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Military Trials “Crushing Egyptian Revolution”
November 11, 2011
Protests are resuming today in Cairo. AP is reporting: “The mother of a prominent blogger jailed by Egypt’s ruling generals has gone on a hunger strike to protest her son’s detention and the military’s increasingly heavy-handed approach against critics.
“The strike by Alaa Abdel-Fattah’s 55-year-old mother could turn into a major embarrassment for Egypt’s military three weeks ahead of landmark parliamentary elections, the first since the uprising that toppled longtime leader Hosni Mubarak nine months ago.”
SHERIF GABER, sgaber at gmail.com
Gaber recently graduated from law school at the University of Texas at Austin and, back in his native Egypt, has been active with the group No Military Trials for Civilians. He said today: “Since, Jan. 28, 2011, we’ve seen at least 12,000 civilians tried in military courts. At least 8,000 have received prison sentences, at least 18 have received death sentences. We know of at least 58 minors tried and sentenced as adults. Activists, journalists, demonstrators and others have been targeted by this system to stifle criticism of the army and put down those who would seek to continue the goals of the revolution. The military trials issue is one of the largest obstacles currently facing the Egyptian revolution right now, they are infact in the process of crushing it.
“With respect to [today's] protest, it is the 40-day remembrance of the Maspero massacre, where 27 people were killed as the army brutally and unprovokedly attacked a peaceful demonstration in front of the state TV building (Maspero). The massacre has been covered up by the army and state media (which itself incited a great deal of violence against the demonstrators at the time), 29 people have been given prison sentences in connection with the incident through the military tribunal system and 29 others are being questioned by the military prosecutor. Alaa Abd El Fattah is one of these and he has rejected the military tribunal system for its injustices and lack of impartiality in investigating events in which it is itself implicated.
“So the demonstration [Friday] is both in remembrance of those killed on the 9th of October, and a statement against the continued cover-up of the massacre demanding an independent investigation. So far, many of those who have asked for the same, and have criticized the army and state media for perpetrating this massacre have been terrorized by the military tribunal system, this also has to stop.
“To perhaps nobody’s surprise, for all of the flowery rhetoric about democracy and the like that we hear from the U.S. government right now, they’re still playing the same game of defending their own strategic interests in the region by backing autocratic strong men with a penchant for repression. The U.S. is giving well over a billion dollars year to the Egyptian army directly, and while it may act upset at each new violation or abuse by the army (and the U.S. rarely even bothers to go that far), it seems completely comfortable with their rule for political and economic reasons. We don’t want intervention, but at the same time openly supporting the counter-revolution is obscene. On the other hand, many ordinary Americans, particularly those involved in the ‘occupy’ movement, have shown us real support and solidarity, making the U.S. government’s two-faced position on democracy seem all the more hollow.”
See the video “The Maspero Massacre | 9/10/11 | What Really Happened”
An “International Day of Solidarity” is taking place on Saturday, with protests in London, New York City, Washington D.C., San Francisco, Oakland, Eugene, Paris, Frankfurt, Dusseldorf, Geneva, Stockholm, Oslo and Manila.
Also see the webpage “Global Solidarity with Egypt”
Gaber tweets.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-12522848
When I pointed out that these non-violent weapons were the writings of an American academic he protested strongly. "This is an Egyptian revolution", he said. "We are not being told what to do by the Americans."
And of course that is exactly what Sharp would want.
The target countries they target, like Egypt most recently, are precisely the countries that are on the Pentagon agenda for destabilization and regime change.
Published 01:55 30.01.11
Latest update 01:55 30.01.11
Cairo tremors will be felt here
The collapse of the old regime in Cairo, if it takes place, will have a tremendous influence, mostly negative, on Israel's situation.
By Amos Harel
The events of the past few days in Egypt - seemingly the most important development in the region since the Islamic revolution in Iran and the Israeli-Egyptian peace accord in 1979 - represent a nightmare to Israeli intelligence leaders and planners. While many other countries view the possible ouster of a government that denies basic rights to its citizens with satisfaction, the Israeli point of view is completely different.
