Economic Aspects of "Love"

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Apr 16, 2013 11:02 am

http://moorbey.wordpress.com/2013/03/14 ... ppression/

Internalizing Our Own Oppression


“What matters is not to know the world but to change it.”

- Frantz Fanon

“Those who do not move, do not notice their chains.”

Rosa Luxemburg



Oppression, more often than not, is both physical as well as psychological.

Moreover, oppression has many forms and manifestations. Unfortunately however, while many manifestations of oppression are readily recognized, its causal factors often are not.

The physical and psychological oppression of everyday ordinary Black, White, Brown, Red, and Yellow people is based in systemic economic, social, and political exploitation. In other words, the causal factors of this oppression are by systemic design.

Joblessness, homelessness, corporate greed and hegemony, police brutality, judicial injustice, massive incarceration of the poor, and perpetual wars abroad – are all forms of systemic exploitation. This systemic exploitation is part and parcel of the daily oppression endured by the vast majority of everyday people. Another strategic component of this oppression by the power elite who own, operate, and manipulate this political system – is the propagation and perpetuation of the fallacious narrative – that says poor and oppressed people are themselves responsible for being exploited by the avaricious national and global power elite. This is the systemic narrative that infers that people are poor, oppressed, and massively exploited due to their own innate character flaws. This is the systemic narrative of convenience which ingrains people to internalize their own oppression. This what Frantz Fanon meant when he said, “The oppressed will always believe the worst about themselves.” The fact is that everyday ordinary people are systemically ingrained to “believe the worst about themselves.”

By internalizing our own oppression we help to perpetuate it by failing to recognize its systemic causal factors. In so doing we fail to grasp the meaning of Frantz Fanon’s words: “What matters is not to know the world but to change it.” And in order to “change it” we must first recognize the external and internal national and global systemic causal factors of our oppression.

In succumbing to the interminable propaganda of the national and global corporate-stream media and the Democrat & Republican parties and their systemic gatekeepers, we are by default, internalizing our own oppression. It does not have to be this way – but reversing this internalization of our own oppression begins with each of us individually and collectively. Once this process of recognizing and reversing our own internalized oppression begins – it can spread like a cleansing prairie fire.

When we everyday ordinary people fail to critically think, we also fail to recognize the primary systemic causal factors of our political, economic, and social oppression; and in so doing, we neglect to “move” to take the much-needed substantive actions in order to bring about an end to our systemic oppression. Rosa Luxemburg correctly noted that, “Those who do not move, do not notice their chains.” And it should be remembered that these “chains” are by systemic design, not by osmosis.

Systemic oppression must be seen for precisely what it is: A deliberate and callous dis-empowering of everyday people. Nevertheless, we ordinary people, are the ones who hold the keys to our own systemic liberation – both mental and physical. We must make a conscious and constant effort to, be aware of and reject, the internalization of our own oppression. We must collectively be, both determined and creative, as we struggle to bring about real systemic change and a more just and humane society and world based on human need, not corporate greed and exploitation!

As always: Each one, reach one. Each one, teach one. And in the immortal words of Joe Hill, “Don’t Mourn. ORGANIZE!”

Onward, then, my sisters and brothers. Onward!
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Apr 16, 2013 11:07 am

http://lastrealindians.com/the-unravell ... rae-yerxa/

The Unravelling of a Colonized Mind by Jana-Rae Yerxa

Sure everybody struggles. But to be born an Indigenous person, you are born into struggle. My struggle. Your struggle. Our struggle. The colonial struggle. There are many layers to this struggle. For the longest time, I didn’t even know what the true struggle was about yet I couldn’t escape it. It consumed me. Colonialism, as I have been forced to discover, is like a cancer. But instead of the cells in your body betraying itself, the thoughts in your mind work against you and eat you up from the inside out. You’re like the walking dead and you don’t even know it because you are so blinded. You can’t see the truth. Here are some of the perverted ways colonialism infects the mind:

• With a colonized mind, I hate being Indian.
• With a colonized mind, I accept that I am Indian because that’s who the colonizer told me I am.
• With a colonized mind, I don’t understand that I am Anishinaabe.
• With a colonized mind, I believe I am inferior to the white race.
• With a colonized mind, I wish I was white.
• With a colonized mind, I draw pictures of my family with peach coloured skin, blonde hair and blue eyes because I’ve internalized that this is the ideal, what looks good and what is beautiful.
• With a colonized mind, I keep my feelings of inferiority to white people a secret from others and even from myself.
• With a colonized mind, I try diligently to mirror white people as closely as I possibly can.
• With a colonized mind, I desperately want to be accepted by white people.
• With a colonized mind, to gain the acceptance of white people, I will detach myself from all that does not mirror acceptable “white” standards, whether it is how one dresses, one speaks, or one looks.
• With a colonized mind, I feel as though I am swearing when I say “white people” in front of white people.
• With a colonized mind, I believe there is no racism.
• With a colonized mind, I believe that racism does not impact me.
• With a colonized mind, I deny my heritage and proudly say, “We are all just people.”
• With a colonized mind, when discussing issues pertaining to race, I try desperately not to offend white people.
• With a colonized mind, I do not know who I am.
• With a colonized mind, I believe I know who I am and do not understand that this isn’t so because I’ve become the distorted image of who the colonizer wants me to be and remain unaware of this reality.
• With a colonized mind, I could care less about history and think that our history don’t matter.
• With a colonized mind, I do not understand how the history created the present.
• With a colonized mind, I do not see how I have been brainwashed to be an active participant in my own dehumanization and the dehumanization of my people.
• With a colonized mind, I do not recognize how others dehumanize me and my people.
• With a colonized mind, I devalue the ways of my people- their ways of seeing, their ways of knowing, their ways of living, their ways of being.
• With a colonized mind, I cannot speak the language of my ancestors and do not care that this is so.
• With a colonized mind, I am unaware of how colonization has impacted my ancestors, my community, my family, and myself.
• With a colonized mind, I think that my people are a bunch of lazy, drunk, stupid Indians.
• With a colonized mind, I discredit my own people.
• With a colonized mind, I think that I am better than ‘those Indians’.
• With a colonized mind, I will silently watch my people be victimized.
• With a colonized mind, I will victimize my own people.
• With a colonized mind, I will defend those that perpetrate against my people.
• With a colonized mind, I will hide behind false notions of tradition entrenched with Euro-western shame and shame my own people re-creating more barriers amongst us.
• With a colonized mind, I tolerate our women being raped and beaten.
• With a colonized mind, I tolerate our children being raised without their fathers.
• With a colonized mind, I feel threatened when someone else, who is Anishinaabe, achieves something great because I feel jealous and wish it was me.
• With a colonized mind, when I see an Anishinaabe person working towards bettering their life, because my of my own insecurities, I accuse them of thinking they are ‘so good now’.
• With a colonized mind, I am unaware that I was set up to hate myself.
• With a colonized mind, I do not think critically about the world.
• With a colonized mind, I believe in merit and do not recognize unearned colonial privilege.
• With a colonized mind, I ignorantly believe that my ways of seeing, living and believing were all decided by me when in reality everything was and is decided for me.
• With a colonized mind, I am lost.
• With a colonized mind, I do not care about the land.
• With a colonized mind, I believe that freedom is a gift that can be bestowed upon me by the colonizer.
• With a colonized mind, I believe that I am powerless and act accordingly.
• With a colonized mind, I do not have a true, authentic voice.
• With a colonized mind, I live defeat.
• With a colonized mind, I will remain a victim of history.
• With a colonized mind, I will pass self-hatred on to my children.
• With a colonized mind, I do not understand the term “self-responsibility.”
• With a colonized mind, I do not recognize that I have choice and do not have to fatalistically accept oppressive, colonial realities.
• With a colonized mind, I do not see that I am a person of worth.
• With a colonized mind, I do not know I am powerful.


The colonial struggle, as I said earlier, has many layers. I am no longer being eaten from the inside. Yet it is no less painful. What is different today is that I am connected to a true source of power that was always there. It’s like my friend once said, “I come from a distinguished people whose legacy shines on me like the sun.” I now understand this and it is because of this understanding that my mind and my soul are freer than they have ever been. It is because of that gift- that awakening which came through struggle- that I will proudly continue to struggle for freedom. My freedom. Your freedom. Our freedom.


Jana-Rae Yerxa, is Anishinaabe from Little Eagle and Couchiching First Nation and belongs to the Sturgeon clan. Activist. Social Worker. Former professor. Current student. She is committed to furthering her understanding of Anishinaabe identity and resurgence as well as deconstructing Indigenous/settler relations in the contexts of colonization and decolonization. Jana-Rae is currently enrolled in the Indigenous Governance Program at University of Victoria.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Apr 16, 2013 2:17 pm

American Dream wrote:
American Dream wrote:
Image


http://www.ibiblio.org/ahkitj/wscfap/ar ... ntents.htm

2 THE QUESTION OF LAND OWNERSHIP


Without a doubt, the most crucial issue that has motivated the Philippine peasantry to self-organization and self-activation is the question of land ownership.

Under Spanish rule, extensive land grants were given the Crown’s favorites who became the big landlords. Later, they also became the big capitalists: middlemen, moneylenders, bureaucrats, and limited industrialists. But because of the agrarian nature of the economy, land wealth is the prime source of all wealth and privilege; arid, conversely, landlessness – the basic status of the oppressed.

And so, out of sheer necessity, the Filipino peasants in different parts of the: country and at various time had to ask the basic moral question: What is just with regard to the land?

A peasant sits under the mango tree and stares blankly at the void before him. Except for his fellow peasants, not too many others realize that he is asking questions, searching for meanings. Why can he not own the land he tills and which his ancestors had tilled before him?

Mang Guimo, another peasant, is drinking lambanog (a native wine) with his neighbors. The landlord is asking for higher rentals, and some of the other peasants have to be evicted because the landlord will mechanize a portion of his lands.

Mang Guimo shares his thoughts with his drinking peers. Before Don Jose (the landlord) and I were born, the land was already there. When Don Jose and I shall die, the land will still be there. Whose is the land really?

When you and I were fighting as soldiers during the last war, Mang Guimo rambles on, we thought we were fighting for the Philippines. Now that the war is over, where is our Philippines?

For, indeed, while Don Jose can own seven hundred hectares, Mang Guimo cannot own even one square meter of land.

And what about the Church? She always tells us that she may never take sides. She may never side the poor even as they try to get their rights. She is after all, Mang Guimo continues in sarcasm, the common mother of both the rich and the poor. What does a good mother do if she sees her older boy always beating up the younger, weaker son, and taking food? Shall she say, “I am the mother of both of them, I may not take sides in their quarrels”?



3 THE EFFECTS OF LANDLORDISM


In simple language, the peasants discuss how the land lords had ample income. Because of this, the latter are in a position to develop themselves physically and intellectually. They are able to send their children to the best schools.

We, landless poor, on the other hand, cannot afford to give “education” to our children. We are forced to keep them early as full-time helpers in the farm or send them to the households of the landlords – there to work as servants and maids.

But the problem does not end there, the peasants know. Because of the landlords’ education, and social and cultural prominence, they logically become the political “leaders” of the country.

We remain destitute and ignorant and count almost nothing in the political life of the nation. Then, because of the landlords’ poli tical power, the economic resources are further monopolized by them.

It is like a wheel within a wheel – a vicious circle: how do we break it? Is it just to struggle against the landlords and capitalists – or does God really will an unjust order?



4 GOD... THE PEOPLE... OWNS THE LAND


Pedro Calosa of the Kolorum Movement put it succinctly in the 1930’s at the height of the peasant uprising in Northern Luzon: “God owns the land, the air, the water, sunshine – everything, and intended all these for the use of the people – all His children.

In the evening after a meager supper, peasants gathering at a baryo kapilya (village chapel) ask simple but pointed questions. We've often prayed the “Our Father,” a peasant leader starts. We do so because we are all His children. Can it be that God wills the land only for Don Jose and the landlords? "Thy will be done," we pray. Yes, what is God's will with regard to the land? My friends, it would seem correct to think that God wills the land for all of us to share. If He is our Father, then all goods must be family goods---to be shared by all.

It is wrong Kuya Terio continues, that we who till and need the land should continually be dispossessed by a few of its bounty.

Yes, an old peasant rises to speak, the land is like the air. It is just there for us to use in accordance with our need and labor. I did not ask to be born, he says, almost mad. But I was born to live – needing land, and air, and other things. The birds of the air and the animals of the field get what they need in order to live. Can anyone of us say they don’t have that right?

Why then are we denied the right to own the land we need to have a decent living? Why should only a few landlords who do not till the land own the most of it and reap the benefits of our labor? I say, we are poor, indeed, but it is an unjust situation. I can’t accept that it is in accordance with God’s will.

A silent Mang Fabio gets excited now. You re right, he says. Where is it written that God gave the land only to Don Jose and the landlords? Nowhere! Where then did the landlords get the land they now own? From their parent landlords, you'll say and these, where did they get the land? From their landlord forbears, you'll also say, who got them from their landlord ancestors. But I tell you, my friends, if we continue tracing the origin of landlord ownership, we must arrive at a time when the lands were grabbed by force from our own great-great grandparents.

It was unjust for a few Spaniards to grab the lands from us. It is even more unjust that this dispossession of the majority be made to continue up to now.

At this juncture, another peasant adds: Even granting that landlords originally invested in the land a hundred years ago, who will deny that that investment has already been recovered by now – not twice but at least a hundred times over?

The problem is that by possessing a scrap of paper called a Title to the land, they think they are the real owners of the land. They forget that even before they or we were born, the land was already there; that after they or we have passed away the land will still be there – God’s gift to all.

