misleading news at least some of the time. Seventy-four percent of Americans believe in the probable or definite existence of a deep state, defined as “a group of unelected government and military officials who secretly manipulate or direct national policy.”

“What’s on the Internet”

Hofstadter gave us a tool for assessing why these paranoid theories have such persuasive force: the “curious leap in imagination” from provable facts to absurd conjecture. “The plausibility the paranoid style has for those who find it plausible lies, in good measure,” he wrote, “in this appearance of the most careful, conscientious, and seemingly coherent application to detail, the laborious accumulation of what can be taken as convincing evidence for the most fantastic conclusions, the careful preparation for the big leap from the undeniable to the unbelievable.” I frequently ask the students in my conspiracy theory course to use Hofstadter’s “big leap” to analyze these theories at different historical times and places. Conspiracy theories that win the allegiance of a genuinely small minority—say, the “pizzagate” theorists who maintain that Hillary Clinton raped and murdered child sex slaves in a pizza parlor basement—are not, to my mind, all that interesting. But take a theory that is believed, or was believed, by 36 percent of Americans, like the view among self-styled 9/11 truthers that a cabal within George W. Bush’s White House either plotted the 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington or deliberately allowed them to happen. The Truthers begin by constructing a foundation of undeniable facts—the administration’s eager quest for a pretext to go to war with Iraq and the way it manipulated intelligence to deceive the American people. They claim to document these facts with a careful array of citations and official sources. Then they leap from these undeniable facts to incredible conjectures: that the Bush administration itself masterminded the 9/11 attacks. It is by acknowledging the power of the undeniable facts that we can see why so many people might be willing to accept the leap to the incredible conjecture.

We could apply a similar analysis to President Trump’s deep state conspiracy theories about the Russia probe. Trump suggests that powerful forces within the FBI are determined to reverse the election by falsely charging his campaign with colluding with Russian hackers. Some of his supporters warn that the agents of the deep state are plotting a coup to remove him from office and destroy American freedom. Could they persuade so many people to believe them without the documented evidence of real conspiracies carried out by the FBI in the past?

Hofstadter’s analysis of the use of apocalyptic rhetoric throughout American history also helps to put many aspects of the Trump phenomenon in context. Here is Hofstadter on the paranoid spokesman: “He constantly lives at a turning point: it is now or never in organizing resistance to conspiracy. Time is forever just running out.” Here, by way of graphic illustration, is the opening of a much-shared pseudonymous pro-Trump article from The Claremont Review of Books, published just before the election:

2016 is the Flight 93 election: charge the cockpit or you die. You may die anyway. You—or the leader of your party—may make it into the cockpit and not know how to fly or land the plane. There are no guarantees. Except one: if you don’t try, death is certain. To compound the metaphor: a Hillary Clinton presidency is Russian Roulette with a semi-auto.

When “death is certain” if the other side wins, there must be no accommodation or compromise.

Hofstadter also highlighted another common trope in right-wing rhetoric that’s relevant to today’s politics: the curious sense of loss among Americans on the right. Their anger, he argued, stemmed from their sense of dispossession, even though many of them were relatively well off. They believed, he said, that “America has been largely taken away from them and their kind, though they are determined to try to repossess it and to prevent the final destructive act of subversion.”

It’s not always crazy for Americans to believe that their government conspires against them, because sometimes it does.

Many scholars today have commented on this sense of dispossession among Trump supporters. Sociologist Arlie Hochschild captured this sentiment in the title of her book on the worldview of rural white voters, Strangers in Their Own Land. The rural white people who Hochschild interviewed felt angry at “line-cutters”: immigrants and people of color who, they believed, had jumped the queue in front of patient, hard-working white Americans like them, and were rewarded with welfare checks and affirmative action jobs. Hofstadter might call this fear that someone will take your place in line—i.e., push you out of your rightful spot in the social order—just another form of status anxiety.

Finally, even back in the 1960s, Hofstadter remarked on the skepticism of science and contempt for expertise among Americans on the right. The paranoid spokesman, he said, was not open to new ideas, scientific studies, or scholarly arguments. “He has all the evidence he needs; he is not a receiver, he is a transmitter.” This phrase could have been written about the most passionate Trump supporters during the 2016 presidential race. The Oxford Dictionaries picked “post-truth” as their word of the year for 2016, or the word “chosen to reflect the passing year in language,” and defined it as circumstances in which “objective facts are less influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and personal belief.” Trump was not embarrassed that his sources or his facts might be wrong; “All I know is what’s on the internet,” he said at one point during the campaign.

The “irrational” tenor of pseudo-conservative debate that Richard Hofstadter confidently decried and dismissed circa 1965 was, in retrospect, the opening salvo of a thoroughgoing ideological, cultural, and financial assault on the modern welfare state. His notion of a status-driven revolt against political modernity was also a grave misreading of the future course of American conservatism. Trump may display in his bearing, his rally speeches, and his tweets all the hallmarks of an unhinged paranoid mind—but the vast armature of Republican statecraft and fundraising have swung into line behind him. Historians tasked with explaining the Trump phenomenon will have to advance a theory of change far more ideologically probing and analytically persuasive than a clutch of terms borrowed from the modern-day DSM manual.

https://thebaffler.com/salvos/a-conspir ... se-olmsted
"It's not rocket surgery." - Elvis
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Re: "Paranoid Libertarianism" vs "Jackboot Neoliberalism"

Postby liminalOyster » Thu Dec 06, 2018 9:22 pm

Neoliberalism Is a Political Project
AN INTERVIEW WITH
DAVID HARVEY
David Harvey on what neoliberalism actually is — and why the concept matters.

INTERVIEW BY
Bjarke Skærlund Risager
Eleven years ago, David Harvey published A Brief History of Neoliberalism, now one of the most cited books on the subject. The years since have seen new economic and financial crises, but also new waves of resistance, which often target “neoliberalism” in their critique of contemporary society.

