Neat analysis, barracuda, though based on a highly selective reading of (some of) the facts.
barracuda wrote:The terms of any compromise were voided because Hezbollah needed Hariri to denounce the STL before the indictments were submitted. Once those terms became void, Hezbollah made it clear that they would explicitly refuse to accept Saad Hariri as PM under any circumstances.[/url]
Not quite. The negotiations were going well, according to both sides' explicit statements at the time, INCLUDING Hariri, UNTIL King Abdullah was forced to travel to the US for medical treatment, where Saad Hariri visited him and where a meeting took place with Hillary Clinton. Suddenly, with no warning, Hariri announced that the negotiations were off. According to Hassan Nasrallah, the Saudi king later explained in a telephone call to Nabih Berri that they had no choice, due to "pressures".
What Nasrallah specifically said was that in the face of such clear-cut evidence, the opposition could not accept for Lebanon a prime minister who was not capable of making decisions on his own, but who took his orders from officials of a foreign state. He also made it clear that the opposition had been willing to work with Hariri for the sake of Lebanon, but that in order to do that, they had been forced to keep silent about a number of issues, including the Hariri camp's refusal to answer any questions or to conduct an investigation into $11 billion that have disappeared from the Lebanese treasury and other matters that they found it difficult to swallow. With Hariri's abrupt announcement that the talks were over, they saw no need to deal with him ever again.
barracuda wrote:This put Jumblatt in the position of swinging the votes needed to control the process of the creation of the new government, and he dropped out of March 14, probably in fear of his life, political and otherwise. But without Jumblatt's bloc of votes, neither side has enough to form a government, and at this point even the cohesiveness of his bloc seems to be crumbling.
Wrong. Jumblatt dropped out of March 14 all the way back in
the summer of 2009, and thus dealt a crippling blow to the so-called "Cedar Revolution" which by that time had been widely exposed as orchestrated by the US. Jumblatt has a finely-tuned sense of which way the wind is blowing: as early as the summer of 2009, he was able to gauge that the American/Israelis and their stooges in Lebanon were blowing it and he switched sides accordingly. It took just over a year longer for Hariri to shake his supporters to the core with his own apology to the Syrians for accusing them of his father's assassination. So much for both the "Cedar Revolution" and the March 14 alliance, which now relies almost totally on American and other foreign support for its continued existence. As for Jumblatt, he's already announced that he
"will stand by Syria and the Resistance at this critical and complex phase."barracuda wrote:(One thing certain about Lebanese politics is that political figures get killed with alarming regularity, and it ain't always the Israelis doing the killing.)
Oh, but it so often is! In fact, based on sheer numbers of dead and mutilated, the Israelis (not to mention their partners and agents) would win hands down against anybody else, by far. Also, instead of non-existent threats against Jumblatt when he was with March 14, the opposition's choice of prime minister, Omar Karami, has to contend with the
all-too-real and unambiguous threats from the true terrorists in Lebanon, especially since he cannot have forgotten
what happened to his older brother and former Lebanese Prime Minister Rashid in 1987.barracuda wrote:So now Hezbollah must find a Sunni for the PM position who they can support, as the Lebanese constitution requires the PM to be a Sunni. So far they seem to be looking at Omar Karami, but his participation is by no means assured, as any Sunni who aligns himself with Hezbollah will probably be seen as a betrayer of his religious kin, as well as standing against Hariri and against finding the assassin of Rafik, as the first chore of any Hezbollah-selected PM will be to denounce the STL along the lines of Nasrallah's three demands. Karami is pro-Syrian, and it seems understood that any March 8 nomination for PM will be a tacit reintroduction of Syria into direct control of Lebanon, or the end of the Cedar Revolution as it was originally constituted.
The "Cedar Revolution", aka "Gucci Revolution" or Soros revolution or whatever you want to call it, is
already a walking corpse, since it has been exposed as a cynical charade that exploited the trauma of the Hariri assassination and the genuine resentment on the part of Lebanese for Syria's heavy-handed interference in Lebanon's political affairs. Those who represent it, the "March 14" camp, have been forced to rely almost entirely on appeals to sectarian loyalty and on reckless sectarian incitement in order to shore up their rapidly disintegrating base. It is Hariri and the March 14 who are enforcing the sickening logic that you acknowledge when you say "any Sunni who aligns himself with Hezbollah will probably be seen as a betrayer of his religious kin" -- this is precisely the kind of toxic rationale that the opposition is united to defeat. As for the STL, with all the information now available, it is simply not sane to view it as anything resembling a genuine, objective investigation into who really assassinated Rafik Hariri.
barracuda wrote:Saad Hariri gave a speech yesterday in which he rather deftly threw the whole mess back on March 8. He refused to step down from contesting the PM post. He allowed that he will accept any outcome of the consultations by the Lebanese president. And he made it clear that any violence associated with the change of government would not be coming from his side.
Conclusions?
Astonishingly, Saad Hariri comes out of this in good shape anyway you cut it. He may yet be able to return as PM depending upon the votes. But even if he loses the PM position, he is still hugely supported by the Sunni population as his father's son, as the seeker of justice, as the former heir to the revolution. He can always come back in a few years and try again. And the STL will proceed no matter.
First, Saad Hariri can
hardly read a speech let alone write one, a subject that has prompted a great deal of bitter hilarity within Lebanon and outside it.