We, too, must not forget that not even we are absolute owners of our own selves. Only God is absolute owner of all.

And how absurd is the argument, another peasant says, of those who claim absolute ownership over the land just because they were ahead of the rest in occupying it? They are like a person who went ahead to a theatre and claimed exclusive owner ship over all the space – all the seats available – in complete disproportion to his or her seating needs. And when the rest of the people arrived trying, to get some seats, he forbade them– saying that because he had arrived earlier, he was now absolute owner of all the space.

This is why, Kuya Terio stresses. I say again that we must regard the land, the air, water, the sunshine, all of nature’s bounty as destined by the Creator for the use of all.

It gets harder and harder for me to accept, Kuya Terio goes on, that my children have no birth right. “Thou shall not steal,” we are often told. It is clearer to me that the majority are poor because a few are appropriating more then they need or work for. We cannot let a few rob us of our birth rights and systematically kill us by this act of robbery – with our children undernourished and our bodies weighed down by tuberculosis. God, rather, is the God of life who wills that we all live, and struggle to live. The land and the water that we need for life belongs to us all.

Continues: http://www.ibiblio.org/ahkitj/wscfap/ar ... ntents.htm


http://www.ibiblio.org/ahkitj/wscfap/ar ... ntents.htm

13 NATURE OF THE PROBLEM OF HUNGER

The peasants’ reflection on Matthew 25 does not end with that note. In more and more barrio meetings, peasants ask themselves more questions like: we are the hungry, and we are the thirsty; what then do we do to feed ourselves and our children? If solving the problem of hunger and poverty is so essential to the Christian vision, what is our special task and role? What is the precise nature of the problem of hunger?

Mang Tibo says we can’t escape the inevitable conclusion: we need to gather courage to struggle effectively and eliminate the oppressive arrangements.

The present arrangements are such that, whatever we do, only a few get richer and the majority of us get poorer. Some of us still say, “It’s really like that; that is the course of fate.” Now, of course, we know: it need not be like that, and it should not be like that at all. We must live up to our dignity as human beings and children of God.

Consider the landlord-tenant arrangement, Mang Tibo continues. The harder we work in order to produce more, the more are the fruits of our labor taken away from us. Or consider the loan arrangements and the arbitrary behaviour of the price of our crops. We are continually in debt. The things we don’t produce and buy from others are getting more expensive. The things we do produce are always dipping in value.

We are like a fish in a polluted sea. As a fish, I like to swim and I can swim. But now, I find that no matter how hard I try, I cannot swim as fast or as properly as I should. And I dare say that this happens not because something is wrong with the sea I swim in.

It is now clear to many of us, I think, that we do live in an ocean of social arrangements. Often, we are not aware of this, just as we ordinarily take for granted the existence of air in which we breathe and live.

Too often, we just go about trying to accomplish the im possible task of living a decent human life in the midst of inhuman and unjust relationships. In fact, we do hear from time the phrase, “Magkasosyo tayo” (we are business partners) referring to the fact of social partnership. And yet, how often are we aware that we suffer the unjust portion of such partnership?

We are often unaware, Mang Tibo's voice has lowered to a whisper and everyone in the room has to listen hard, except when a crisis strikes. Too seldom do we realize that the present problem of hunger is a social and not merely an individual problem.

As a social problem, it affects the broad masses of the people, and not just a few individuals. It is not caused merely by accidents like fires, or by emergencies like typhoons. Don’t we see, my friends, that it is caused mainly by the social arrange ments, the concepts, the attitudes that we accept?

Of course, now that we are discussing these things, it be comes clear to all of us. Now we see more clearly, Mang Tibo’s voice is still calm and even, what we suspected all along - - - that the main causes of our problem include the unjust notion of owner ship that we often discuss; the haughty attitudes of the powerful and our own subservient assent to everything they say; the land lord-tenant arrangement that we detest so much; the usurious practices of the middlemen that we abhor; and the mysterious manipulation of price behavior that we find hard to comprehend.

Somebody in the group hands Mang Tibo a glass of water to increase what they call “Tibo’s saliva power.”

14 TWO KINDS OF THIEVES AND KILLERS

Now take for instance, Mang Tibo now squats on the floor, the notion of robbery.

During the last fiesta in this barrio, the parish priest came to say Mass. Afterwards we asked him what he thought of our desire to own the land. Now, do you remember what he answered us? He said, quoting the Bible: “Thou shall not steal!” I mean, Mang Tibo’s voice rings with sarcasm, who can quarrel with that moral admonition?

What he did not tell us, however, is even more important. You see, there are two ways of stealing: the individual way, and the social way.

For instance, if I go to the house of Mang Juan one night when he and his family are away, and there I take various things that are not mine, what am I doing? I am stealing what does not belong to me, right? This is one individual way of dealing. And if I get caught, what will happen to me? I might end up in jail.

But if I am a landlord and I have tenants and workers whom I hire and at harvest time I don’t give them the just share or a just wage; in other words, I don’t give them what is due them as human beings because in the first place, I don’t consider them human like me. If I do this – taking what is not mine – what am I doing? Obviously, or, perhaps, not too obviously, I am taking what does not belong to me. This is the social way of stealing. More often than not, it is sanctioned by law, or, at least accepted by society.

In fact, if, as a landlord, I steal in this fashion, and you ask me what will happen to me: will I end up in jail? But of course not. I will begin to accumulate so much money that I can afford to give to charity. I will end up as a philanthropist, perhaps, or certainly, an “honorable” person.

At this juncture, the laughter of the group is uncontrollable.

Oh yes, another peasant says to Mang Tibo, and at Christmas time you might give us presents. Also, if I die of tuber culosis, you might even give my family a five-peso offering for which you’ll expect them to be grateful eternally, right? Right.

The laughter of anger pervades the room while Aling Juana lights another candle. Coffee is ready, but some have in the meantime passed around a pitcher of tuba, (coconut wine) Mang Perino says, come on, drink for the “enlightenment” of your mind! (A Filipino idiom which is similar to 'in vino veritas’.)

I take the same view with regard to murder, Mang Enzo, whose children died of undernourishment, now rises to speak. Don’t we often say, there are many ways of killing a cat? Well, I’ve found out that there are a few ways of killing people.

The individual way is simple and. damnable: I get a dagger and stab you in the heart till you breathe your last. Well, some of you might remember what happened to my family last year. One after another, my two kids died. My kind landlord was very sorry. He even gave a fifth-peso offering for funeral services.

My friends and acquaintances, too, were so sorry that such a tragedy had happened to me and my sickly wife. People said, “Poor Enzo, in less than a year two of his daughters died.”

I thought, then, as I think now that it is not quite ac curate to say that my daughters died. I tell you how clearly, they were killed. You all know that I have only two hectares of land to till. My landlord owns at least a hundred and fifty and we are about 40 tenants in all under him in different parts of this province. I have to shoulder all the cost of production. At harvest time, the landlord takes fifty percent of the gross.

Then I sell whatever little is left because nowadays, unlike before, one needs money to get most of his necessities.

Before we know it, we are short of money again. One after the other, my daughters got sick and we had no money to buy medicine. I thought they had fully recovered when the next year they got sick again. Well, you know the rest of the story, Enzo says.

But tell me, Enzo is almost pleading for understanding, if my landlord were less greedy and the middlemen less like crocodiles, would not my daughters still live today? Tell me, who killed, or if you want, what really killed my daughters? Isn’t it time we acted forcefully against the social ways employed by others of murdering our children and, eventually, us too?

We care so much for the plants of the field, and the carabao which helps us. We respect their life very much. Surely, Mang Enzo emphasizes, our concern for our own human life should make us even more meticulous in determining the ever present yet hidden dangers affecting it.

15 LAZY AND RESISTANT TO CHANGE

When we lack awareness of our own world, it is Tio Bading’s turn to talk, we are bombarded with the lies of the landlords and their spokesmen. We fail to see the truth of our own condition.

For instance, they tell us that we are poor because we are lazy. But have they ever seen us eat our breakfast? Tio Bading’s voice is now rising in anger. Because if they have seen us eat our breakfast, and they ate the same breakfast that we eat everyday, they’d be crazy if they were not lazy.

Hell, how many long, hard hours do we put in everyday at the fields – from early dawn to late sundown, under burning sun or heavy rain – all in order to survive?

In sugarlands, we know, even pregnant women have to work 10 to 12 hours a day cutting cane or hauling them – for a daily wage of less than four pesos ($ 0.55). Enough of these accusations of laziness!

They also tell us that we are poor because we are resistant to change. But what kind of changes they want us to undertake, Tio Bading asks.

Well, maybe, I can remember a few examples, he continues.

One time, this lady from the Community Development Office attended a barrio meeting. In the course of the meeting she had to answer a call of nature. So she asked Agaton where she could find the toilet.

Now, my friends, don’t laugh. This really happened. When Agaton understood her question, he was embarrassed no end because, like many of us, Agaton has no toilet. Rather he owns a one-hectare toilet!

The group bursts into laughter; Come on, tell us, what happened then? Well, Tio Bading says, a month later when the Community Development worker returned to Agaton’s place, she had a big project for him. With a bit of financial help from her office, Agaton was persuaded to construct a flush-toilet.

But, Tio Bading grins, if you go there now to Agaton’s house, you 11 find that the toilet is very clean, indeed, for the simple reason that it is used only by visitors.

Agaton, however, is not really dumb, says Tio Bading. In fact, he’s rather clever. Do you know what he told me when I visited him last time? You know, Bading, he told me, our problem is not toilets. It is not one of subtraction but one of addition.

In other words, what will you place in those toilets once you have them? That is our problem, don’t you think so?

Why then did you do as told by the CD worker if you did not really appreciate her perception of your problem, I asked Agaton. Don’t be silly, he said. I have to humor them from time to time or worse things might happen to me.

At .this point, Mang Pedring clears his throat indicating his desire to talk.

Speaking of changes they want us to undertake, Mang Pedring starts, I went with a group once to Santa Barbara town. There the landlords and the government have a model farm as they call it. They showed us around with the hope of our im itating the modern methods of production that are used there.

I tell you, my friends, I was kind of impressed with that model farm, except that I asked too many questions. I asked for the cost of the irrigation pump, fertilizers, pesticides, herb icides and what have you, I also noticed that they used what looked to me liked a mosquito net – well, a net really, which they explained was necessary to keep the birds from eating the seeds.

When my landlord visited me the week after, he asked why I was not about to adopt some of the modem methods I saw in Santa Barbara. Of course, he also took the opportunity to remind me that I am poor because I am resistant to change. The worse part, however, was when I answered him by saying: I can’t even afford to buy a mosquito net for my kids, how could I possibly afford to buy that net for the seeds? I tell you, at that point, be threatened to evict me from the land.

From that time on, says Mang Pedring, I have been thinking and thinking about this “resistance-to-change” accusation And I say it now clearly: it is the landlords and the government who arc resistant to change!

They only want us to undertake surface changes. But they refuse to accept the most, fundamental change of all which we and our ancestors have demanded for years and years now. I mean have they not done everything to fight our demand for a change in the ownership of the land?

Mang Pedring clears his throat again, and in the silence some are grinning and many heads nod in agreement.

16 DON’T YOU TOUCH IT; IT HURTS

In another barrio, peasants are reflecting on their last visit to the municipio or town hall. They had heard over the radio that the government was about to implement a program favorable to the farmers. But it turned out that, to all purposes, the credit program would be available only to landlord farmers. Peasants have no land to put up as collateral and therefore cannot get credit directly from the agency.

This is the big problem, says Mang Henio, the govern ment and the church will never touch the land question. The landlords are so strong, and the government and church officials are themselves landlords, that they just can’t afford to have “controversy,” as they call it.

And yet, every time they learn about our meetings, they cry, “Bandits are organizing again. We’ve got a big social pro blem. And again, they'll dispense “solutions” that hardly touch the core of the problem.

It’s like the case of a woman who got boils in her behind. We all know, says Mang Henio, that to have boils is no joke: it hurts. We also know that when a pretty woman has boils she not only hurts in pain but she also gets embarrassed if she thinks others know.

And so, shell never accept that she’s got boils, she’ll force herself to walk straight no matter how much it hurts in the behind. She’ll do this till the boils cause other side-effects in her body: headaches, colds, fever, etc. But still, she’s not about to acknowledge the root-cause of all these bothersome, side-effects.

One morning she wakes up with a bad headache. Finally, she acknowledges, that she is sick. She, therefore, goes to the drugstore to buy medicine. But instead of buying some medicine for her boils, she’ll only take “Medicol” or “Vick’s Vapor rub” for her headache.

Because the boil hurts so much, and it causes her embarrassment, she’ll hardly touch it. The same obtains, says Mang Henio, with the land question. It hurts and it is embarrassing to discuss. Gat Rizal (the Philippine national hero) was wise when he entitled his novel about the social question: “Touch Me Not.”

17 OF RIGHT AND MIGHT

For this reason, Mang Henio continues, we need to dis cuss more seriously the question of organization and power.

We have discussed many times what is just, what is right with regard to land and wealth. But I think we don’t suf ficiently appreciate the fact that right without might is not enough. They must go together.

If you have the right but don’t have the might, asks Mang Henio, what are you? You are only a “Boy Scout.” The powers-that-be will not take you seriously. At best you can become a “Christmas tree” or a decoration in an exploitative situation.

But if you have the right and the might, Mang Henio grins almost mischievously, what are you? You are like the Viet Cong! Before you know it, the powers-that-be will want to negotiate with you.

It is not enough to be innocent like doves, Christ told us. We must be clever and wise as serpents.