Cornel West speaks of the Black Lives Matter movement as “an indictment of neoliberal power”; the late Hugo Chávez called neoliberalism a “path to hell”; and labor leaders are increasingly using the term to describe the larger environment in which workplace struggles occur. The mainstream press has also picked up the term, if only to argue that neoliberalism doesn’t actually exist.

But what, exactly, are we talking about when we talk about neoliberalism? Is it a useful target for socialists? And how has it changed since its genesis in the late twentieth century?

Bjarke Skærlund Risager, a PhD fellow at the Department of Philosophy and History of Ideas at Aarhus University, sat down with David Harvey to discuss the political nature of neoliberalism, how it has transformed modes of resistance, and why the Left still needs to be serious about ending capitalism.

BSR
Neoliberalism is a widely used term today. However, it is often unclear what people refer to when they use it. In its most systematic usage it might refer to a theory, a set of ideas, a political strategy, or a historical period. Could you begin by explaining how you understand neoliberalism?

DH
I’ve always treated neoliberalism as a political project carried out by the corporate capitalist class as they felt intensely threatened both politically and economically towards the end of the 1960s into the 1970s. They desperately wanted to launch a political project that would curb the power of labor.

In many respects the project was a counterrevolutionary project. It would nip in the bud what, at that time, were revolutionary movements in much of the developing world — Mozambique, Angola, China etc. — but also a rising tide of communist influences in countries like Italy and France and, to a lesser degree, the threat of a revival of that in Spain.

Even in the United States, trade unions had produced a Democratic Congress that was quite radical in its intent. In the early 1970s they, along with other social movements, forced a slew of reforms and reformist initiatives which were anti-corporate: the Environmental Protection Agency, the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, consumer protections, and a whole set of things around empowering labor even more than it had been empowered before.

So in that situation there was, in effect, a global threat to the power of the corporate capitalist class and therefore the question was, “What to do?”. The ruling class wasn’t omniscient but they recognized that there were a number of fronts on which they had to struggle: the ideological front, the political front, and above all they had to struggle to curb the power of labor by whatever means possible. Out of this there emerged a political project which I would call neoliberalism.

BSR
Can you talk a bit about the ideological and political fronts and the attacks on labor?


DH
The ideological front amounted to following the advice of a guy named Lewis Powell. He wrote a memo saying that things had gone too far, that capital needed a collective project. The memo helped mobilize the Chamber of Commerce and the Business Roundtable.

Ideas were also important to the ideological front. The judgement at that time was that universities were impossible to organize because the student movement was too strong and the faculty too liberal-minded, so they set up all of these think tanks like the Manhattan Institute, the Heritage Foundation, the Ohlin Foundation. These think tanks brought in the ideas of Freidrich Hayek and Milton Friedman and supply-side economics.

The idea was to have these think tanks do serious research and some of them did — for instance, the National Bureau of Economic Research was a privately funded institution that did extremely good and thorough research. This research would then be published independently and it would influence the press and bit by bit it would surround and infiltrate the universities.

This process took a long time. I think now we’ve reached a point where you don’t need something like the Heritage Foundation anymore. Universities have pretty much been taken over by the neoliberal projects surrounding them.

With respect to labor, the challenge was to make domestic labor competitive with global labor. One way was to open up immigration. In the 1960s, for example, Germans were importing Turkish labor, the French Maghrebian labor, the British colonial labor. But this created a great deal of dissatisfaction and unrest.

Instead they chose the other way — to take capital to where the low-wage labor forces were. But for globalization to work you had to reduce tariffs and empower finance capital, because finance capital is the most mobile form of capital. So finance capital and things like floating currencies became critical to curbing labor.

At the same time, ideological projects to privatize and deregulate created unemployment. So, unemployment at home and offshoring taking the jobs abroad, and a third component: technological change, deindustrialization through automation and robotization. That was the strategy to squash labor.

It was an ideological assault but also an economic assault. To me this is what neoliberalism was about: it was that political project, and I think the bourgeoisie or the corporate capitalist class put it into motion bit by bit.

I don’t think they started out by reading Hayek or anything, I think they just intuitively said, “We gotta crush labor, how do we do it?” And they found that there was a legitimizing theory out there, which would support that.

BSR
>Since the publication of A Brief History of Neoliberalism in 2005 a lot of ink has been spilled on the concept. There seem to be two main camps: scholars who are most interested in the intellectual history of neoliberalism and people whose concern lies with “actually existing neoliberalism.” Where do you fit?

DH
There’s a tendency in the social sciences, which I tend to resist, to seek a single-bullet theory of something. So there’s a wing of people who say that, well, neoliberalism is an ideology and so they write an idealist history of it.

A version of this is Foucault’s governmentality argument that sees neoliberalizing tendencies already present in the eighteenth century. But if you just treat neoliberalism as an idea or a set of limited practices of governmentality, you will find plenty of precursors.

What’s missing here is the way in which the capitalist class orchestrated its efforts during the 1970s and early 1980s. I think it would be fair to say that at that time — in the English-speaking world anyway — the corporate capitalist class became pretty unified.

They agreed on a lot of things, like the need for a political force to really represent them. So you get the capture of the Republican Party, and an attempt to undermine, to some degree, the Democratic Party.

From the 1970s the Supreme Court made a bunch of decisions that allowed the corporate capitalist class to buy elections more easily than it could in the past.

For example, you see reforms of campaign finance that treated contributions to campaigns as a form of free speech. There’s a long tradition in the United States of corporate capitalists buying elections but now it was legalized rather than being under the table as corruption.

Overall I think this period was defined by a broad movement across many fronts, ideological and political. And the only way you can explain that broad movement is by recognizing the relatively high degree of solidarity in the corporate capitalist class. Capital reorganized its power in a desperate attempt to recover its economic wealth and its influence, which had been seriously eroded from the end of the 1960s into the 1970s.

BSR
There have been numerous crises since 2007. How does the history and concept of neoliberalism help us understand them?

DH
There were very few crises between 1945 and 1973; there were some serious moments but no major crises. The turn to neoliberal politics occurred in the midst of a crisis in the 1970s, and the whole system has been a series of crises ever since. And of course crises produce the conditions of future crises.