The collapse of the old regime in Cairo, if it takes place, will have a tremendous influence, mostly negative, on Israel's situation. In the long run, it threatens to endanger peace with Egypt and Jordan, the greatest of Israel's strategic assets after U.S. support. It is likely to bring about changes in the Israel Defense Forces and worsen the Israeli economy.
Egypt protests
Israeli intelligence, like most of the West, did not foresee the force of the turnabout (the conclusive epithet "revolution" will have to wait, it seems ).
Like them, the overwhelming majority of media pundits and academic experts were also mistaken. While the intelligence services did depict 2011 as a year of possible regime changes in Egypt and Saudi Arabia, accompanied by unpredictable results, it did not forecast a popular uprising.
Furthermore, the new head of intelligence, Gen. Aviv Kochavi, at his first appearance before the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee on Tuesday, told the MKs that "there is no concern at the moment about the stability of the Egyptian government." That same day Egyptians took to the streets.
By the end of the week, the midnight oil was burning at intelligence headquarters. The main questions of the coming days are about what Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and the army will decide to do.
Mubarak, who suffers from cancer and whose health has been worsening recently, faces a dilemma reminiscent of the bind Tehran found itself in with the "Green Revolution" of 2009.
However, while the ayatollahs in the end used unrestrained force, the elderly Egyptian president must decide whether he wants his 30-year rule to be remembered for a bloodbath near its end.
Yet yesterday, the number of deaths among demonstrators had climbed above 35.
The army was called out to the streets of large cities yesterday in order to spell the exhausted police force. The soldiers, unlike the police, have no means to disperse demonstrators. If they receive orders to shoot, it will be live fire, and thousands of people will be killed.
Is the army still loyal to the president? Dozens of tanks that streamed into central Cairo bore graffiti that read "Mubarak will fall" - sprayed on by demonstrators.
Israeli suspicions about the functioning of the American administration in the Middle East, which began with U.S. President Barak Obama's speech at a Cairo university 18 months ago, have now turned to astonishment at the stammering coming out of Washington over the last few days.
Here too, the precedent is Iranian. Like Jimmy Carter facing the shah's ouster, Obama hesitates between supporting a loyal but tyrannical ally, and the basic American instinct in favor of a popular struggle for freedom.
And like Carter the Democrat, Obama too favors the second option.
The Israeli suspicion is that under the surface of the Egyptian struggle, which is on the face about economics and democracy, lies an Islamic element. Islamists are not yet pulling strings and making plans, but they will be the first to recover and exploit the confusion to attract followers.
The fall of the Mubarak government, father and son, will have far reaching security consequences for Israel. It will immediately damage Israel's quiet cooperation with the Egyptians on this front and it may lead to a thaw between Egypt and the Hamas government in Gaza.
It could damage the status of the international peacekeeping force in Sinai and lead to a refusal by Egypt to allow movement of Israeli military submarines and ships in the Suez Canal, employed in the last two years as a deterrent against Iran and to combat weapons smuggling from Sudan to Gaza.
In the long run, if a radical government achieves power, rather than a variation of the current one, there is likely to be a real freeze in the already cold peace with Israel.
From the army's point of view, this will require reorganization. It has been more than 20 years since the army has had to prepare to deal with a real threat from Egypt.
Over the last decades, peace with Egypt has enabled a gradual cutback in the deployment of forces, a reduction in the age of those exempt from reserve duty, and a sweeping diversion of resources toward social and economic goals.
The army is trained for clashes with Hezbollah and Hamas, at the most in combination with Syria. No one has seriously planned for a scenario in which Egyptian divisions enter Sinai, for example.
If in the end the Egyptian regime falls, one possibility that seemed incomprehensible just a few days ago, is that the uprising will spread to Jordan and threaten Hashemite rule.