Even John the Baptist had some power, when he was languishing in jail. The Bible says Herod would not put him to death because he was afraid of the people. John apparently had “a mass base” or following, But, of course, Mang Henio is grinning again, of cause the dance of Salome was a miscalculation.

As far as we can remember, Mang Henio’s voice is emphatic, never has it happened anywhere that the landlords and the have’s were willing to give up their privileges voluntarily. The case of old Don Jose, the sugar baron, who voluntarily gave higher wages and better working conditions to his workers, is an exception that only proves the rule.

The teaching of Heaven and Hell which is handed down to us early should, perhaps, be an indication that unless we give the oppressors hell, they won’t stop oppressing us.

18 THE GOVERNMENT AS INSTRUMENT

Agreeing with Mang Henio, Mang Ruben now wants to have his say. Our experience, he says, should now have clarified to us that we can no longer take the attitude of one waiting for a Messiah or Saviour other than ourselves.

Years ago, we thought President Ramon Magsaysay would be that Messiah. He died. Then President Garcia succeeded him. We thought he was no good. Then we had Macapagal. We thought he was worse. So we had Marcos – we still have him. Well, what can we say? These Presidents get worse and worse.

Christ himself, the true Messiah, has shown us that we can only depend on ourselves. This is the reason, I guess, why He left his people and “ascended into heaven,” as the Bible says.

Peter and the other disciples were so sorry to see Him off and so self-diffident. They were probably sulking over the ascension of Christ. I’d not be surprised if one of them complained: its okay for Christ to have gone away. No spear can reach Him now. But what about us? Here we are, left behind with nothing: no constitution and by-laws, and to top it all, the administration is against us.

Now we know, of course, that Christ did the only sensible thing: to have faith in the people so that the people could have faith in themselves.

If we have this faith in ourselves, we shall cease looking towards the government as Messiah or Saviour but only as an ins trument which the people can use for their own good

Now only a few rich people who are well organized can use the government as their tool. The majority of us are so isolated from each other, so disorganized that to us, the government is not a tool but a master. We have no democracy but only a “demonyokrasya” or demon-crazy.

So, the first thing we need to do, Mang Ruben’s voice taking an imperative tone, is to recognize that though we are presently inferior to the rich in political and economic power – we already have one thing in our favor: our numbers.

But our big number alone is not enough, Mang Ruben emphasizes. We need to give it quality by organization. If each peasant moves alone, he/she cannot effectively fight for his/her rights. Truth and Right might be on the peasant’s side; yet, he still needs to gather together the strength of the whole pea santry.

The situation is similar to a broom, he says. If I now give you one midrib, how easy it is for you to break it. But if many midribs are gathered together into a broom, no Muhammad Ali or Flash Elorde can have the strength to break it. It is when we overcome our isolation and achieve unity that we become strong.

This task of overcoming our isolation and achieving unity, says Mang Ruben, is precisely the task of organization. When we get organized, we will be surprised at how many hitherto im possible tasks we can accomplish together.

Take the example of a jeep, another peasant interposes. It is a wonderful piece of organization. But the driver is even more beautifully organized than the jeep. Hence the driver can bring the jeep wherever he wants. But should the driver himself be disorganized like when he is drunk or sleepy: then, of course, he could not bring the jeep; wherever he wants; rather, the jeep might bring him to the bottom of the sea.

From our experience, if would seem clear that the same situation holds true with regard to government at instrument of the people. When the peasants are not wide awake and well-organized, anything can happen to them. They will be led wherever other interests want. The peasants do not become their own drivers. In fact, they are treated as beasts of burden.

19 REST IN PEACE

Every time peasants undertake the task of organizing themselves, landlord and capitalist voices cry, “Beware.” Their two chief instruments, namely, government and the churches warn in town hall and in pulpits against disturbance of the peace.

We need all the more to strengthen ourselves, says Aling Lety. We are being bombarded again with lies and threats which some of as may be about to accept. I propose that we discuss briefly this whole question of “Peace,” she says gently.

Even the more benign landlords and the few benevolent church officials are saying that for us to organize ourselves is wrong. Organization leads to conflict and disturbance and violence.

They now say that they agree with our ends and objectives but they think, that the means we use is unchristian because it accentuates division.

So, you see, Aling Lety sums up, we are up against unity and “peace,” and “order.” By organizing ourselves, are we doing wrong again? They say that before we started organizing, all peasants were peaceful and contented. But now, wherever we hold an organizational meeting, it is followed by peasant self-assertion, strikes, court litigations, demonstrations and so many other forms of struggle. '

They know, too, Aling Lety continues, that we only seek to do what is just and right. Hence, they use the government and the churchmen to warn our fellow-peasants that what we are doing is wrong.

But I believe that as the birds have been endowed, by their Creator with the instinct of survival and love for life so that at certain times of the year they .migrate from one place to escape death from. harsh elements, so much more God-endowed is our current instinct of survival and love to live that moves us to organize ourselves.

The truth is, Aling Lety’s voice rises with excitement, that in a place where domination or exploitation-is near-absolute, peasants are quiet and “contented.” There is “peace.” It is a false, cemeterial kind of peace: rest in peace.

But genuine peace, Aling Lety continues, is the fruit of Justice, as the Bible says. And true peace is not a dead kind of peace, like the tenant’s surrender to the landlord. It is a living, dynamic one which can of ten be accompanied by struggle and conflict.

Wherever there is oppression, there are oppressors and oppressed; And when we the oppressed, are so weak that we can hardly do anything, then a false kind of peace prevails. But when we, the oppressed, begin to gather strength through organization, Aling Lety’s voice is still loud and clear, and we begin to balance somehow the power of the oppressors, then there is conflict and struggle. And should justice prevail, a genuine kind of peace comes about.

A young peasant girl, who dropped out from senior high school for financial reasons, has this to contribute: it does seem to me like genuine peace and harmony presupposes a balancing of conflicting forces. We learn that the harmony of the universe itself is based on this balance and not so much on the absence of conflict. The force of gravity that pulls a planet towards the sun is beautifully balanced by the force of velocity pulling it away from the sun. In our body and in the smallest particle of matter the same harmony holds, based not on the absence but on the balancing of conflicting forces.

But in our present .society, she continues, that balance does not exist. Injustice means precisely that: an imbalanced situation. To bring about balance and justice and true peace we, the weak, must become strong.

In that case, then, Aling Lety speaks again, if we have to increase in position of strength and share in nature’s bounty, the landlords and capitalists have to decrease accordingly which they will never do voluntarily.

And so, they are now fond of exhorting us to be positive in our approach. We are too negative and destructive, they say. My friends, how can we take a positive attitude towards injustice? Only by negating it.

It, therefore, seems that my grandfather in the Sakdal Movement was right when he kept telling us long ago that in the Bible, the negative always precedes the positive. Quoting the prophet he often reminded us that our task is, and here Aling Lety uses her fingers to count: to tear up, and to knock down, to destroy, and to overthrow; to build and to plant. Four negatives before two positives, she says.

Well, an old man concludes, next week is Holy Week. It only reminds us even more that we can’t have Easter Sunday be fore Good Friday. Our own process of salvation will be like that.

20 ORGANIZATION AND ORGANISM

Still on the question of organization, the peasants often refer to the Biblical analogy of the people as a body or an organism.

Philippine society, Mang Kiko says at a meeting, can be compared to a human organism. A healthy body is a compete set of organizations, be says. You all know that if I should cut my finger, which I won’t do, I would cut at least four or five organizations: an organization of the veins, one of the nerves, another one of the muscles, stills another one of the bones, and so on – which all work to the total organism.

Those of us who had some opportunity to have a little bit of formal schooling were told that cells organize into a tissue, into a muscle, and something else I can’t very well remember.

At any rate, Mang Kiko continues, a big part of the pro blem in our society now is the fact that this social body is sick; many of its organs, feet, etc, are not organized.

Take the cells of the hand, for instance: if they are isolated from one another, in other words, if they are not organized, they could not unify the sensation of touching this plough, for instance. A cell would say, “Well, I felt something cold here,” and another cell would say, “I feel something smooth here...” The organ cannot identify and unify the sensation because the cells are not connected with one another.

It is like our own situation: before we overcame our isolation and organized ourselves, each one of us had all sorts of notions about what was bothering us.

Even the good people who approached us individually in our homes to tell us what our problems were could never get a picture of our situation that was concrete, complete, and realistic. Because, like in the body, there are certain sensations which only the cells of the hand can feel and transmit.

There are certain problems of women, Aling Tiba almost shouts, which only women can feel and express. I suppose, she continues, there are certain problems which only the landlords can feel and express.

Certainly, there are numerous problems of which only we ourselves can feel and express. But from our experience we know now that only when we organize ourselves can we realistically feel and express these problems, interests, and aspira tions.

At this point, Mang Kiko introduces .another note. He says, it is in the nature of the bird to fly and of the snake to crawl. Do we ha»e a right to tell the bird: “Don't fly, I forbid you!” “1 command you not to crawl!”? I don’t think so.

It is also in our nature, I think to need each other, to associate with each other, and to gather. Can the government, then, have the right to tell us. “You are hereby forbidden to need each other, and to associate together, you are prohibited to organize yourselves.” My friends, I say, that this urge in us to form our own associations is a right belonging to us as humans. It is a human right, and we shall exercise it.

The shouts of agreement from the whole gathering are almost deafening.

21 AWARENESS

A key word throughout the long history of peasant or ganizations in the Philippines is awakening or awareness.

It means, first of all, waking up to one’s capacities as a human being in association with fellow humans. The prime capacity is to reflect on one’s own condition which leads to a faith in or awareness of one’s own dignity.

More often than not, this awareness comes about in the exposure of the unjust and oppressive practices of the op pressor.

A peasant asked a group at one time: how do we go about this ^process of exposure so that more peasants will achieve awareness? Do we start removing, the oppressor’s “shoes” – or that part of his unjust practices that affect us directly, and wait for others to similarly remove his pants, shirt, etc. until he is totally exposed? Or do we also actively participate in the removal of the other “parts”?

At the first stage of awareness, another peasant says, my first reaction was to my immediate environment and my immediate enemy. When I am bitten by a mosquito, my immediate reac tion is to kill the mosquito. I do not determine then and there where the mosquito comes from so as to eliminate it totally, nor do I think immediately of buying a mosquito net or a mosquito killer. Ordinarily, I wait till I can't stand mosquitoes anymore. Then I might take another form of action other than killing the mosquito or slapping myself in trying to kill it.

There are indeed many degrees of awareness or awakening, Mang Paeng says, depending on how involved we are with other peasants and their allies in trying to change the oppressed peasant condition.

The process of unifying hitherto isolated individual peasants finds a common program and a common total vision.

The total vision is the HUMAN COMMUNITY – a community where there is justice. Mang Paeng says, it is HEAVEN that starts on earth – a community where there is no exploitation; where every man, woman and child live together without fear, with love and respect for one another.

But the Word must ever become FIesh, Mang Paeng adds. This means that our vision must “be translated into immediate, concrete programs of action – or, he quips, we might all end up with a stiff neck indulgently looking up to the blue.

We are co-creators, remember? Mang Paeng continues. Our present manifold struggles are just a few among many more to create the “new” from the "old"; the new man and the new woman in a new economy, a new polity, and a new culture. Hence, our program is always provisional but not arbitrary – combining the experience of people’s participation and the ideology of people's reflections all through the years.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Apr 16, 2013 8:08 pm

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Tue Apr 16, 2013 9:46 pm

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Decarcerate PA at SCI Graterford
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Apr 17, 2013 11:34 am

questions for poets (7)

how important is your household? is your reproduction? is your not reproduction? is why you can’t reproduce? is why you won’t/ is who you love or how? is your refusal of love? is how you eat? is who you eat with? is how you won’t eat? is how you eat too much? is where your food? is what is your food? of what class is your food? of what class is your sex? have you read that line I wrote about how all sex is sex work but the sex of kings? have you said to me “I’ve only had the sex of kings”? how did you say this? how do you feel? how important is your sex or not sex? is your money? is your trust fund? is your million dollars? is your half million dollars? is her fifteen dollars left? is where you got your money? do you have investments? do you have property? is your work? is your not getting work? is you having too much work? is your cleaning? is who cleans for you? do you have someone who cleans for you? do you have someone who makes food for you? do you have someone who cares for your children? are these women? do they work for you for love? do they suffer you for love? are they a wife? do you have a wife? is women? and what does your wife do? how do you call a person a wife? do you call yourself a wife? do they work for you for money? do they sex for you for money? do you sex for money? do you sex for money indirectly? do you work? do you clean for another? do you care for the children of another? do you make food for another? is this a choice? how do you choice? do you like to make this food? have you had to find pleasure? have you sought hard for pleasure? have you taken medicine? how can you be a husband? who can “judicious control of resources”? who can patriarch? who can want? is there lifestyle? what is lifestyle? does your life have lifestyle? do you have a life without lifestyle? how? may I show you my life without lifestyle? may I show you? will you block? must you bar me? must I love you? what have you done? how many people have you sexed for? how many meals have you made? how many apolitical political tasks? how have you taken care of those who hate you? how have you taken care? how many obscurings? how many situations? how many erudite conversations? how many explicit exclusions? how many institutional powers? when have you been property? how many legitimizing offices? how many easy days? how many exclusions merely suggested? how many threats of death? how many households have you lived in? what perils? in what ways have you been hated? how many loves?

URL: http://tmblr.co/ZIuWluY9S_yc
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Apr 17, 2013 2:09 pm

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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Apr 17, 2013 6:32 pm

You can't have capitalism without racism.