In 1982–85 there was a debt crisis in Mexico, Brazil, Ecuador, and basically all the developing countries including Poland. In 1987–88 there was a big crisis in US savings and loan institutions. There was a wide crisis in Sweden in 1990, and all the banks had to be nationalized.

Then of course we have Indonesia and Southeast Asia in 1997–98, then the crisis moves to Russia, then to Brazil, and it hits Argentina in 2001–2.

And there were problems in the United States in 2001 which they got through by taking money out of the stock market and pouring it into the housing market. In 2007–8 the US housing market imploded, so you got a crisis here.

You can look at a map of the world and watch the crisis tendencies move around. Thinking about neoliberalism is helpful to understanding these tendencies.

One of big moves of neoliberalization was throwing out all the Keynesians from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund in 1982 — a total clean-out of all the economic advisers who held Keynesian views.

They were replaced by neoclassical supply-side theorists and the first thing they did was decide that from then on the IMF should follow a policy of structural adjustment whenever there’s a crisis anywhere.

In 1982, sure enough, there was a debt crisis in Mexico. The IMF said, “We’ll save you.” Actually, what they were doing was saving the New York investment banks and implementing a politics of austerity.

The population of Mexico suffered something like a 25 percent loss of its standard of living in the four years after 1982 as a result of the structural adjustment politics of the IMF.

Since then Mexico has had about four structural adjustments. Many other countries have had more than one. This became standard practice.

What are they doing to Greece now? It’s almost a copy of what they did to Mexico back in 1982, only more savvy. This is also what happened in the United States in 2007–8. They bailed out the banks and made the people pay through a politics of austerity.


BSR
Is there anything about the recent crises and the ways in which they have been managed by the ruling classes that have made you rethink your theory of neoliberalism?

DH
Well, I don’t think capitalist class solidarity today is what it was. Geopolitically, the United States is not in a position to call the shots globally as it was in the 1970s.

I think we’re seeing a regionalization of global power structures within the state system — regional hegemons like Germany in Europe, Brazil in Latin America, China in East Asia.

Obviously, the United States still has a global position, but times have changed. Obama can go to the G20 and say, “We should do this,” and Angela Merkel can say, “We’re not doing that.” That would not have happened in the 1970s.

So the geopolitical situation has become more regionalized, there’s more autonomy. I think that’s partly a result of the end of the Cold War. Countries like Germany no longer rely on the United States for protection.

Furthermore, what has been called the “new capitalist class” of Bill Gates, Amazon, and Silicon Valley has a different politics than traditional oil and energy.

As a result they tend to go their own particular ways, so there’s a lot of sectional rivalry between, say, energy and finance, and energy and the Silicon Valley crowd, and so on. There are serious divisions that are evident on something like climate change, for example.

The other thing I think is crucial is that the neoliberal push of the 1970s didn’t pass without strong resistance. There was massive resistance from labor, from communist parties in Europe, and so on.

But I would say that by the end of the 1980s the battle was lost. So to the degree that resistance has disappeared, labor doesn’t have the power it once had, solidarity among the ruling class is no longer necessary for it to work.

It doesn’t have to get together and do something about struggle from below because there is no threat anymore. The ruling class is doing extremely well so it doesn’t really have to change anything.

Yet while the capitalist class is doing very well, capitalism is doing rather badly. Profit rates have recovered but reinvestment rates are appallingly low, so a lot of money is not circulating back into production and is flowing into land-grabs and asset-procurement instead.

BSR
Let’s talk more about resistance. In your work, you point to the apparent paradox that the neoliberal onslaught was paralleled by a decline in class struggle — at least in the Global North — in favor of “new social movements” for individual freedom.

Could you unpack how you think neoliberalism gives rise to certain forms of resistance?

DH
Here’s a proposition to think over. What if every dominant mode of production, with its particular political configuration, creates a mode of opposition as a mirror image to itself?

During the era of Fordist organization of the production process, the mirror image was a large centralized trade union movement and democratically centralist political parties.

The reorganization of the production process and turn to flexible accumulation during neoliberal times has produced a Left that is also, in many ways, its mirror: networking, decentralized, non-hierarchical. I think this is very interesting.

And to some degree the mirror image confirms that which it’s trying to destroy. In the end I think that the trade union movement actually undergirded Fordism.

I think much of the Left right now, being very autonomous and anarchical, is actually reinforcing the endgame of neoliberalism. A lot of people on the Left don’t like to hear that.

But of course the question arises: Is there a way to organize which is not a mirror image? Can we smash that mirror and find something else, which is not playing into the hands of neoliberalism?

Resistance to neoliberalism can occur in a number of different ways. In my work I stress that the point at which value is realized is also a point of tension.

Value is produced in the labor process, and this is a very important aspect of class struggle. But value is realized in the market through sale, and there’s a lot of politics to that.

A lot of resistance to capital accumulation occurs not only on the point of production but also through consumption and the realization of value.

Take an auto plant: big plants used to employ around twenty-five thousand people; now they employ five thousand because technology has reduced the need for workers. So more and more labor is being displaced from the production sphere and is more and more being pushed into urban life.

The main center of discontent within the capitalist dynamic is increasingly shifting to struggles over the realization of value — over the politics of daily life in the city.

Workers obviously matter and there are many issues among workers that are crucial. If we’re in Shenzhen in China struggles over the labor process are dominant. And in the United States, we should have supported the Verizon strike, for example.

But in many parts of the world, struggles over the quality of daily life are dominant. Look at the big struggles over the past ten to fifteen years: something like Gezi Park in Istanbul wasn’t a workers’ struggle, it was discontent with the politics of daily life and the lack of democracy and decision-making processes; in the uprisings in Brazilian cities in 2013, again it was discontent with the politics of daily life: transport, possibilities, and with spending all that money on big stadiums when you’re not spending any money on building schools, hospitals, and affordable housing. The uprisings we see in London, Paris, and Stockholm are not about the labor process: they are about the politics of daily life.