Then Israel's two long, peaceful borders will face an entirely new reality. A new Middle East, but not the one we wished for.
The Palestinians too are likely to reach the conclusion that mass demonstrations, combined with a limited amount of popular violence, will advance their statehood bid without the need for an agreement that would include obligations to Israel. Link
http://bikyamasr.com/48827/hundreds-of- ... ary-junta/
Hundreds of thousands in Egypt protest military junta
Hayden Pirkle | 18 November 2011
Hundreds of thousands poured into Cairo's Tahrir.
CAIRO: Nearly everyone aboard the metro cars today exited at Tahrir Square’s Sadat station and spilled out of its multiple exits. Identification was checked, bags searched, and bodies patted down, as waves of Egyptians poured into Tahrir Square to protest against the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF).
The shear amount of people was almost disorienting as one exited the underground metro station. There was a sea of people spanning throughout the entirety of the square, the same square that was the stage for the Egyptian revolution against President Hosni Mubarak in February.
Several elevated platforms, equipped with concert-style amplifiers, were the centerpieces of today’s massive demonstration.
Protest organizers, activists, and political leaders from organizations and parties from across Egypt’s political spectrum galvanized the masses from above.
Today’s demonstration, which aimed to gather over one million participants, came in light of a SCAF legislation proposal that seeks to give the military council supra-constitutional power.
The legislation, know as the “El-Selmy Communiqué” was proposed by Egypt’s deputy prime minister, Ali El-Selmy, last week.
Egyptians protest against the military junta.
“The SCAF is trying to create a law that supercedes the constitution and we are here demanding that they cancel it,” Bilal Sidee, a 20-year-old member of the Salafi Front, told Bikyamasr.com.
Although the organizations and ideologies represented at today’s protest were varied, a single, unified message was clear; the Egyptian people want the SCAF out and political power truly put in the hands of the people.
“The people are one and we want an end to SCAF rule,” said a group of Muslim Brotherhood protesters, showing the largest faction of the masses: Egypt’s conservative Islamists.
“There is a plan to make the common man hate the revolution,” stated Maisara Mohammad, a 31-year-old project manager.
According to Mohammad, 10 months after the ousting of the Mubarak regime some sectors of Egyptian society believe that the youth were responsible for the revolution and that it destroyed the nation.
“This is not true,” he added, “I have a 3-year-old son, I merely want him to grow up in a free country.”
In addition to expressing their discontent with the rule of the SCAF, demonstrators were eager to point out that the perceived sectarianism between the Muslim majority and the Christian minority is being manipulated by the military council to help justify its existence.
“We are one, Muslims and Christians,” stated Muslim Brotherhood member, Mohammad Ahmed. “There is no racism between Muslims and Christians in Egypt,” added Sharif Sameer, a fellow Brotherhood supporter.
Today’s protest is a clear sign that the revolution is still alive in the minds of many Egyptians, as they massed together in its birthplace to voice that the Egyptian people will accept nothing short of freedom and justice that they fought to secure some 10 months ago.
Other demonstrations elsewhere in the country were also strong, with thousands taking to the streets in Alexandria, Egypt’s second largest city on the northern Mediterranean coast.
BM
ShortURL: http://goo.gl/mkgSW
JackRiddler wrote:.
A report on Friday's huge protests.
We arrived downtown at around 12:45pm, from the May 15 Bridge. We could see many large buses and microbuses either parked under the bridge or stopped in downtown streets, with very poor-looking people being led off by organizers dressed in fluorescent green traffic vests, who guided them towards Tahrir Square.
The crowd was huge, way, way more than 100,000, but the vast majority didn't look like they were there for a political demonstration, but for a family picnic.
Every green space and most sidewalks were covered with women and children and men eating from styrofoam trays and koshary containers and looking around them. The amount of garbage in the Midan and all over the streets was unbelievable.