—Malcolm X
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Apr 17, 2013 7:19 pm

ttp://intheprocessofbeing.wordpress.com ... thing-too/

i have lost something too.

Posted on 04.17.13

i

woke

up

A N G R Y

today.

over 55 dead in bombings in iraq.
the deadliest day in over a month.
-

4 dead in u.s. drone attacks in pakistan.
-

ongoing hunger strike in guantanamo
leave inmates nearly corpsed.

-

capitalism exploiting bodies,
neoliberalism exporting displacement and
occupation binding movement.

cue rage:


how dare you mourn the loss of the lives taken on your soil of red, white and blue

while you wage war on every land and people with skin of melanin

while our dead lay nameless

killed by

your police

your policies

your capitalism

your justice

while you remain patriot to a flag that hungers for power

while you carry gandhi posters, peace signs and chant

“YES WE CAN”?

.

how dare you call us

evil, violent and inherently suspect

after you’ve

gunned down,

bombed,

starved

and tortured

our mothers,

our fathers,

our families,

our people,

our land.

.

how dare you take away my ability to

grieve?

i lay awake

angry

heartbroken

for just as you

do not mourn

the loss of

our people

by your patriotism,

i can no longer

mourn the loss of

yours.



today i mourn self

for i have lost something too:

a mind that moves beyond the comparison of suffering

and a heart open so wide that it can hold the pain of

all who suffer.
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Wed Apr 17, 2013 9:09 pm

http://www.buddhistpeacefellowship.org/ ... self-care/

Wages for Self Care: What Falls Apart When We Demand Compensation for Unpaid Reproductive Labor?
Posted by: Dawn Haney Posted date: April 16, 2013

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I spent $5,000 a year on therapy while I worked at a rape crisis center. My therapist got well over 10% of my income each year; a tithe to her painstaking work re-teaching me that it was safe to be mindful of my body, even in the face of devastating trauma.

While my therapy work addressed my own past trauma, this trauma was violently yanked forward to the front of my consciousness from facing day after day the trauma of sexual violence. Sometimes called vicarious trauma, secondary trauma, or compassion fatigue, it was a common ailment in the industry. Everyone knew it was part of the job when you worked with sexual violence – you had to be vigilant about self care or you’d burn out. Eat well. Get enough sleep. Meditate. Practice yoga. Do things that bring you joy. When it gets too hard or too close to your own trauma, go to therapy.

As a supervisor, I felt dissonance when encouraging other staff members to take care of themselves when they were falling apart. I wondered: If self care is so essential to the job, shouldn’t it be *part* of the job? When therapy is needed to cope with vicarious trauma, shouldn’t it be paid for by the organization AND be on the clock?

Unpaid reproductive labor, according to Silvia Federici and other Marxist feminists, is the unpaid care work that capitalism depends on to ensure workers keep showing up day after day. As part of the “Wages for Housework” campaign in the 1970s, feminists made visible the labor that women were doing in homes – “cooking, smiling, fucking” – to ensure workers would show up the next day, with energy for the job. In the anti-violence field, self care felt like this – unpaid care work that my organization depended on me doing on my own dime so I could show up to work functional, and face again and again the dysfunction of trauma.

In demanding wages for housework, these activists were less interested in the actual wages than in the revolutionary potential for recognizing unpaid reproductive labor:

We struggle to break capital’s plan for women, which is an essential moment of that division of labor and social power within the working class through which capital has been able to maintain its hegemony. Wages for housework, then, is a revolutionary demand not because by itself it destroys capital, but because it forces capital to restructure social relations in terms more favorable to us and consequently more favorable to the unity of the class” – Silvia Federici, from Wages Against Housework, 1975; reprinted in Revolution at Point Zero

In naming self care work in the anti-violence industry as unpaid reproductive labor, I’m not so much interested in having my therapy paid for and required by my employer. I can only shudder at the ways that would turn into a new Orwelian technology for surveilling my mental health and judging me unfit for duty if I rabble roused too much.

However, studying these pockets of “stolen time” provides insight into how capitalism works to separate us into individuals responsible for ourselves, rather than a collective force responsible for each other, together powerful enough to challenge the 1%.

What falls apart if we stop reading compassion fatigue as a sign that an individual needs to take better care of herself? What if we instead read it as feedback that we need to restructure our relationship to the work, and looked for structural and collective solutions to overwhelm?

Now when I’m faced with burnout, I look to see how the work itself is a set up, designed to be unsustainable with a too urgent pace and not enough resources. I’m inspired by engaged Buddhist, Dr. A.T. Ariyaratne, and the 500 Year Peace Plan developed by Sri Lanka’s Sarvodaya movement:

“Peace is not something that happens at a peace conference, or with the signing of documents …. The seeds of the present conflict in Sri Lanka were planted 500 years ago; it will take at least that long to correct the damage.” – Sarvodaya’s 500 Year Peace Plan

This requires an expansion of vision toward building a movement to end violence, in the face of state funding that would prefer to keep us focused on the exhausting work of helping victim after victim that walk through our doors. Like the feminists who first started anti-violence organizations, when our work to end sexual violence is part of building a movement, our primary work includes:

building a base of people who contribute time, talents, and money to the cause
developing new leaders who can help these committed people work together
collectively envisioning a new world without sexual violence
devising our 500 (or 5000?) year plan of the step-by-step work that will be required to get us there


Even if anti-violence work isn’t your particular offering to the world, I’m curious to know more about where you find unpaid reproductive labor in your work life and activist life, and the ways that leads to burnout and overwhelm. What happens if you drop the insinuation that this is your personal problem to resolve through therapy or stepping up your meditation practice? Under investigation, does it instead indicate a pervasive problem that requires an entire restructuring of social relations, toward unity? I’d love to hear about your own investigations in the comments.


http://www.buddhistpeacefellowship.org/ ... self-care/
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Thu Apr 18, 2013 2:06 am

Israel’s Worldwide Role in Repression

http://israelglobalrepression.files.wor ... alized.pdf
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Thu Apr 18, 2013 8:44 am

http://rocredandblack.org/marriage-or-b ... -equality/

Marriage or Bust? A Conversation on Marriage Equality
Posted on April 10, 2013 by SB

Image


Love, the strongest and deepest element in all life, the harbinger of hope, of joy, of ecstasy; love, the defier of all laws, of all conventions; love, the freest, the most powerful molder of human destiny; how can such an all-compelling force be synonymous with that poor little State- and Church-begotten weed, marriage?

-Emma Goldman

The answer, I believe, is to defend marriage (het or gay) as one viable option among many for a person, not attack it as an inherently heterosexist and patriarchal institution. Context is all. Typically marriage and the traditional family has been patriarchal and heterosexist—but not necessarily in the Black community, and not necessarily for GLBT relationships, either. Thus, marriage and the traditional family can be subversive in the right context. Radicals should encourage this subversion by defending the right of people to freely engage in unions of their choice, including marriage.

-Joel Olson


Image

Marriage equality was literally put on trial a few days ago as the U.S. Supreme Court looked over two complimentary cases. First was Hollingsworth v. Perry challenging constitutionality of the 2008 California bill known as Proposition 8. The main purpose of the bill was clearly stated in its less-than-subtle title” Eliminates Rights of Same-Sex Couples to Marry. This would essentially reverse the previous decisions to recognize same-sex relationships in the same way that conventional ones are through the state’s marriage process.

The very next day the court convened with Massachusetts v. United States Department of Health and Human Services, which challenges a piece of the Defense of Marriage Act. Together these cases became one of the largest rallying cries in favor of marriage equality, leaving few detractors and a swell of supporters using the Human Rights Campaign’s equal sign as a show of solidarity. Marriage equality seems inevitable at this point, which is being claimed as a major victory in much of the liberal LGBT community.

But just as the cheers are being heard around the country, many people who take a more radical stance on LGTBQ issues question whether or not marriage is the institution worth fighting for and if this is really the victory it seems to be.

The opinions about this are rarely uniform, and so we have decided to spark an informal discussion and compile a few different opinions that can hopefully challenge some of the conventional narratives. Here they are arguments in support of marriage, against marriage, and the many shades in between.





Zora

The institution of marriage needs to be destroyed. The idea of privileging one kind of relationship over another by granting married couples extra rights, be they legal or social, is the creation of a hierarchy, which is against anarchist principles. At its inception marriage was the institution that legitimized the position of women as chattel. It was an economic contract between two men, involving the transferring of responsibility and ownership of a woman and whatever material wealth she came with. While women are no longer directly treated as property, marriage has remained an economic arrangement.

In the modern day, the dominant view of marriage is a guarantee of a number of social and financial obligations. Things like financial support and emotional support, a caretaker in sickness and old age, and sexual satisfaction, are all key elements of this arrangement. We know that, in reality, many marriages do not actually provide all these things. There are many single (and married) people who find these things in different and varying places. These are relationships that may very well be healthier and longer lasting than half the marriages officiated in the U.S. but they receive no special treatment in the eyes of the law, and instead may even need to defend their choices in the face of public scrutiny.



One example of this, which stands out, is that of single mothers. Single mothers frequently live and rely on family members and friends as their main support structure. They support themselves, and may have one or multiple sexual partners, or none at all. They then face scrutiny over not providing a father for their children, cannot access their relative’s health care plans (because they are not a spouse or a child), and are not receiving the same tax benefits given to any Tom, Dick or Sally who wants to get a marriage license.

Far too often marriage isolates people with their partners. Making it a state-sanctified institution only furthers this by adding an economic burden. The dominant focus on partnered romantic relationships is a remnant from a time when capitalism caused the family structure to be a profitable arrangement. If we are separated into categories, and given license to abandon our communities for the sake of one partnership, how can we ever expect to organize a revolution out of this mess? Marriage has been an issue that divides and disenfranchises those on the periphery of the hetero-monogamous culture. It is time to take this issue out of the public eye. Marriage is a partnership between two consenting adults. Coercion by state and market forces poisons relationships, and should be kept out at all costs regardless of the sex or gender of the people involved.





Shenzi

My position on Marriage Equality (to the extent that I have one) is that if I’d been in the room when the decision to foreground marriage as the main goal of the LGBT movement was made, I’d have argued hard against it for all the reasons usually mentioned: it’s a narrow demand benefiting mostly middle-class LGBT folks, it’s exclusionary toward non-monogamous relationships, it tends to overlook trans struggles and it’s not nearly so urgent as other issues like queer youth homelessness, etc. However the political reality is that the decision to foreground Marriage Equality has long since been made. There’s no way to get the LGBT organizations to switch now. Plus this issue seems like it’ll inevitably be won in the next decade or two, and possibly much sooner. So let’s just win it as quickly as possible so we can move on to bigger and better things (and separate the queer prole wheat from the bourgeois chaff).





Isabella

I want to start off by saying that I am a queer, femme, anarcha-feminist. I am also a queer rights activist from New York. This informs a lot of my opinions on marriage equality, not just because it is a fight I engage in, but also because it has put me arm-in-arm with many older queer couples. Looking someone in the eyes and seeing their struggle first hand, as they and their wife talk about their arrest records, is powerful. Those human experiences rightfully shape my opinions. This life experience lends me to write from a perspective in defense of marriage equality as a means of furthering human liberty and justice.

My case is that marriage equality helps destabilize a means of capitalist rule. Capitalism necessitates marriage inequality because straight marriage is a means of labor production. It is clear that the 1,138 federal privileges that come with marriage are a “reward” for making love, not being in love. They are a bribe. By taking those rights from the heteronormative culture for ourselves, we as queers are helping to publicly expose a major capitalist bribery technique for promoting unlimited labor production by the working class. This is the first step to liberating the entire working class from the tyranny of marriage as an institution, and further from capitalism as a whole. Education on this topic is crucial and happening because of this fight.

You might say, “but these privileges given to married couples is unjust in itself and giving more people these privileges will just expand the problem!” And, for the most part, you’d be correct. Marriage having any benefits is unjust and should be smashed to help destroy capitalist bribery as a means of controlling labor. I would argue that this critique is relevant and true. As it stands, however, it is an easier fight to get the privileged class to expand others into their “club” that it is to get them to give up their privilege. There are couples whose livelihoods depend on marriage equality, and although I hate the idea of them getting some privilege to cover their costs, I also hate the idea of my friend’s spouse being deported. It’s a complex issue for me that boils down to this, “Privileges are shit, but if they have them, we should take them too.” It’s not a perfect proposal, but it meets needs right now. You might say, “marriage equality takes up too much activist time, there are better things to fight for. And once we win marriage those activists will fight against us, not for us.” This is also relevant and important to remember. There is a large mass of non-radical, conformist people in the marriage equality fight who will not fight for other basic rights once marriage is won and will resist us when we try to smash capitalism. Those people would be actively fighting for capitalism if they were straight.

I have addressed two common critiques of marriage equality and made a counter for these arguments, as well as addressing my own point on the issue. These are logical points to be made. On a more personal level, marriage equality levels the playing field for all working class people to get benefits, which helps sustain them under the oppression of capitalism. In debates about marriage equality I have said things like, “if someone is starving and marriage equality can feed them, then it is justice to give it to them.” And others have responded, “if you only feed yourself with unjust marriage privileges then you should be ashamed and deserve to starve.” I fundamentally disagree with this response because those fighting for marriage equality are struggling under capitalism and are fighting against their own unique oppression. Instead of critiquing marriage equality, fight hunger. Feed this person and you will take away their need for marriage. Do not pick on the table scraps queers are fighting for, even if you don’t feel that this is as substantive as other social issues. Show them the feast and they will fight for it. But remember that they cannot fight while starved. In the words of a fellow anarchist, “First, marriage equality. Second, full liberation.”