This politics is rather different from the politics that exists at the point of production. At the point of production, it’s capital versus labor. Struggles over the quality of urban life are less clear in terms of their class configuration.

Clear class politics, which is usually derived out of an understanding of production, gets theoretically fuzzy as it becomes more realistic. It’s a class issue but it’s not a class issue in a classical sense.

BSR
Do you think we talk too much about neoliberalism and too little about capitalism? When is it appropriate to use one or the other term, and what are the risks involved in conflating them?

DH
Many liberals say that neoliberalism has gone too far in terms of income inequality, that all this privatization has gone too far, that there are a lot of common goods that we have to take care of, such as the environment.

There are also a variety of ways of talking about capitalism, such as the sharing economy, which turns out to be highly capitalized and highly exploitative.

There’s the notion of ethical capitalism, which turns out to simply be about being reasonably honest instead of stealing. So there is the possibility in some people’s minds of some sort of reform of the neoliberal order into some other form of capitalism.

I think it’s possible that you can make a better capitalism than that which currently exists. But not by much.

The fundamental problems are actually so deep right now that there is no way that we are going to go anywhere without a very strong anticapitalist movement. So I would want to put things in anticapitalist terms rather than putting them in anti-neoliberal terms.

And I think the danger is, when I listen to people talking about anti-neoliberalism, that there is no sense that capitalism is itself, in whatever form, a problem.

Most anti-neoliberalism fails to deal with the macro-problems of endless compound growth — ecological, political, and economic problems. So I would rather be talking about anticapitalism than anti-neoliberalism.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
David Harvey is a distinguished professor of anthropology and geography at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. His latest book is The Ways of the World.

ABOUT THE INTERVIEWER
Bjarke Skærlund Risager is a PhD fellow in the Department of Philosophy and History of Ideas at Aarhus University.

https://www.jacobinmag.com/2016/07/davi ... esistance/


Yes, let's wipe out Trump. But take neoliberal Democrats with him, too
David Sirota
A new wave of left-leaning Democrats are waging a war on the party’s corporate wing

Democratic candidates are winning primaries in several states, challenging the party’s decrepit establishment. Illustration: Niv Bavarsky
After a scorching summer of discontent, Donald Trump’s endless tweets and scandals have given Democrats their best chance to retake Congress since George W Bush’s second term. And yet, insurgent progressives are not limiting themselves to dethroning Republicans: they are taking aim at corporate-friendly Democrats within their own party, too.

Amid an upsurge of populist energy that has alarmed the Democratic establishment, a new wave of left-leaning insurgents have been using Democratic primaries to wage a fierce war on the party’s corporate wing. And, as in past presidential primary battles, many Democratic consultants, politicians and pundits have insisted that the party must prioritize unity and resist grassroots pressure to support a more forceful progressive agenda.

Not surprisingly, much of that analysis comes from those with career stakes in the status quo. Their crude attempts to stamp out any dissent or intraparty discord negates a stark truth: liberal America’s pattern of electing corporate Democrats – rather than progressives – has been a big part of the problem that led to Trump and that continues to make America’s economic and political system a neo-feudal dystopia.


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Dislodging those corporate Democrats, then, is not some counterproductive distraction – it is a critical front in the effort to actually make America great again.

Right now, there are eight blue states where Democrats control the governorship and the legislature, and five other blue states where Democrats have often had as much or more legislative power than Republicans. These states, plus myriad cities under Democratic rule, collectively oversee one of the planet’s largest economies. Laws enacted in these locales can set national and global standards, and in the process, concretely illustrate a popular progressive agenda. Such an agenda in liberal America could rebrand the Democratic party as an entity that is actually serious about challenging the greed of the 1%, fighting corruption, and making day-to-day life better for the 99%.

Instead, though, liberal America has often produced something much different and less appealing: Democratic politicians who constantly echo courageous populist themes in speeches, news releases and election ads, and then often uses the party’s governmental power to protect the status quo and serve corporate donors in their interminable class war.

Take California: a state where Democrats control the governorship, every state constitutional office and a legislative supermajority. With healthcare premiums rising, polls show 70% of Americans support the creation of a government-sponsored healthcare system. Considering that Canada’s healthcare system first began in its provinces, California would seem a perfect place to create the first such system in the United States. There is just one problem: Democrats are using their power to shut down single-payer legislation as they rake in big money from private insurance and drug companies.


On the opposite coast, it is the same story. A solidly Democratic New York, Connecticut and New Jersey have declined to take up single payer, and have also refused to pass legislation closing special “carried interest” tax loopholes that benefit a handful of Wall Street moguls. As those tax breaks drain public revenue, state officials simultaneously plead poverty in justifying cuts to basic social safety net programs – even as they offer massive taxpayer subsidies to corporations such as Amazon and play host to an endless series of pay-to-play corruption scandals that see wealthy campaign contributors enriched at the public trough.

Even in deep blue Rhode Island – where Democrats are so dominant the 113 member legislature has only 17 Republicans – then-treasurer Gina Raimondo and her fellow Democrats chose to stake their brand on a plan that eviscerated retirement benefits for teachers, firefighters, cops and other public sector workers. Raimondo, a former financial executive whose firm received state investments, also shifted billions of dollars of public workers’ retirement savings into politically connected hedge funds and private equity firms that charge outsized fees, but often generate returns that lag a cheap stock index fund.

California could play a determining role in upsetting Republican control the US Congress, as Democrats hope to win 10 of the 14 seats held by Republicans.
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California could play a determining role in upsetting Republican control the US Congress, as Democrats hope to win 10 of the 14 seats held by Republicans. Photograph: Mario Tama/Getty Images
Every now and again, this grotesquerie spills out into public view in ways that cannot be ignored. In New Jersey, for instance, state Democratic lawmakers who spent years slamming Republican governor Chris Christie for refusing to pass a millionaires tax quickly delayed and then watered down the same tax proposal when Democrats reclaimed the governorship. Meanwhile, on the other side of the Hudson river, New York Democratic governor Andrew Cuomo shut down an anti-corruption commission, his top aide was later convicted on corruption charges – and yet Cuomo was rewarded with support from top Democrats as well as an endorsement from New York Times higher-ups right on liberal America’s editorial page.