Second, he is a Saudi citizen whose primary residence is in Saudi Arabia, and who spends far more time jetting around the world in luxury than in Lebanon itself, and has not even made the pretense of an attempt to address the urgent economic, political and other, infrastructural issues that matter to most Lebanese. His utter lack of scruple and sense of responsibility was perfectly illustrated by his willingness to paralyse the government for weeks simply because he wanted to avoid the opposition's demand that the evidence against perjurers who had lied to incriminate innocent people be turned over to the judiciary. Imagine.
Third, his father was no national hero: you're mistaking Arabic courtesy that requires speaking well of the dead for a reflection of the truth that everybody knows, even if it's considered inappropriate to talk about. Rafik used his position as prime minister to conspire with the Syrians for decades to bleed Lebanon dry, launching exorbitantly expensive projects that benefited only his cronies, for which his own banks provided loans at high interest rates, saddling Lebanon with enormous debts that it can't begin to repay. (Fouad Siniora, Lebanon's previous prime minister, was employed by Rafik Hariri as CEO of his financial empire that included those same banks that gorged themselves on Lebanon's public treasury). Unlike his dad, however, Saad has neither the intelligence nor the political acumen nor the negotiating skills that made his father a man of substance, if not a man of conscience. Saad in no way earned, but inherited his status as the leading Sunni politician in Lebanon; his political career was tossed to him ready-made by the same explosion that killed his father.
Fourth, his status in the international arena is SOLELY due to his backing by the same country that supplies Israel with the arms and legal and political cover that have allowed it to repeatedly invade Lebanon and murder tens of thousands of Lebanese and that even today boasts about its plan to bomb Lebanon's civilian infrastructure. Even within the United States, the roster of his "fans" consists of some of the most rabid zionists embedded in American diplomatic and government circles. In my book, that makes him a traitor to his country.
Fifth, as has become glaringly obvious, Saad is a tool and has no capacity to make any independent decisions; his actions and choices are dictated to him by his American zionist handlers.
Sixth, Saad has done nothing for Lebanon, or for its people, whether before or after becoming prime minister.
All these factors make him, at best, totally unfit to be prime minister of Lebanon.
The contrast couldn't be greater with the opposition, specifically Hizbullah, on every one of these points (even though Hizbullah does NOT want to rule Lebanon, only to be allowed to defend it, even at great cost to themselves.)
On one side, you have a spoiled billionaire playboy who is backed by some of the most predatory regimes on earth, who has never lifted a finger to defend Lebanon's sovereignty from outside aggression nor evinced any interest in the struggles of ordinary Lebanese, who watched the 2006 Israeli assault against Lebanon on tv from some luxury suite in Europe and has done NOTHING to help the Lebanese people rebuild their lives or pick up the pieces (other than send his father's employee Siniora to beg for more billions in loans from West, much of which have disappeared without a trace on Hariri's watch, although they added significantly to Lebanon's already bloated foreign debt). You have a politician who deliberately exploits and exacerbates sectarian divisions because he has no legitimacy on any other basis, no record of achievements, no other appeal to loyalty.
On the other side, you have Hizbullah, Lebanon's national resistance movement, made up of ordinary men and women who have made enormous sacrifices to defend their country, led by a man with no wealth and no palaces, but whose power is rooted in the respect and admiration that he inspires among people above sectarian and even national boundaries. Unlike Hariri and his "March 14" fellow rich, he does not cynically use clerics who defame their opponents as religious "infidels" or conversely rely on class-warfare to portray their fellow citizens as an uncouth rabble who wouldn't know their Gucci from their Versace. Instead, he speaks of Lebanese as one people, whose responsibility it is to come together to defend their nation and to invest its resources wisely to build it up for all its citizens.
He doesn't just talk the talk, he walks the walk. Like so many in Lebanon's national resistance, Hassan Nasrallah's own first-born son died fighting bravely alongside other ordinary Lebanese struggling to free Lebanon from Israeli occupation, which is why so many poor Lebanese call him "Abu Hadi" ("father of Hadi") to show that they have not forgotten this one of the many sacrifices he has made for Lebanon's sake. The resistance, led by Hizbullah, has used its resources and the donations from other countries, not to set up luxury hotels and shopping malls and line their own leaders' pockets through corrupt and destructive secret deals, as so many in March 14 have done, but to open schools and hospitals and rebuild destroyed neighborhoods for the benefit of Lebanese people of all sects and religions, and to arm and train and equip a guerrilla resistance that has managed to do what all the Arab armies combined were unable to do: force Israel to withdraw unconditionally from land it had occupied. Not once, but twice.
It must be fun to sit wherever you sit, and issue your blithe pronouncements and judgments about matters which must be slightly less real to you than the latest episode of whatever show you like on tv. How would you know about what "a large chunk of the population" in Lebanon feels or how it views Hezbullah, or the reality of the threat represented by the STL and the forces behind it against the country where they live and have their homes and families? Still less what Hizbullah "would view with a great degree of trepidation?" Now you can read the minds of Lebanon's resistance leaders because you read one or two English-language blogs mostly written by Hariri supporters? Can you acknowledge that you bring to your analysis only a very, very superficial understanding of the situation and the people involved and the lives and futures that hang in the balance?
This reminds me of the old joke about a guy crawling around underneath a street lamp. A passerby asks him what he's doing, and he says he's dropped a contact lens and is looking for it. The passerby asks him if he's sure he was standing right there when it fell, and the guy answers, "No, I was standing near those bushes over there." The passerby asks him why he's looking under the streetlamp, if he dropped the lens near the bushes, and the guy answers, "Because the light's better over here."
"If you're not careful the newspapers will have you hating the oppressed and loving the people doing the oppressing." - Malcolm X