Lynn

What are the benefits of getting married? There are 1,138 federal benefits, rights and responsibilities associated with marriage. Sounds pretty good, right? The social benefits of marriage are fewer incidents of poverty and mental health issues. Unless you are LGBT those benefits aren’t yours, thanks to DOMA.

So how does the repeal of DOMA improve and benefit class struggle? Marriage can pull one or both people out of poverty. Immigrants can get visas. Now not every marriage can save you from poverty but two incomes is better than one. If a partner dies the bills don’t fall on ones lap with no help from any kind of insurance. A death or an illness isn’t going to cripple a couple or a person. It’s a partnership of a business called my choice less life, living with capitalism.

The state can use words like procreation. That’s pretty dirty. What I do with anyone’s procreation is my business. This is that crazy idea that the only reason why you get married to is to produce children. I think we are doing just fine producing children without marriage. I can go reproduce one right now if I wanted to.

I personally don’t understand why anyone would want to get married. I don’t understand why people don’t reach for more. We hide behind our partners. We cling to them when we are scared instead of finding it with in ourselves to be strong. We become dependent on people who can crush our hearts in seconds and put us in financial ruin. It is too much pressure and power for one person to have over you. It is a special thing to have a partner who pushes you to be everything you can be, loves you for everything you are.

Marriage can socially isolate you from the rest of your community. Why need anyone else when you have your partner? Do we know some married couples that are still committed to community? Yeah sure we do. But look at everyone else focused on their own benefits, their own houses, and their own families. Instead of being focused on the fact that we are all married to each other, we are all family, we all have housing, food, and heath care needs. I want more than one husband and I want more than one wife. I don’t want to ask for permission to have that. I want to have sex with who ever I want and have children with strangers.





S.B.

A couple quick thoughts on the recent marriage equality conversation…

The first thing I should say is that I have a moderate support for marriage equality as a strategic focus. The criticisms about this choice tend to range between questions about whether or not the institution of marriage is something to associate with and the fact that it is much less substantive than things like healthcare, housing, etc. While these criticisms are true, the choice to target marriage comes simply from the role that marriage still plays in society. Today it stands as the arbitrating institution that grants acceptability to romantic relationships, even if it has evolved out of an ingrained patriarchy and maintains many of those qualities today. The “opening up” of marriage begins to change not just the institution of marriage, but the barometer that is set for acceptability in our communities. Its not just beneficial because it would allow for a new type of marriage, but because the restrictive institution that interferes and defines relationships has now been made to allow a wider grouping of possible relationships. This is not a liberatory endgame, but a step-by-step for attempting to target institutionalized forms of homophobia and heterosexism and dismantle them. From here the hope is that this will be a way to further undercut social institutions that maintain the legitimacy of homophobia, relegating same-sex relationships to the outskirts of the community.

One of the additional criticisms that has been leveled against the recent show of support was its branding through the Human Rights Campaign, which has created an incredibly narrow agenda that has maintained transphobia and has no long term goal for challenging the real institutions of inequality. While this is true, the majority of the people who changed their social media avatars to equal signs knew nothing about the HRC. More than that they do not know any other way to show their opposition to homophobia than to support same-sex marriage, and they are usually baffled by people’s opposition to marriage equality outside of a blatant homophobia. In this way it was a chance to tap into a growing swell of support and to develop a movement that moves beyond marriage and into a force of change. It is exciting to see a simple show of support on such a massive scale, and it should be a priority to stand with many of these people who have never spoke out politically before and may be inclined to start. Many of the criticisms that have been spoken have been confusing to those uninitiated to the complexities of these issues, often times making them feel alienated.

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A simple issue is at play in the case of marriage equality, and that is how it intimately affects people. This is abstract as there are thousands of individuals who have a vested material interest in having a federally recognized marriage. More than this, it has been fundamentally important to many people who are directly affected. Though it may not be the issue that would be first on my list to target heterosexism, I think it is important to stand with people as they challenge forms of oppression that they feel affects them in an important way. It is not my role to argue with a couple that has been restricted legal marriage recognition that instead they need to question the bourgeois institution of marriage.

With all this being said, there are a lot of issues that should be thought about here. When the entire issue of queer rights is framed in terms of marriage equality it inevitably begins to neglect trans people, especially the frightening bigotry they face in the workplace and medical clinics. It additionally acts as a conservatizing force that accepts non-traditional relationships to conform to the stands set by a society founded on conservative moral structures and property relations. Marriage stands as a structuring force that lets limits on what kinds of relationships outside of the marriage are acceptable and requires that the state be intimately involved in a number of different ways. It attempts to normalize same-sex relationships by remodeling them in the image of heterosexual ones, and that is not something we should necessarily be celebrating.



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Marriage Equality Rally in Portland, Oregon.





Tim Kiff

Gay marriage is important insofar as it secures people concrete rights. It is unconscionable that homosexual couples aren’t allowed visitation rights, access to their partners healthcare, and do not receive the same benefits that straight married couples do.

That said, the institution of state-sanctioned marriage, and the doling out of rights/benefits along the lines of married couples, is restrictive, outmoded and unnecessary. Marriage, and its associated benefits, is a tool the state uses to make life easier for those who chose to act in a way that is beneficial to its continued functionality.

The fight for the rights of LGBT people to marry is important because it is going to improve people’s lives, but we shouldn’t lose sight of the fact that the idea of state-sanctioned marriage is creepy and weird.

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Harvey Milk Day of Action in Rochester, NY, 2010.
People rally and marched into the County Clerk’s office, demanding marriage licenses. This is shortly before New York State began granting same-sex marriages.
Photo by Amber James




Please join in this conversation! Post comments on this page, share the article around, and use Twitter with hashtag #radicalize_equality.

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Marriage equality has been important to activists in Rochester, NY, for years. Check out this video of a 2009 rally in response to Maine’s repeal of same-sex marriage rights.

American Dream
 
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Thu Apr 18, 2013 5:10 pm

http://snappalos.wordpress.com/2013/04/ ... -our-time/

Fighting for the Future: The Necessity and Possibility of National Political Organization for Our Time

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By Adam Weaver and SN Nappalos

In the midst of the worst economic crisis in decades, the left stands at a crossroads. Despite widespread anxiety, restructuring, stirrings, and disruptions, the left has been unable to respond or develop bases for movements and revolutionary organization in any meaningful sense. In many ways the eruption of the Occupy movement onto the center stage with all of its weaknesses in politics, structure, and dynamics, was a reflection of this. The events of Wisconsin, Occupy, the Oakland General Strike, and the May 1st mobilizations have brought to the fore the nature and potential of combative movements from below as well as the limits of present politics. At the very least since the financial crisis of 2008, social activists are looking for clearer paths towards anti-capitalist alternatives. Many are realizing that something more is needed beyond endless activism, protest politics, and vertical-style union and NGO mobilization. The base level of political education on the left, provided largely by non-profits and liberal university campuses, suddenly seem to have even fewer answers than before. This has left many turning towards political study to deepen their analysis as well as taking up questions around the need for political organization.

We need to ask ourselves, in this time of crisis how can movements be built in an atmosphere of ruling class assaults, disorganization of the popular classes, and sporadic resistance efforts? What are the roles of revolutionaries within movements? What are the strategies to keep ourselves going for the long haul work that radical social change requires? What are the lessons of the past decades in social movements and revolutionary organizations? How do we politically develop the existing revolutionaries and help shape new ones to build a larger milieu of revolutionary organizers, thinkers, and supporters based in popular struggle? How would this milieu and potential political organization relate to broader social movements, other forces on the left, those we share perspectives with, and with those we do not?

The necessity of political organization


Our starting point for this is recognizing, as others have pointed out, that many, if not most, of those active on the left do not believe in political organization.1 There are many reasons for this, but the reason voiced most frequently is that they do not see a need for organization. Beyond broad social movements, they view many of today’s groups as being disorganized and irrelevant. Others are put off by the poor internal culture of today’s organizations with their tendencies for personalizing conflicts, being unable to have constructive debates, and the culture of battles in meetings that seems to isolate rather than integrate members into broader society. The closest experience with left political organization is commonly that of the lone leftist selling strange newspapers at rallies. Frequently political organization as a whole is solely viewed through the prism of negative experiences with members of the worst of Leninist organizations with sectarian approaches to debate and relating to other political forces within organizing spaces, attempts to dominate and control leadership of struggles, and a ‘newspaper as transmission belt of political line’ approach to politics. Those on the left broadly adhering to anarchism fare only somewhat better, in our experience mostly falling into the previous three objections or alternatively the turn away from political organization is based on a reaction to the weakness, political immaturity, and lack of experience observed in existing political organization efforts. These experiences though valid, involve a failure to think beyond the present; a failure to consider the possibilities of the future.

We believe that political organization, rather than being a distraction or worse destructive, addresses problems in struggle today. The need for the political organization of militants roughly falls into two categories: immediate and practical needs, and broader political vision and strategy. First we must start with why political organization can address the practical and immediate needs of movement. As resources become more scarce, people are displaced, unemployment takes it’s toll, and communities are dispossessed of their long standing resources, the need for a united and coordinated means of organizing and fighting grows more crucial. Not having political organization means relying on the winds of chance when organizing efforts emerge, to bring together militants under various banners and projects, cobbling together resources for each fight, and then scattering to the wind again once the fight subsides, often leaving behind little analysis of strengths and weakness of the fight that occurred. Further, the relationships and politicization that arise out of fights are often not furthered and maintained in order to continue to build future fights.

This isn’t to say that we can’t try to outlive struggles without capital ‘P’ political organization. We can and should. But a political organization, in one form or another, is a tool, which can help us do that work more systematically. While not a panacea or even the deciding factor necessarily, it does expand what we can do over time. Political organization provides a space for reflection, and deepening of the lessons of struggle amongst like-minded people that wouldn’t otherwise meet together. It can be a place to weave disparate experiences into a coherent whole. Work is divided by issue, location, and the necessary political mix that movement work needs. While it’s possible to try and institutionalize sharing experiences and strategizing across projects, sustaining this systematically is difficult. Similarly, different and higher level conversations are possible amongst militants who share fundamental aims and analysis. Since struggles ebb and flow, gain or lose their libertarian character, political organization can give us extra tools to understand and work in changing conditions. Extrapolating from this, a national political organization creates the widest level of discussion across a broad range of experiences of like-minded militants. With smaller regional or localized groups conversations are often limited to a smaller pool of individuals, with more limited resources, and less experience.

A useful concept is that of the ‘political home’, in which political organization acts as a ‘home base’ creating “a place for discussion and creation of a vision to guide the organizing efforts of revolutionaries, and a place for reflection, development, and growth” of similarly minded militants.2The idea of the political home is useful to newly developing anarchists, in providing them with a community they can identify with, and grow their political development with. While for experienced militants, the political home is useful in creating a community of ‘co-thinkers’ to reflect, engage, carry them through the long haul of highs and lows of struggles, and to develop theory with.

Beyond practical issues of coordination and a home base of militants there are more systemic level issues such as: the often uneven levels of political development within movements, incipient small group mentalities, excessive inward focuses that often relies on the social glue of key militants and thereby stymies growth beyond an immediate circle, and the lack of a healthy culture of internal criticism. Unaddressed, these issues together hinder the emergence of a vision around what we call ‘the anarchist project’, which we will speak more on in the discussion around vision and strategy.

The issue of political development and popular education is crucial. Whether we grow as a movement, build and retain individuals, reflect the makeup of the working class, have a movement where people can articulate an anarchist perspective, defines whether or not anarchism is a growing and meaningful force that is rooted in struggle or whether it is a marginal philosophy. Individuals, or sometimes layers of individuals working together, often begin their process of politicization and involvement in social struggles when they begin to question the ‘common sense’ assumptions of capitalism, patriarchy, racism, and other power relations. These questions then can give way to deeper systemic questions of how do we understand the system at a deeper level, what we can create beyond the current social order, where does our work fit into the larger picture of reaching a new society, and what language and tools are helpful in describing and thinking about all of the above? Individuals are generally left on their own devices to grapple with these burning questions and reflect on their experience.

Informal mentorship and individual study are currently the norm for political development on the left. Isolation is the default practice. Despite all the emphases on acting collectively on the left, individuals are largely left on their own, to work through the deepest issues. We must ask though: Who receives the mentorship from whom, if at all? Who is able to successfully navigate individual study and the political minefield of facebook posts, blogs, political forums, and websites that are so important in shaping the narrative of radical politics? The answer is that this process is often gendered towards men, and reflects existing class, race, education, and geographical hierarchies. The political isolation of thinking alone reproduces existing negative social relationships. All of these contribute to the entrenchment of activist dynamics, lopsided development, and holds back the building of a rooted, diverse, and more representative left.

Working in isolation, or within frameworks that do not share goals of popular education, collective empowerment, and libertarian values, radicals find themselves struggling both for their own education and to understand how to intervene in their work and lives. Dolores from Miami Autonomy & Solidarity in her piece “Why Women Should Join Political Organizations” puts it this way:

“I know so many women that have so much to contribute – their ideas, organizing experience, parenting experience, etc.– and have talked with them about many of their frustrations with nonprofits or with individual activism, and yet they continue to work alone. If we continue like this and don’t come together around a common ideological framework then there will never be an end to patriarchy or oppression.”3

Here Dolores identifies specifically the isolation related to grappling with work. It isn’t that there aren’t lessons, critiques, or ideas being developed by militants. It is that they have not found a framework for uniting with others to work through political questions and proposals (either those developed by the broader left or by building them themselves). This is where political development and broader popular education efforts can intervene. While the efforts of localized or informal groups can do some of this work, it is far more effectively done drawing from the collective experience, skills, and resources at the national level. Organization is a method for building a common set of references and conversations among wider layers about theory, practices, and methods of organization.