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Now sure, if this behavior was just limited to either side of the country, it could be written off as the effete fiddling-while-Rome-burns antics of the coastal elite. Things, though, aren’t much different in the middle of the country.

Here in Colorado, where Democrats have been winning elections, the party machine joined with Republicans in 2016 to help the insurance industry crush a universal healthcare ballot measure. At the same time, the administration of Democratic governor John Hickenlooper – a 2020 presidential hopeful – has threatened to sue local communities that try to regulate fossil fuel development.

And now in 2018 – as climate-change-intensified wildfires torch the state – top Democrats are breaking with the party’s grassroots activists and uniting with Republicans to allow oil and gas companies to frack and drill near schools, hospitals and residential neighborhoods. Democratic leaders have taken up that cause even after a series of deadly explosions near oil and gas sites outside Denver, and even as ever-more academic research spotlights potential health hazards of living too close to fracking sites.

Then there is Chicago, the most reliably Democratic stronghold of the heartland’s cities with a mayoralty that enjoys more inherent institutional power than almost any other.

There, the administration of Democratic stalwart Rahm Emanuel has used that power to initiate one of American history’s largest mass closures of public schools and layoff hundreds of teachers. During Emanuel’s tenure, public workers’ retirement savings were invested with financial firms whose executives have bankrolled Emanuel’s political apparatus. Emanuel’s administration also reportedly oversaw a police dark site where suspects were allegedly imprisoned without charge – and the Democratic mayor’s appointees infamously blocked the release of a videotape of Chicago police gunning down an unarmed African American teenager.

With the city subsequently suffering an explosion of gun violence, racial strife and economic inequality, Democratic donors responded by lavishing Emanuel with massive campaign contributions and Democratic voters reelected him. When Hizzoner later announced his retirement amid the trial over the police shooting, Emanuel was immediately lauded as a great hero by the most famous face of the Democratic party, Barack Obama.

The former president’s move was a powerful reminder that Democrats’ let-them-eat-cake attitude and nothing-to-see-here complacency is a toxic gangrene afflicting not just the distant tips of the party’s local tendrils. The fish rots from the head down, and Democrats’ festering noggin is at the top of the national party, where Democratic states’ federal lawmakers have been helping Republicans ransack everything not nailed down to the floor.

Less than a decade ago, with Democratic majorities controlling both the House and Senate, it was the administration led by Obama and Emanuel that bailed out Wall Street, enshrined a too-big-to-jail doctrine for megabanks and – by its own admission – designed the Affordable Care Act to preclude Medicare for All. Obama’s administration did this while Democrats controlled both the House and Senate. It was Democratic lawmakers’ like Delaware’s Tom Carper and Connecticut’s Joe Lieberman who helped insurance and pharmaceutical lobbyists make sure the ACA also excluded any public healthcare option that could compete with private insurers.

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Today, it is House Democratic leader Nancy Pelosi, from deeply liberal San Francisco, insisting that Medicare for All will not be any kind of litmus test for her party and promising that budget-cutting austerity will govern Democrats’ legislative agenda should they retake Congress.

It is 16 Senate Democrats voting to help Wall Street lobbyists gut post-financial-crisis banking regulations. Those include blue-staters like Colorado’s Michael Bennet and Delaware’s Chris Coons, the latter of which then went on to make national headlines slamming progressives for supposedly pushing the party too far to the left.

It is 13 Senate Democrats, including 2020 presidential prospect Cory Booker of Democratic New Jersey, beholding skyrocketing drug prices – and then voting to help pharmaceutical lobbyists defeat Bernie Sanders’ initiative to let Americans purchase lower-priced medicine from Canada.

It is most of the Democratic Senate caucus recently voting to confirm 15 of Trump’s judicial appointees, and Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer, from Democratic New York, vowing there will be no punishment for Democratic lawmakers who vote to confirm Trump’s supreme court nominees.

Recounting this sordid record is not to dispute Democrats’ occasional successes. Some blue locales continue to periodically pass progressive initiatives, most recently on climate change, net neutrality and minimum wages. These are undoubtedly important, but they have for the most part been incremental at a time when the economic and ecological crises we face demand far more radical action.

Anti-Trump rhetoric alone is not an adequate response to the emergencies at hand
The current iteration of the Democratic party has proven time and again that it is not merely uninterested in that kind of radicalism, but actively opposed to it. Party powerbrokers and multimillion-dollar MSNBC pundits would prefer an election focused exclusively on the palace dramas surrounding Trump’s boorish outbursts and outrageous personal behavior. They don’t want an election focused on the bipartisan neoliberalism that has wrought the desperation and mayhem unfolding outside the palace walls.

Out here, though, economic reality has proven the scripted red-versus-blue theater to be a bread-and-circuses distraction from the fact that both parties are culpable for this moment of crisis. America is now in backlash mode, producing candidates in Democratic states who are boldly challenging the party’s decrepit establishment.

In New York, it is progressive Democrats Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Zephyr Teachout, Jumaane Williams and Cynthia Nixon who, working with grassroots groups such as the Working Families party (WFP), are challenging a Tammany Hall-esque monstrosity. They do this all while progressive legislative candidates boldly primary the State Senate Democrats who have made common cause with Republicans.

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In Delaware, it was African American veteran Kerri Harris running a spirited primary against Carper, also with the help of the WFP.

In Rhode Island, it is former secretary of state Matt Brown and Bernie Sanders-organizer Aaron Regunberg primarying Raimondo and her lieutenant governor.

In California and Maryland, it was lieutenant governor Gavin Newsom and former NAACP president Ben Jealous winning their respective Democratic gubernatorial primaries on promises to finally enact single payer. They are part of a larger group of pro-single-payer candidates that has now built up so much pressure for Medicare for All that none other than Obama suddenly reversed himself and lauded the concept late last week.