Around 3 or 4 really big Salafist stages were set up, but the crowd around them seemed quite passive. I decided to take a chance during a brief silence in the speech by some Salafist guy (that nobody seemed to be listening to) and yelled out at the top of my lungs: "We are in Egypt, not Saudi Arabia!" There was no reaction. Some people smiled at me.
Somebody handed me a Hazem Abu Ismail leaflet. I tore it up and then stepped on the pieces. The guy who handed it to me just smiled. He couldn't care less.
I went back towards Talaat Harb Street, where there was a very big, loud march towards Tahrir: they were Leftists, carrying signs for the Socialist and Communist Parties. Their chants were so loud they echoed, mostly against the SCAF. My personal favorite was:
"Matlab wahed lel sowwar,
madaneya ya homar!"
(One demand for the revolutionaries:
a civil state, you donkey!)
Maybe a half-hour later, they were followed by another loud march, with tabla (traditional Egyptian drumbeat), for "no to military trials", carrying signs with Mina Daniel and Alaa Abdel Fatah's pictures. They chanted against the SCAF and military rule.
Still later, there was another march, this time led by Salafists, yelling "Islameya, Islameya." ("Islamic, Islamic.") It was bigger, but most of the marchers weren't even joining the chants. Unlike the other marches, this one was being guided by those men in fluorescent green traffic vests I saw earlier.
I went back to Tahrir, and it was a big mess. It didn't look like any kind of political rally. There was not even a hint of the kind of solidarity and purpose and energy that I had seen in Tahrir back in February, or even on May 27. People were milling around aimlessly, stepping around the picnickers and the others sitting on the ground eating. Most people seemed to have no idea why they were even there.
I think it was a mistake for the Leftist/Liberal/January 25 revolutionaries to participate in this phony "millioneya" ("million-man march"), for which the Islamists bussed in poor people from all over the country just to use them as extras or props in their show.
Instead of demonstrating a strong and unified will, it reflected disarray and confusion and sent conflicting messages, and nothing was accomplished.
As Egyptians Return to Tahrir Square, the Obama Administration Sides with the Military
November 21st, 2011
Via:Salon:
In the nine months since Hosni Mubarak stepped aside, the Egyptian military has monopolized political decision-making. The SCAF has broken its promise to lift or modify the Emergency Laws, which have been in place since 1981 and give the state sweeping powers to detain citizens and restrict free speech, even though repeal of the laws was a central demand of the revolutionaries in Tahrir Square.
Since assuming power in February, the military has broken up protests, suppressed trade unionists, and imprisoned dissidents, journalists and bloggers. Human Rights Watch has accused the SCAF of subjecting between 7,000 and 10,000 civilians to military trials in the five months following the revolution. The recent imprisonment of blogger Alaa Abdel-Fattah drew the attention of the U.N. High Commission for Human Rights, which expressed concern about “what appears to be a diminishing public space for freedom of expression and association in Egypt.”
One of the more egregious incidents was the death of 27 Coptic Christian demonstrators at the hands of what many suspect to be military personnel on Oct. 9 at the Maspiro State Television building in downtown Cairo. The military blames the demonstrators themselves for the violence.
“Instead of identifying which members of the military were driving the military vehicles that crushed Coptic protesters, the military prosecutor is going after the activists who organized the march,” reported Sarah Whitson, the Middle East North Africa director of Human Rights Watch.
The U.S. government shrugs off these abuses, attributing them to the SCAF’s inexperience. At a Nov. 3 press conference in Washington, U.S. Ambassador for Middle East Transition William Taylor asserted that military abuse can be attributed to the fact that the military is unaccustomed to governing and may be overwhelmed. “[Governing] is not what the Egyptian military is trained to do,” explained Taylor.
Nadeem Mansour, the executive director of the Egyptian Association for Economic and Social Rights, a Cairo-based NGO, called Taylor’s assertion baseless. “You don’t need to torture civilians because you are overwhelmed. They [the SCAF] are a repressive force by nature and they require an authoritarian environment. After all, they were all appointed by Mubarak, served him well, and still represent this mind-set,” he told Salon.
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