This leads us to the broader issues of vision, strategy and what we call the “anarchist project.” The anarchist project is what we use to describe the cumulative efforts- whether at the level of action, organization, culture or consciousness- that give birth to revolutionary social change and bring the vision of anarchism into reality. No doubt this is a huge endeavor that requires the efforts of many; millions in fact. But this compels us to ask the question: What advances the anarchist project and what hinders it? How do we begin the discussion of a new society with the tens of thousands active in changing the world and then perhaps the millions who are not (yet) active? How do we make the ideas and values of anarchism not just a part of those conversations but a tangible proposal? Certainly political organization is no complete answer for these questions, but it gives us an important tool to put forward our ideas and vision in an amplified way. This is true whether through propaganda and literature, social media content, popular education and political development activities, and importantly through the coordinated organizing work we do and the discussions that are inevitably raised in that work. Political organization can give us additional tools to begin addressing these issues.

One example of this that we can look to is within the anarchists of the Frente de Estudiantes Libertarios (Libertarian Student Front or FEL) involved in the Chilean students movement. Over the last several years in response towards moves to further privatize the education system, students in both higher education and at the high school level have led massive street demonstrations and campus takeovers. Felipe Ramirez, the elected 2011 General Secratary of the Federación de Estudiantes de la Universidad de Chile (University of Chile Student Federation or FECH) and member of the FeL, elaborates in an interview how the organization became a meaningful force within the student movement:

“The most crucial thing for the growth of FeL and for the strengthening of the national organization was its political maturity. At first, the FeL was an organization that had very few policy plans. … Faced with these situations [attacks on education and mass mobilizations in opposition], the FeL begins to slowly start building the framework for its political line, its proposal to education and the funding issue and all that somehow congeals in 2011. The mobilization catches us with an organization that is starting to grow along the heightening of the student movement and we see high school students go onto college, and these students come with a history of struggle and mobilization already, and they’re interested in the left and that also allows us to accumulate part of the whole process. The year 2011 forces the organization to throw the muddle, to understand that anarchism can not remain a sum of values, a sum of words of good upbringing or books that were written 140 years ago, nor moral principles, nor ethical ones. Anarchism has to be a policy, and without it being a political policy, it dies. And faced with this dilemma, luckily the organization opted for political discussion, for the creation of concrete proposals to give to the movement, understanding that we are not fighting for the revolution but for the specific conditions that accumulate towards a project of the working class, and that has allowed us to grow and consolidate as a national structure and also carve out a place among the leftist organizations.”4

Here Ramirez, an anarchist militant of the FeL, is answering how the FeL shifted from a largely ideological political group that numbered in the dozens to a political force in the hundreds at the center of society-wide ruptures. Key to this was not simply their demands nor the time period, but also the framework for developing their struggles and deepening them through ongoing practice and assessment.

Objections to political organizations

Common concerns and objections, raised by the most active and intelligent militants, within our organizations focus on our local strength and our relationship to social movements. If we are too weak locally to function in an effective capacity, how will we build a national organization? If our commitment is to struggle in and to build social movements, and our capacity is limited locally, won’t a national organization take away from those efforts? Perhaps we need such an organization, but with the state of the left and the poverty of our forces is it not a better use of our time to focus on building up the movements and small circles of affinity that will at some point down the road make political organization possible? Is it possible to build an organization that relates to movements and ‘everyday people’ and not just the usual suspects on the left? Moreover, political organizations don’t have much to show for their efforts, so wouldn’t our time be better spent just building up social movements?

To these objections, we would like to state the case that a national organization in our time, in this moment, will not deter from our movement, but in fact is necessary to overcome many of our present limitations and problems. We believe a national organization with a meaningful and thoughtfully built unity and praxis can play a key role in making our desire to move beyond retreat and reform possible. This may not happen right away, and it may be a protracted process of striving towards a goal with steps forward and steps backwards, but we believe this is necessary to become a meaningful political force.

For example, there is a concern that time would be better spent simply building up movement work. This is largely right. There is scarcely enough energy invested in struggle, and often the left squanders its time on self-absorbed activities more than struggles that impact people outside of left subcultures. Yet there’s a problem here too. Mass struggles do not exist nor arise in vacuums. When they do emerge, other political forces intervene. Many times, we are the same ones initiating projects as well as working within them. This is done typically through linking with others and trying to forge a united vision of doing that work. Such projects rely on informal and tacit political links; informality that often reproduces all the problematic behavior and isolation of the left but without clear mechanisms to address it. Moreover, if we allow our work to be defined by personality types and charismatic individuals who tend to begin or seize these projects, our trajectory will tend to reflect those individuals and their passing interests. Organization can allow us to experiment, learn, work together and actually work towards the collectivity so many of us as radicals speak of.

Very often, in our movement work, we work together with others, who do not share our values. Inevitably some of these forces relate to struggles in unprincipled, authoritarian, and co-optive ways. We have seen from experience they do so in organized systematic manners. The organization of anarchists as a political force within struggles is thus a strategic question. In trying to build the world we want to see, we will encounter organized forces that seek to either maintain the status quo or work towards contradictory aims from our own. All the would be vanguards and those pushing to channel movements into institutional and electoral directions will always exist, but can an organized voice of those pushing for horizontal approaches, militancy in tactics, and radicalism in practice be present? An organized anarchist presence is necessary to move us forward and present a libertarian alternative.

Beyond the problems raised above concerning the life cycle of struggles, there are more factors that make going-it-alone a bad option. It is difficult to work inside movements and struggles in a fragmented and often isolated manner. The political environment both within those struggles and all the forces bearing down on us make sustaining struggle in the long run unlikely without some form of unity. History is filled with libertarians failing to organize a coherent opposition until whole periods were torn out from under them. Part of this is taking a longer-term view. We need to begin anticipating problems of our work years in advance so as not to have them crushed by foreseeable political opposition.5 Political organization provides a field for advancing libertarian alternatives in an otherwise hostile environment, while lack of political organization removes tools that might soften the forces scattering us and causing us only to be reactive to the circumstances of the moment.

Another objection raised is that the work we want to see isn’t happening within the organized anarchist movement, but outside of it. The organizations we happen to have aren’t up to snuff. On the face of this critique it is partially true. It should be noted that groups often don’t talk about what they do, since many long-term campaigns (particularly with workplace organizing) are not easily presented in public without endangering the participants or doing so in a way that distorts the relationship between the organization and the movement. Still, it is correct that the present movement on the whole isn’t doing the work we all want to see. Too often there is comfort amongst the radical left, some of the organized anarchist movement included, to exist as an offshoot of the broader activist subculture or as a historical and political hobby, disconnected from the daily experiences and struggles of the working class. But there is a lot of innovative work being done in the US right now: autonomous workplace organizing independent from the unions and antagonistic to the contractual-NLRB organizing methods, neighborhood organizing seizing homes and defending against foreclosures, collective direct actions against employers, landlords, and state assaults, direct actions against deportation, and countless other examples. Much of this work is carried out by other groups, with different libertarian ideologies (rarely by party oriented Leninists, though broad social changes could make them adopt different methods) and by unorganized radicals in these movements. This isn’t to say there aren’t groups doing great work right now, but those working outside dwarf the organized anarchist milieu.

Where we can work together, we should in general. There should be systematic attempts to unify with people based on shared strategy and objectives wherever this can be done. One tool that allows for this is building networks of tendency within our organizing that has strategy, tactics and broad values as the basis. This is different from political organizations because of the purpose (to build libertarian practice up within struggles) and the degree or level of unity. Members of MAS have written about this in a series of documents that discuss the concept of intermediate level analysis and as well the Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro (Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro or FARJ) in Brazil has described this as the concentric circle model.6 Not enough is being done to build those networks of practice, and in many ways that is the primary task for libertarian revolutionaries, especially in a time when militant reformism, recuperation, and forms of neo-fascism are being put back on the table by a system chewing on a crisis.7

Still, we should look further. The divisions that exist in the broad libertarian milieu are drawn for the wrong reasons. We can’t believe today that people doing the solid work we aspire to are politically divided based on the validity of today’s divisions. In too many ways we have inherited the politics of other time periods that consistently shows itself to be inadequate in our daily practice. Given our historic task of the anarchist project, and creating a politics for our time, we cannot ignore a key responsibility we have– which is to become a pole, that attracts and unifies the forces that seek libertarian revolution, and pushes struggle further, going beyond the walls and limits thrown up by reformism, authoritarians, and the weight of the system on us all. With whatever forces we have, we need to strengthen the work we do, and find a unification that brings together those working outside of organizations and those outside of our milieu behind projects that redefine politics in our time. In other words, we should look skeptically at the existing perceived political divisions, not be held to the limitations of existing projects, and we should refuse the idea that it is not possible to bring together the best of what exists today to transform the current political alignments into a better and higher quality struggle tomorrow.

It should be noted that many of these objections raised about political organization reflect fears, latent or overt, rather than positive proposals. People often are hesitant to build because of their fear that things will go sour or they will look bad. It is not that these fears and reluctances are not based on anything concrete- there are no well-paved roads in the journey of revolutionary work- rather it is that these manifest and hold back our work in a number of ways. Resistance to Occupy, “turfism”, and an unwillingness to engage and build with new militants, are examples of fears getting the better of otherwise solid and experienced militants. Yet we can’t shape our politics around our own fears, reluctance, and sideline criticisms. This is only a recipe for stasis and in the long term these tendencies act as counterweights to the anarchist project. The assumption that doing nothing is better than the potential pitfalls should be questioned. Similarly, experience in failure can make militants scared to take risks, so scared they end up missing opportunities. From a negative politics that is based around fear, waiting and seeing, and trying to tackle collective problems in isolation, we should instead be constructing a positive vision, supported by a thoughtful program of how to begin from where we stand today.

The pitfalls of localized groups and collectives

Now we move to discussing the dynamics of where most of the organized and class struggle oriented Anarchist movement, along with those with sympathetic and similar politics, are at currently. Small city-based organizations that function as collectives based out of one city or regional organizations that grow out of larger social, mass organizational, and political networks should be seen as organic and practical starting points. Navigating the dynamics of doing good work on a local level is easier and keeps the scope small enough so that it’s easy for people to see the need and feel that it is possible. From what experience shows though, there are a number of recurring problems that these types of groups pose: they are weaker and more likely to fail, they tend to reproduce local and small-group dynamics, and they fail to develop the skills necessary to intervene on a wider basis.

Local collectives tend to face enormous pressures. Relocation of people creates real problems, especially in highly mobile societies like the US. Having a tiny core as the center of organizations make normal life events that change people’s activity level (illness, family, career changes) into political problems. Replicating infrastructure and administration at a local level places a larger burden on groups, which might otherwise use the same energy in order to organize and do public work that sustains people. Small in-group dynamics, isolation, and social pressures all chip away at these formations, and they face these issues generally alone (often with the same failures repeated every few years by new individuals). This is especially true outside the activist urban centers where there is not enough left presence to tread water by swimming within the existing activist scene. In large sections of the country where little activist infrastructure exists, such groups often have to create everything from nothing, while facing the countercurrent of life under capitalism. Most often these groups fail within a few years.

Though this is true of local or regional groups, the same dynamics exist for national groups that fail to move beyond functioning at a similar level. It’s a natural response to try and perfect one’s work in a single local before tackling further issues. Typically this does not work. In part the thinking is that with will and good organization, you can overcome common problems. While part of the problem isconscious organization, these are lessons that are difficult to confront again in isolation. While organizations tends to correspond to the broader forces of struggle in the time they exist, by limiting attempts to collectivize the problems of our time we end up putting too much time into recycling administrative problems and lose out on collaborative political approaches that we might move forward and grow from; or at least better identify our limitations and weaknesses.

It is sometimes said that national organization would take away from local organizing which often stands on shaky ground. This is an understandable concern given the limited resources, time, and problems we face. Historically though, we have seen the opposite: left to our own devices there can be a steep decline of local work. In the past few decades, a number of local and regional anarchist and not explicitly anarchist organizations have been formed and dissolved in quick succession. While obvious factors might be the shaky political foundations that many groups began with coupled with lack of experience, this also follows a natural trajectory of strain from being isolated locally. Indeed most radical mass organizing projects have similar fates and trajectories. By only drawing locally, we put ourselves into a position where, as we stated previously, members moving, changing careers, having family obligations, etc., strain already limited organizations. A national organization is able to offset this both by absorbing the loss of militants to other areas, as well as building more local contacts through a visible public presence.

Further, having a national organization creates a pole to attract the sharpest militants from around the country that may otherwise be isolated or, as does happens, drift in other directions politically. Allowing developing members to benefit from, dialogue, and work with a larger pool, or in other words a wider milieu, of experienced militants and talent. Numerous times we’ve read of repeated lessons learned by disparate groups. Rather than seeing these pitfalls continue, we are heartened to believe there are perhaps, some trends towards the repetition of advances, that forces are moving closer to one another despite working in parallel.

There is no magic formula to overcoming the real issues both national and local efforts face. National level organizations present their own sets of problems, but we believe that they are better problems to struggle around, than the lower level problems that localized groups face on their own: attrition, stagnation, lack of resources, lower levels of discussion and less political coherence. A more fruitful way to look at these issues is that we ultimately can’t avoid investing in both national and local efforts. The real question though is how based on our needs today?