These progressive challengers and others like them have each run unique campaigns, but all have embodied the core belief that anti-Trump rhetoric alone is not an adequate response to the emergencies at hand. Democrats’ record in liberal states and liberal cities over the last decade makes a strong case that they are correct – and so now the revolution is on.

That may bewilder the Democrats’ permanent political class that has gotten used to steamrolling the public, losing elections and still remaining in charge of the party – but, really, the only confusing thing about this uprising is that it took this long to finally ignite.

David Sirota is a Guardian US columnist and an investigative journalist at Capital & Main. His latest book is Back to Our Future: How the 1980s Explain the World We Live In Now

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfr ... ty-america
"It's not rocket surgery." - Elvis
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Re: "Paranoid Libertarianism" vs "Jackboot Neoliberalism"

Postby American Dream » Fri Dec 07, 2018 10:04 am

I haven't found the time and energy to fully assimilate this thread but I do like David Harvey and I feel that "back to basics" is generally useful:

David Harvey's Companion to Marx's Capital

In this excerpt from A Companion to Marx's Capital: The Complete Edition, David Harvey discusses Marx's method and urges readers to "hang on like crazy" through the first three, arduous, chapters of Capital, Volume I.

Image

This brings us back to Marx’s method. One of the most important things to glean from a careful study of Volume I is how Marx’s method works. I personally think this is just as important as the propositions he derives about how capitalism works, because once you have learned the method and become both practiced in its execution and confident in its power, then you can use it to understand almost anything. This method derives, of course, from dialectics, which is, as he points out in the preface already cited, a method of inquiry “that had not previously been applied to economic subjects” (104). He further discusses this dialectical method in the postface to the second edition. While his ideas derive from Hegel, Marx’s “dialectical method is, in its foundations, not only different from the Hegelian, but exactly opposite to it” (102). Hence derives the notorious claim that Marx inverted Hegel’s dialectics and stood it right side up, on its feet.

There are ways in which, we’ll find, this is not exactly true. Marx revolutionized the dialectical method; he didn’t simply invert it. “I criticized the mystificatory side of the Hegelian dialectic nearly thirty years ago,” he says, referring to his critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right. Plainly, that critique was a foundational moment in which Marx redefined his relationship to the Hegelian dialectic. He objects to the way in which the mystified form of the dialectic as purveyed by Hegel became the fashion in Germany in the 1830s and 1840s, and he set out to reform it so that it could take account of “every historically developed form as being in a fluid state, in motion.” Marx had, therefore, to reconfigure dialectics so that it could grasp the “transient aspect” of a society as well. Dialectics has to, in short, be able to understand and represent processes of motion, change and transformation. Such a dialectical method “does not let itself be impressed by anything, being in its very essence critical and revolutionary” (102–3), precisely because it goes to the heart of what social transformations, both actual and potential, are about.

What Marx is talking about here is his intention to reinvent the dialectical method to take account of the unfolding and dynamic relations between elements within a capitalist system. He intends to do so in such a way as to capture fluidity and motion because he is, as we will see, incredibly impressed with the mutability and dynamics of capitalism. This goes against the reputation that invariably precedes Marx, depicting him as some sort of fixed and immovable structuralist thinker. Capital, however, reveals a Marx who is always talking about movement and the motion—the processes—of, for example, the circulation of capital. So reading Marx on his own terms requires that you grapple with what it is he means by “dialectics.”

The problem here is, however, that Marx never wrote a tract on dialectics, and he never explicated his dialectical method (although there are, as we shall see, plenty of hints here and there). So we have an apparent paradox. To understand Marx’s dialectical method, you have to read Capital, because that is the source for its actual practice; but in order to understand Capital you have to understand Marx’s dialectical method. A careful reading of Capital gradually yields a sense of how his method works, and the more you read, the better you’ll understand Capital as a book.

One of the curious things about our educational system, I would note, is that the better trained you are in a discipline, the less used to dialectical method you’re likely to be. In fact, young children are very dialectical; they see everything in motion, in contradictions and transformations. We have to put an immense effort into training kids out of being good dialecticians. Marx wants to recover the intuitive power of the dialectical method and put it to work in understanding how everything is in process, everything is in motion. He doesn’t simply talk about labor; he talks about the labor process. Capital is not a thing, but rather a process that exists only in motion. When circulation stops, value disappears and the whole system comes tumbling down. Consider what happened in the aftermath of September 11, 2001, in New York City: everything came to a standstill. Planes stopped flying, bridges and roads closed. After about three days, everybody realized that capitalism would collapse if things didn’t get moving again. So suddenly, Mayor Giuliani and President Bush are pleading the public to get out the credit cards and go shopping, go back to Broadway, patronize the restaurants. Bush even appeared in a TV ad for the airline industry encouraging Americans to start flying again.

Capitalism is nothing if it is not on the move. Marx is incredibly appreciative of that, and he sets out to evoke the transformative dynamism of capital. That’s why it is so very strange that he’s oft en depicted as a static thinker who reduces capitalism to a structural configuration. No, what Marx seeks out in Capital is a conceptual apparatus, a deep structure, that explains the way in which motion is actually instantiated within a capitalist mode of production. Consequently, many of his concepts are formulated around relations rather than stand-alone principles; they are about transformative activity.