Organization today, organizations of the immediate past

In this segment we will first offer commentary on the current class struggle Anarchist milieu that the authors have been participants in and three other influential groups related to the milieu. The segment within anarchism, in the US, that has dedicated meaningful effort to building political organization over the last decade has been the class struggle anarchist milieu. The groups emerging out of this milieu, while certainly taking steps both forwards and backwards, have in the last decade made strides towards being rooted in and based around organizing activity. Still though, they have been largely localized or regionalized, and fallen victim to many of the issues discussed in the section on small organizations and collectives.

There are some pressures that seem most prevalent within the milieu. First, it’s difficult to solve problems of a changing world, especially in light of the crisis and new struggles in the working class, in isolation. Organizations are running in parallel trying to solve big problems with limited resources. Second, small group dynamics dominate and hold back moving forward. When organizations are centered on personal relationships, often as cliques of sorts, it’s easy for personal tensions to overwhelm the capacity of these groups. Third, there’s excessive administrative effort relative to the amount of people involved, simply by reduplicating things like web maintenance, correspondence, publications, etc. Lastly, if larger structures are not developed for political action, the skills and methods necessary for them will not develop either. Creating a national delegated structure of locals, navigating different ideas, strategies, and methods to implement work is necessary to build capacity to respond and construct alternatives to national issues. Meaningful action needs to be taken towards addressing these issues and not merely delaying them.

There are two more pressing issues that need to be taken up. Existing organization across the revolutionary left has been unable to produce solid popular and political organization, and coordinated strategic work has been limited in implementation. While in general for the anarchist milieu, the past ten years have seen moves towards social struggles as the primary front for radical activity, existing organizations have not been able to integrate and implement a coherent revolutionary approach to this work. Work centers around individuals, projects, and often driven by the winds of change without a coherent anarchist alternative being evident in practice. There is a combination of tailing business unions and NGOs, intellectual tinkering outside of struggle, highly uneven political development, and sloppy issue chasing. This again is a reflection of our time, however it is not inevitable. It is well within our reach to begin thinking and working on how the anarchist movement could have an organized and coherent expression of a movement that confronts capital, the state, and oppression through the struggles of the popular classes. We cannot change the objective situation, invent struggles, or proceed as if we have the militants we need, but we can take strive towards solutions over the long haul.

Similarly, organizations have fought to build conscious political education and to a lesser extent popular education through their mass work. On both fronts, an independent and revolutionary approach to this work has fallen short. If the lessons of the 90s and 2000s were about the central role of mass struggle rather than activism, perhaps the need for a revolutionary alternative and educational work is becoming the lesson of this moment. It is the ability to facilitate creative militants, who can think and act in real time, that is the lifeblood of movements. Perhaps it is an organization’s main task to improve the ability to work through these issues, put heads together, and strategize the best path forward.

There are three helpful reference points that, we believe, are useful to draw upon from political organizations of the immediate past within the libertarian left. The first would be the role of the publication Love and Rage by the Love and Rage Revolutionary Anarchist Federation (1993-1998), which emerged out of the protest politics of the 1990s. With a final press run reported at 9,000 their well-produced monthly publication featured a range of debate and was read and respected outside the anarchist milieu. While Love and Rage as an organization had a number of tendencies and practices that coexisted together, their publication stands out as an example of the creation of a visible pole of anarchism within the larger left. With the maturing of the North Eastern Federation of Anarchist Communists (2000-Present, now Common Struggle – Libertarian Communist Federation/ Lucha Común – Federación Comunista Libertaria), originally as a bi-national organization in the US and Canada, we saw a concrete reorientation away from the protest politics and summit hopping of the 1990s and early 2000s towards engagement with and commitment to building mass oriented social movements as opposed to activist mobilization. Finally, the organization Bring the Ruckus (2002-2012), in part founded by former members of Love and Rage that included anarchist and non-anarchist members, left a legacy (among many other ideas) of a collective strategy built around a common analysis. What this meant in practice was a set of criteria for their organizing work and regular evaluation of how their local level organizing met or fell short of their political goals. These three examples present starting points which we can build on to create new examples for the current political moment.

Towards a vision of political organization for today

The organization of today is not that of 1917, 1936, or even 2001. Our moment in history has its own needs, its own challenges, and potentials. Given the state of the left and of the working class, we can’t expect nor aim to create political organization modeled on previous upheavals. A political organization today is not the vehicle of social revolution. Struggle changes everything, including organization, and we can only try to anticipate and prepare for transformations that we cannot fully understand or control. Part of taking this into account is acknowledging that we cannot lay out the ideal picture of what a political organization should look and act like and expect all the good people to simply “get on board.” This simply won’t happen. Rather than an idealized endpoint, political organization should be seen as a process that must be built conscientiously through on the ground work, the creation of a pole of ideas, meaningful relationships, and political struggle over time.

In this article we’ve attempted to give brief comments on the current political terrain, state the case for a national political organization both on levels of practical needs and that of vision and strategy in relation to the anarchist project. We’ve also attempted to spell out our criticisms of the current state of the organized Anarchist movement that exists as local and regional based collectives. Now, drawing from our discussions above, we now hope to present our vision of political organization that speaks to the needs of here and now. Some of this may repeat previous point of other sections, but we feel the need to present the vision in full and more expanded terms here.

We need a different kind of political organization. Political organization today needs to speak to the needs of drawing out of isolation the current regional and city based groups and taking our efforts to a higher level with national organization. First and foremost is the need to create a common set of reference points, a healthy culture of discussion and debate and political development in all members so as to address the current uneven levels of development across our milieu. This should become an expectation for all incoming members as the political education and development of new militants will be the key site of growing, raising the quality of, and transforming our milieu. In sum these are the key areas for political work: developing militants and creating a healthy culture of debate, building a pole for deepening a libertarian praxis, expanding a coherent libertarian voice within struggle, and working in social struggles at the intermediate level.

The primary work of political organizing right now is developing committed militants who can act with creativity and initiative, rather than the military model of soldiers carrying out orders. The building blocks of this work begins with one on one contact and relationship building, and moves towards integrating militants into collective study and organizing efforts. Any national formation should be working to pool resources, systematize, and develop work aimed at maximizing the potential of building committed revolutionary militants rooted in struggle. Developing internal process and curricula is one part of this. Reading groups and workshops are traditional, however not enough thought has been spent looking at how people actually learn; through practice, reflection, and taking initiative in working through problems that confront them in their work. Beyond the development of the ability to do this work, larger questions confront us.

If we hope to break out of the dynamics of much of the present left where demographics and development are skewed around race, gender, class, formal education, and those from major coastal urban centers, then we need to be committed to, as members of the Furious Five Revolutionary Anarchist Collective called it, “building the new base of anarchism” which is cultivated from and draws from our base within organizing.8 A developed practice of political education will be one aspect of building a new base and two other useful concepts in our political organization tool kit should be the concept of creating concentric circles and the political home.

Taken from the tradition of the Latin American especifista anarchists, the concept of concentric circles is a recognition of differences in the role and trajectory of struggle in the activity of militants.9A concentric circle model involves organized overlapping circles grouped by levels of commitment and activity with their own respective decision making. In MAS this has been reflected by what is called the MAS compas10 circle, which involves organizing a social space for reflection on struggles, exploration of politics, and collaboration in building social struggle on a broad libertarian basis. Within MAS, there is a circle of integrating militants in the process of building common practice, understanding, and relationships with the organization. The process of integration is one of defining one’s role, but also one’s level of commitment and capacity. Members of the organization are people who have the capacity and initiative to act, understanding of the group’s political analysis and objectives, and are active in social struggles as a militant. Concentric circles gives a model where we can start at the present underdevelopment of left practice, political development and levels of commitment and over time develop and grow and deepen our relationships, ideas, and practice in tandem.

The political home is a concept drawn from Amanecer, who define it as part of making political organization “a place for discussion and creation of a vision to guide the organizing efforts of revolutionaries, and a place for reflection, development, and growth.”11 In a time in which the left is largely alienated from practice, and often reflects the social ills of isolation and broader society, the political home attempts to build a nurturing environment for experimentation and creating solutions in our communities. At this time, fostering exploration is more important than winning over people to one or another line. We need militants capable of intervening and formulating their own creative approach to their situation. The political home is a place where this growth can occur.

Beyond the relationship of the organization to the militant, a national organization needs to work towards becoming a pole of attraction for libertarian ideas within society. As we said, today a rigid, narrow framework of a tight organization does not fit our capacity or challenges. To believe that the positions we’ve inherited are comprehensively correct is naive and dangerous. Largely our task is to build a politics for our time. Yet, to do so we still need to have an orientation as libertarian revolutionaries. It is not the case that, just putting everyone in the same room will yield anything beneficial. The paralysis that occurs when people declare unity, though an artificial unity without any way to agree on how to proceed, is an unfortunately frequent occurrence of a left that both seeks unity and yet has little experience creating real lived unity.

Against this, we propose that we should build specific projects that put our energy into concrete proposals. We live in a period where experimentation is crucial, and likewise a plurality of experiments is necessary. Organizations then should be organizing around trying out their own conception and ideas. The goal of such efforts should be to provide poles of attraction to their politics, and likewise should be looking at how their experiences play out. Rather than dissolving ourselves into an amorphous mass, the pole of attraction model argues for building our politics through struggle and praxis on the political and social movement terrain, while seeking to draw in energy and individual militants through those experiences.

Realizing these goals requires exerting energy and having the means to work through our thinking, express ourselves, and enter into dialogue with others. Traditional media models, those of the left included, see media as centered around the transmission of ideas. Yet media is as much about social relationships as what we express. The work of creating media draws us into political relationships with the struggles we’re interacting with and in the process of distributing our ideas. Looking at media as a political process of social relationships, organizations should be building a libertarian voice within social struggles.

There are a number of pieces to this. First popular education (understood as a political process of praxis between revolutionaries and people in struggle, yet centered on working through the immediate experiences of those struggles by their protagonists) needs to drive our efforts of media. On top of this we do need libertarian thought and work around developing our analysis of social conditions and struggles. Libertarian thought has been become prominent, perhaps even hegemonic in some aspects, over the past two decades within the US left and many parts of the global left, though it remains a scattered, amorphous, and often incoherent in its content. Recognizing this, there is a need to take up the role of articulating relevant libertarian ideas and building it into a coherent voice throughout society. One part of this may be publications, radio and video programs, and studies. In Latin America, the Colombian based Centro de Investigación Libertaria y Educación Popular (Center for Libertarian Investigation and Popular Education or CILEP) and in Spain the Instituto de Ciencias Económicas y de la Autogestión (Institute of Economics Sciences and Self-Management or ICEA) are possible examples of how broad sections of libertarians can build spaces of collective thinking and dialogue in a non-sectarian manner. In the US the Institute for Anarchist Studies (IAS) is perhaps the closest step in that direction, though one that libertarians have unfortunately not yet taken up on a broad collective level.12

In terms of social struggles, we stand in a difficult place. There are limited elements of movements, but these experiences are largely too isolated, fragmented, and insufficient. For these reasons, today an intermediate approach to struggle is the primary method we believe militants should be utilizing. An intermediate approach involves working at the level of militants in struggle united around a practical orientation to their work (unlike the mass or political orientations who target everyone or those united by specific politics respectively). The intermediate approach seeks to build autonomous power through struggle, by those reflecting on their work, taking a libertarian methodology within, and over time creating a force capable of responding to the ups and downs that occur within struggles. Further, it is united by strategic objectives built through experiences and not merely imposed ideologically. Such an intermediate force could be able to push the potential of struggles further in situations where established power breaks down. Yet our experiences in workplaces, communities, and schools has suggested that this kind of work can also give us tools in our time that are not otherwise available. An intermediate approach gives us clear work when we cannot force mass organizations that aren’t in immediate reach, nor political organization where there are no militants.

Political organization: We build as we walk

We began this piece with questions speaking to the current political period and stating our case for both the need for a national political organization and our criticisms of the localized and small group dynamic that exists for much of the class struggle Anarchist milieu. But in a broader sense these points could in many ways apply just the same to much of the non-party radical left as well, whether they explicitly identify with anarchism, broad anti-authoritarianism or not. In the preceding section, based largely on our own experiences as well as examples by similarly minded anarchist militants in Latin America, we outlined a sketch of what we feel are the most useful tools and practices which speak to the practical needs of political militants and the broader goals of what we call the the anarchist project.

Overall our main stresses are that if we wish to work towards and become the movement we profess to believe in, then we need to think in broader terms fighting not just for today but also for the future. We cannot limit ourselves to being the proverbial frog at the bottom of the well, convinced that the sky is only as wide as the opening of the well.13 Neither can we wait till social explosions arrive on our doorstep to build the skills and infrastructure we need – it will already be too late. We hope that the criticism and points that we’ve outlined can be a starting point towards this. But importantly we want to be clear that by stating the case for national political organization it does not mean we believe that this is automatically possible or even something immediately desired. Political cohesiveness, development and praxis14 are not end goals declared that we can find ready made formulas to create, but rather processes that are built qualitatively over time. Examples that we may be able to draw from are the Especifist current within Brazilian anarchism that has spent well over a decade linking together local and regional groups and attempting to develop a coordinated praxis under the network of the Forum of Anarchist Organizations, and most recently in consolidated into the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination. While class struggle Anarchists in North America have spent already more than five years building links and exchanges, this is not to say that ten years of work is the required prerequisite either. Likely a range of experimentation, with pitfalls and disappointments along the path, and perhaps even under various organizational banners, will provide the necessary trial and error. But the journey only begins with a firm understanding of our present limitations coupled with a vision of what we are attempting to create; after this there is only one foot in front of the other.