More: https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/4140-d ... -s-capital
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Re: "Paranoid Libertarianism" vs "Jackboot Neoliberalism"

Postby liminalOyster » Mon Dec 10, 2018 12:09 pm

comey wrote:All of us should use every breath we have to make sure the lies stop on January 20, 2021," Comey told an audience at the 92nd Street Y on New York City's Upper East Side. He all but begged Democrats to set aside their ideological differences and nominate the person best suited to defeating Trump in an election.
"I understand the Democrats have important debates now over who their candidate should be," Comey told MSNBC's Nicolle Wallace, "but they have to win. They have to win."
"It's not rocket surgery." - Elvis
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Re: "Paranoid Libertarianism" vs "Jackboot Neoliberalism"

Postby American Dream » Mon Dec 10, 2018 12:17 pm

For me personally, a credible choice to pose would be (cautiously paranoid) libertarian socialism vs. jackboot neoliberalism. It's a part of everyday life.
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Re: "Paranoid Libertarianism" vs "Jackboot Neoliberalism"

Postby liminalOyster » Tue Dec 11, 2018 11:54 am

The title isnt meant to pose a choice so much as consider the respective logics of two emerging negative political constructs. Im a Marxist more or less but am basically opposed to the state altogether above a certain scale. So maybe like a scalar communitarian libertarian.
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Re: "Paranoid Libertarianism" vs "Jackboot Neoliberalism"

Postby American Dream » Tue Dec 11, 2018 12:41 pm

Thanks, I'm beginning to "get" this thread a bit better.
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Re: "Paranoid Libertarianism" vs "Jackboot Neoliberalism"

Postby liminalOyster » Tue Dec 11, 2018 2:24 pm

American Dream » Tue Dec 11, 2018 12:41 pm wrote:Thanks, I'm beginning to "get" this thread a bit better.


Glad to hear it. That Behemoth/Leviathan piece would actually fit well here, IMO. A very good piece, that one, in many ways.
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Re: "Paranoid Libertarianism" vs "Jackboot Neoliberalism"

Postby MacCruiskeen » Tue Dec 11, 2018 3:36 pm

American Dream » Mon Dec 10, 2018 11:17 am wrote:For me personally, a credible choice to pose would be (cautiously paranoid) libertarian socialism vs. jackboot neoliberalism. It's a part of everyday life.


When asked, politely, to clarify his political stance, American Dream (19615 posts) -- who is, let's remember, the self-appointed Voice and Conscience of the Left on this suffering Discussion Board -- again evades the question (of course he does) and instead just throws out a link to [cue drumroll] Wikipedia. His second sentence is even briefer and even more dismissive and also links to [drumroll] Wikipedia. And the relevance of the lazily gestured-at Vaneigen to the discussion remains completely unclear.

And note that American Dream doesn't even explicitly and unambiguously say that these are his politics:

American Dream wrote:a credible choice to pose


Sic.

It was ever thus.

If there is a single RI member left here whom American Dream does not "have on ignore" (sic) is not ignoring whenever it suits him, then that almost-unique RI member might try asking American Dream what he -- he himself, in his own words -- actually means by "(cautiously paranoid) Libertarian Socialism". Maybe you would like to have a try yourself, liminalOyster. Good luck with that.
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Re: "Paranoid Libertarianism" vs "Jackboot Neoliberalism"

Postby liminalOyster » Tue Dec 18, 2018 1:00 pm

A Brief, Depressing Compendium of Alice Walker's Apparent Conspiratorial Beliefs
Anna Merlan - Today 10:30amFiled to: DAVID ICKE

On Sunday, the New York Times ran an interview with renowned novelist and poet Alice Walker, author of The Color Purple, about what she’s been reading lately. It was a wholesome little exercise that was wildly derailed when people noticed Walker’s effusive praise for infamous conspiracy theorist David Icke. The latest controversy serves as both a timely reminder of who Icke is, Walker’s years-long enthusiasm for him—along with some other, extremely wild ideas that she’s floated on her blog—and, above all, why we should be protecting our elders from YouTube.

In her interview, Walked offered some exuberant words about Icke, whose book, she said, she keeps on her nightstand:

“And the Truth Shall Set You Free,” by David Icke. In Icke’s books there is the whole of existence, on this planet and several others, to think about. A curious person’s dream come true.

This would be startling enough on its own, but it follows a long pattern of Walker praising Icke. In fact, while hardly anyone seems to have noticed this, she dedicated her last book of poetry, published in October, to both Icke and Coretta Scott King. In the dedication, Icke was praised as “the ‘mad’ one, connecting dots, finding arrows, removing them too/when people help.”

Icke has a long and not particularly well-disguised history of anti-Semitism, as many noted; the Times was called out by Jewish news and culture magazine Tablet for not asking any follow-up questions or responding to Walker’s enthusiasm for Icke. Senior writer Yair Rosenberg wrote that the book she named is “an unhinged anti-Semitic conspiracy tract written by one of Britain’s most notorious anti-Semites.”

All of this is true. Icke is, though, also someone who believes that our world is secretly controlled by a reptilian race, an army of enormous shape-shifting lizard people known as the Annunaki, who include Henry Kissinger, Queen Elizabeth, George W. Bush, Mikhail Gorbachev, and probably both Bill and Hillary Clinton. And that’s where we get into fascinating territory. Walker has not only chosen to espouse anti-Semitic conspiracy theories for years, but has chosen the weirdest ones possible. It seems impossible that we could somehow keep forgetting that Alice Walker is Like This, and yet culturally we do, over and over again.

Icke was, at one time, a sports presenter in Great Britain and a spokesperson for the Green Party. In 1991, he disappeared for several months and re-appeared in an all-turquoise set of garments—most infamously, a turquoise tracksuit—and declared that he was the “son of the Godhead.” He also told the alarmed and amused public that the world would end in 1997.

That didn’t happen and around 1998, Icke tried again, beginning to promote his theory about the Annunaki, which he also calls the “Babylonian Brotherhood.” The Annunaki, he tells his crowds, are interested in enslaving humanity, and he attributes Great Britain’s ability to create, for a time, a vast empire to the fact that the English monarchy has a good deal of lizard in the bloodline.

It’s here that we get to the Jews. Icke was barred from speaking in Canada in 1999, after many organizations, including the Anti-Defamation League, took his Annunaki talk to be a veiled anti-Semitic reference. Since then, nearly every speaking engagement of his outside of Europe has been met with protests.

The uproar wasn’t without cause: soon after forming his new cosmology of the world, Icke began claiming that a small group of vicious, elite Jews hiding among the ordinary masses were responsible for many global events, including, of all things, the Holocaust.

Icke has denied charges of anti-Semitism, attempting to portray his stance as a kind of sympathy for the way “ordinary” Jews have been duped and abused. “No-one has been ‘had’ more comprehensively over those thousands of years than the people who have considered themselves Jewish,” he wrote in his 1998 book The Biggest Secret: The Book That Will Change the World. “They have been terrorised, used and manipulated in the most merciless and grotesque fashion by their hierarchy to advance an Agenda which the Jewish people in general have not even begun to identify. There is no greater example of this manipulation than the way the ‘Jewish’ Rothschilds funded and supported the Nazis and allowed the rank and file Jewish people to reap the unspeakable consequences.”

In the same section, Icke also claims that the entire Book of Exodus in the Torah is a “smokescreen,” and what it contains was “stolen from the Egyptian mystery schools after they were infiltrated by the Babylonian Brotherhood.” Jewish people are not even allowed their own sinister esoteric knowledge; we had to go and steal it from someone else, apparently.

In his blog for Tablet, Rosenberg summarized both some of Icke’s many anti-Semitic and anti-Israel statements—among innumerable other things, he frequently cites the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, an infamous anti-Semitic forgery that’s been discredited for over 100 years—and Walker’s longstanding enthusiasm for him, which seemingly dates back to 2013, when she offered his book Human Race Get off Your Knees as one that she’d bring to a desert island.

But on Twitter, Rosenberg said he didn’t mention the lizard stuff because he doesn’t believe it, writing, “Icke uses reptilians as a lazy code for Jews... I chose not to fall for it.”



This is simply, glaringly incorrect. David Icke has spent thousands upon thousands of hours advancing his Annunaki theory of the world, and while what he says is certainly anti-Zionist, anti-Semitic, and outright insane, it’s also very much about lizards. (I will note here that I too am Jewish, and having spent 32 years on Earth, I feel fairly confident that I can identify both veiled and outright anti-Semitism.) If you’re extremely curious about how all the dizzying concentric circles of weirdness contained in Icke’s theories look, here is a very long YouTube video of one of his talks:



Icke doesn’t have that many serious followers or fans, that I can tell; he’s simply too far out there. (It is true, though, that he spends his time on a sort of perpetual world tour, and the tickets must sell well enough for it to continue to be worth his time. He also makes comically bad memes on Twitter.) Walker, in fact, is by far the most famous and mainstream among them, and her praise the most unqualified.

“Icke is a rare, free, being,” she wrote on her blog in 2014. “He just gets out there and says what he thinks about what he’s found out. It’s unusually thrilling. While waiting for the October 25th event to become available on Youtube I watched the March 2014 talk, Remember Who You Are, which I found exhilarating. Whatever happens to David or to any of us, we’ve been brought into the realm of an entirely different interpretation of life on the planet than the one with which we were raised. I find it exciting, scarily fresh, definitely liberating. I am immensely grateful.”

This brings us to the more pressing question of how in the world Alice Walker fell into the deep end of the pool. The answer seems to be that, like many older people, she has discovered the internet as a wonderful font of knowledge, without necessarily developing any kind of screen to sift fact from bullshit. In 2017, she wrote a hideously and openly anti-Semitic poem on her website, “It Is Our Frightful Duty to Study the Talmud,” which accused that esoteric sacred text of being a manual for how Jews control the world. What follows is both viciously anti-Semitic and very bad poetry, but it also contains the alarming and revealing words, “For a more in-depth study, I recommend starting with YouTube.”

It is our duty, I believe, to study The Talmud.

It is within this book that,

I believe, we will find answers

To some of the questions

That most perplex us.

Where to start?

You will find some information,

Slanted, unfortunately,

By Googling. For a more in depth study

I recommend starting with YouTube. Simply follow the trail of “The

Talmud” as its poison belatedly winds its way

Into our collective consciousness.

Walker added:

Is Jesus boiling eternally in hot excrement, For his “crime” of throwing the bankers

Out of the Temple? For loving, standing with,

And defending

The poor? Was his mother, Mary,

A whore?

Are Goyim (us) meant to be slaves of Jews, and not only

That, but to enjoy it?

Are three year old (and a day) girls eligible for marriage and intercourse?

Are young boys fair game for rape?

Must even the best of the Goyim (us, again) be killed?

Pause a moment and think what this could mean

Or already has meant

In our own lifetime.

You may find that as the cattle

We have begun to feel we are

We have an ancient history of oppression

Of which most of us have not been even vaguely

Aware. You will find that we, Goyim, sub-humans, animals

-The Palestinians of Gaza

The most obvious representatives of us

At the present time – are a cruel example of what may be done

With impunity, and without conscience,

By a Chosen people,

To the vast majority of the people

On the planet

Who were not Chosen.

This is all a wild distortion of the Talmud, promoted by anti-Semitic YouTube channels, and it’s just the most blatant of a number of conspiracy theories Walker has promoted. Some of them are harmless and charming: In 2014 she expressed enthusiasm for crop circles. She’s a fan of Vandana Shiva, a controversial anti-GMO activist who has a lot of support on the left. Sometimes they are a lot less charming or harmless: She’s repeatedly praised the Nation of Islam’s leader Louis Farrakhan, who is himself a particularly virulent anti-Semite, and expressed sympathy for his idea that someone is behind a “global depopulation” effort aimed at black citizens. Earlier this year, she seemed to compare vaccines to bullets, likening them to weapons of war:

How to maim and kill

Children at will

In every war

Whether soft or hard;

Whether with bullets

Or vaccines

Or the withholding

Of bread.

All of this is both dispiriting and sad: Alice Walker wrote one of the finest and most influential American novels of all time, and it’s regrettable that she’s descended into a mass of wild bullshit. Perhaps this time we can try to not forget Walker’s current-day stances, and even question her on them when she’s inevitably interviewed again; perhaps, too, we can encourage all of our parents and older relatives to approach YouTube with caution and to—for the love of all that is good—not use it as an engine to research the Talmud.

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Re: "Paranoid Libertarianism" vs "Jackboot Neoliberalism"

Postby American Dream » Tue Dec 18, 2018 1:36 pm

Wow. Just wow. Thanks for posting.
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