————

The authors would like to acknowledge Shambhu Shunya for editorial contributions to this article.


1. “The Crisis Within the Left: Theory, Program, Organization” by BJ for the Party Building Commission of Freedom Road Socialist Organization / Organización Socialista del Camino para la Libertad. http://freedomroad.org/2004/12/the-cris ... ization-2/

2. “Mission Statement” by members of Amanecer: For a Popular Anarchism, a California based political organization that existed 2005-2012. The concept of the ‘political home’ is taken from the especifista tradition in Latin America and first put into use in the US by members of Amanecer at their founding conference in 2005. One of the authors was a founding member.

3. “Why Women Should Join Political Organizations” by Dolores of Miami Autonomy and Solidarity. http://miamiautonomyandsolidarity.wordp ... nizations/

4. “Interview with Felipe Ramirez of FEL-Chile” Interview by Scott Nappolas, translation by Mónica Kostas. http://www.anarkismo.net/article/24144

5That isn’t to overestimate our powers of prediction. Speculative politics typically is a lottery. With foreseeable problems however we can both practice and prepare. This is different from believe that we can anticipate or build revolution step-by-step, a model which can exacerbate conservative tendencies in politics.

6. See “Defining Practice: The Intermediate Level of Organization and Struggle” by Scott Nappalos.http://libcom.org/library/defining-prac ... n-struggle . A follow up commentary piece is “The Intermediate Level and Trajectories of Struggle” by Nate Hawthornehttp://recomposition.info/2011 ... -struggle/ . A helpful collection of documents can also available which includes “Social Anarchism and Organisation: Concentric Circles” by FARJ and “The Problems Pose by the Concrete Class Struggle and the Popular Organization” By José Antonio Gutiérrezhttp://zinelibrary.info/files/intermediate%20level%20readings.pdf .

7. The term was first coined in a December 2004 statement. Members of the Furious Five later dissolved the collective to found what became Amanecer. For more on the Furious Five see:http://machete408.wordpress.com/writings-of-the-furious-five-revolutionary-collective/

8 The term was first coined in a December 2004 statement. Members of the Furious Five later dissolved the collective to found what became Amanecer. For more on the Furious Five seehttp://machete408.wordpress.com/writ ... ollective/

9. The best overviews of the concept which should serve as starting points are “Social Anarchism and Organization: Concentric Circles” which is a translated excerpt from “Anarquismo Social e Organização” by the Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro (FARJ) http://libcom.org/library/social-anarch ... ic-circles and “How to Participate in the FARJ?” an organizational document of the FARJ translated by Jonathan of the Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front of South Africa.

10Compa is short for compañero in spanish, which has a political connotation to it beyond friend.

11. Amanecer Mission Statement http://especifista.wordpress.com/about/

12Websites with further information on each of the groups are as follows: CELIP <http://www.cilep.net>; ICEA http://iceautogestion.org ; IAS http://www.anarchist-studies.org.

13This political parable is often attributed within the left to Chinese revolutionary Mao Zedong, but the origins actually lie in 4th century BCE Daoist writings by Zhuangzi, Section 17, “Autumn Floods.” For a brief discussion see: http://www.froginawell.net/china/2005/06/site-launch/

14“Brazil: Elements for a Historical Reconstruction of Our Current” by Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (Brazilian Anarchist Coordination or CAB), translation by Jonathan P.http://www.anarkismo.net/article/24671
"If you don't stand for something, you will fall for anything."
-Malcolm X
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Apr 19, 2013 11:09 am

I believe that there will ultimately be a clash between the oppressed and those who do the oppressing. I believe that there will be a clash between those who want freedom, justice and equality for everyone and those who want to continue the system of exploitation. I believe that there will be that kind of clash but I don't think it will be based on the color of the skin.

—Malcolm X
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Re: Economic Aspects of "Love"

Postby American Dream » Fri Apr 19, 2013 4:50 pm

70 Years After the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising

By Dan Freeman-Maloy; April 11, 2013 - The Bullet, Socialist Project • E-Bulletin No. 802
http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/802.php

“The present situation of the Jews, apparently triumphant in Israel and at the apogee of their prestige in the capitalist world, is more tragic under this glory than it often was under humiliation.”

— Maxime Rodinson, 1968.[1]

This month marks 70 years since the Jewish uprising at Warsaw. By early 1943, Europe's main Jewish population centre – concentrated by Nazi decree in 1940 into a ghetto whose inhabitants soon numbered more than half a million – had in successive waves of liquidation been reduced to well under one hundred thousand (about 35,000 registered with the Nazis, but possibly double that number in total). Many had been starved to death, many gunned down, most deported in July-September 1942 for extermination at Treblinka. On the morning of April 19 1943, an SS-led force deployed against the Warsaw Ghetto with orders to complete its liquidation in an operation projected to last three days. Its captive population, finally mobilized into coordinated resistance organizations, met the SS with intense, lightly armed resistance and dealt the Nazis a series of limited defeats; several weeks of determined rebellion ensued. “At the end of June,” writes Hannah Arendt, “the underground newspapers were still reporting guerrilla skirmishes in the ghetto streets.”[2]

The Warsaw Ghetto revolt has a rightfully iconic place in the long history of under-armed popular resistance to state violence. But it is difficult to commemorate without bitterness. First, because the successes of those captive Jews who resolved to at least die with molotov cocktails in hand were won against a backdrop of such catastrophic defeat. And second, because this broader defeat continues to reverberate in the most politically degrading ways. It is, for example, a particularly bitter truth that the very political culture that sustains much contemporary Western state violence has appropriated a (twisted) politics of venerated Jewish militancy.

In today's circumstances it is impossible to discuss this mess without first emphasizing that it is, of course, most dramatically on display in Palestine. Without diminishing this in the least, this article focuses on its broader context. It first reviews the connection between wartime catastrophe in Europe and the deterioration of organized Jewish politics, and then discusses the twisted place of this history within the general politics of racism in the West.

Aspects of the Defeat

Before their mass extermination, recalls Yitzhak Laor, Europe's Jews were “never accepted as full members of the West, despite the fashionable nostalgia for these dead Jews today.”[3] Yet use of their memory as a means of dignifying contemporary Western racism has become an irony as obvious as it is harsh. The theme plays out across Western political culture, and Laor rightly notes that “the Jews or Israel are bit players in that particular drama.”[4] Bit players, though, are still players. How did a politics of Jewish militancy, of all things, get put to the service of oppressive state power?

Within organized Jewish politics, the glorification of nationalist statehood was relatively limited prior to the Nazi holocaust. The struggle against fascism has been usefully described as less a clash between states than an “international ideological civil war,” and in this war, the Jewish far right faced an uphill battle.[5] Would-be-fascists within the Jewish scene were severely weakened, among other things, by the glaring anti-Semitism of their political counterparts in other communities. Through the West, fascism made real inroads: in Britain, Mosley's Union of Fascists wasn't decisively beaten back until relatively late in the 1930s; in the United States, no less a figure than John Foster Dulles reflected an outspoken rejection of militant anti-fascism: it was only by lazy political habit that “Hitler, Mussolini and Japanese war lords in turn become the object of our suspicion,” Dulles reasoned in a 1935 article for Atlantic Monthly: “They too want peace but they undoubtedly feel within themselves potentialities which are repressed and desire to keep open avenues of change.”[6] Among Jews, fascist-friendly argumentation made for a tough sell.

A few tried. The right wing of the Zionist movement, the “Revisionists” organized around Ze'ev (Vladimir) Jabotinsky, had to work through the 1930s to shake their perceived association with fascism. The Revisionists were the only section of the Zionist movement openly advocating Jewish statehood at the time, and they became something of a centre of gravity for jingoism. When Jabotinsky visited Palestine at the beginning of the 1930s, the far right Revisionist Aba Achimeir appealed to him to assume the title “Duce” out of respect for the Italian model. Predictably, the outspoken support for European fascism expressed by Achimeir's faction quickly became a liability. In 1933, Jabotinsky sharply rebuked the faction for its embarrassing literature: “To find in Hitlerism some feature of a ‘national liberation movement’ is sheer ignorance. Moreover, and under present circumstances, all this babbling is discrediting and paralyzing my work.”[7]

For the Revisionists, some more embarrassing babble soon came from a more prominent source. In 1935, Mussolini went on record with the following advice: “For Zionism to succeed, you need to have a Jewish State with a Jewish flag and a Jewish language. The person who really understands that is your fascist, Jabotinsky.”[8] Such points of perceived association, compounded by the convergence between European anti-Semitism's drive to eject the Jews from Europe and Zionist efforts toward mass European emigration, for some time earned the Revisionists much (justifiably) sharp criticism. Indeed in 1948, to cite a particularly famous example, Albert Einstein and a number of other leading public personalities co-signed a letter to the New York Times condemning the forces under Jabotinsky's principal political heir, Menachem Begin, as the “latest manifestation of fascism.”[9]

But back to pre-war Europe. While many leftist Jews were of course not associated with “Jewish politics” as such, preferring to join general parties as individual militants, even in the Jewish nationalist camp the balance tended to favour the left. In pre-holocaust Poland, for example, which was Europe's main Jewish centre, the leading Jewish party was the General Jewish Labour Bund. In 1936, the Bund participated in elections for Poland's recognized Jewish communal structure, the Kehilla, and won a plurality of votes (Polish authorities soon disbanded the Kehilla). In city-wide legislative elections across the country in 1938, the Bund gained an absolute majority of Jewish votes and thereafter formed the principal Jewish presence in the Polish legislature.[10] Not until the 1940s was the political balance in Jewish nationalist circles truly transformed.

There are various reasons that the anti-Zionist nationalism developed by sections of the left did not survive the war as a real social force. The main one, to state the painfully obvious, was that its programs concerned the organization and future of a population that was mostly dead, and whose remnant was poorly positioned to contend with enduring hostility in countries like Poland. Perhaps inevitably, the centre of gravity within Jewish nationalist politics swung to the Zionist option.

The “Revisionist Landslide”

Fatefully, the swing to the Zionist option coincided with what Hannah Arendt described at the time as a “Revisionist landslide in the Zionist organization.”[11] Arendt was an invested observer and consistent commentator on organized Jewish politics throughout this period, herself clearly committed to a sort of Jewish nationalism, indeed to a sort of Zionism. Her wartime writing combined desperate calls for armed action against the enemy in Europe with distress at the course of organized Zionist politics: the embrace of imperial alliances (“protection by these interests supports a people as the rope supports for hanging”), the sudden unanimity of Zionist calls for a Jewish state (“the very discussion of which was still taboo during the 1930s”), the channeling of Jewish militancy toward these “chauvinist claims – not against the foes of the Jewish people but against its possible friends and present neighbors.”[12] Seven decades on one won't agree with everything she writes, but her analysis remains quite valuable.

Arendt's observations are particularly useful as a corrective to longstanding misrepresentation in the West of the rightist Labour Zionism developed by David Ben-Gurion, the predominant force in the establishment of the Israeli state. In post-war contexts where the organized left has had influence, these politics have often been packaged and sold as vaguely socialist. The standard biography written by Michael Bar Zohar, for example, was first presented to the West (initially in France) with the title Ben-Gurion: Armed Prophet (1966), a heavy-handed grab from the first installment of Isaac Deutscher's work on Trotsky, The Prophet Armed (1954). It is, however, with a fatal dose of understatement that the book offers the following disclaimer: “his socialist ideas became increasingly elastic in order to serve the nationalist movement.”[13] The implications of their “elasticity” is more bluntly described by Arendt (1944): “under the leadership of Ben-Gurion, whose Revisionist leanings were still violently denounced by Palestine labour in 1935, the Zionist Organization has adopted the Revisionist Jewish state program.”[14]

The implications for Palestinian Arabs are a matter of record. The question was obvious: If Palestine was to become a Jewish state, what about the Arab majority living there? Writing in December 1943, Arendt seemed certain about one thing: “the slogan of ‘population transfers’ (as suggested by Revisionists) . . . will never work without fascist organizations.”[15] But as the months dragged on, wartime developments threw momentum behind Ben-Gurion's leadership. And as Ben-Gurion cemented a statist base in both Palestine and the United States, Arendt was forced to admit that “the Revisionist principle, if not yet the Revisionist methods, has won a decisive victory.”[16] In 1948, the “Revisionist methods” (namely, forcible “transfer” of Palestinians from their lands) followed.

It's no doubt true, as Arendt observed, that from the very beginning “Zionist ideology, in the Herzlian version, had a definite tendency toward what was later known as Revisionist attitudes, and could escape from them only through a willful blindness to the real political issues that were at stake.”[17] But the increasing breadth of organized Jewish support for a leadership in Palestine openly espousing these attitudes was largely driven by the catastrophe in Europe. This reflected a degeneration of Jewish nationalist politics that has gained pace since.

The French (Jewish) leftist Maxime Rodinson provided some of the sharpest early commentary on “this immense mess.” Rodinson, perhaps the leading left critic of Israel in the early post-war West, was no Jewish nationalist himself; his parents had been sent to Auschwitz not as practicing Jews but as ethnically Jewish communists, and Rodinson fit a similar political mold. But while suspicious of nationalism, Rodinson emphasized that the problem here was much more fundamental. He wrote:

“In the abstract, an in-gathering of Jews having retained some ethnic or quasi-ethnic specificity into a community of a national type in the broadest sense could have conceivable – quite apart from the faithful of the Jewish religion, for whom affiliation to a religious-type formation is a right. But the Zionist option brought about this in-gathering under the worse possible conditions. Its consequences led almost inevitably to placing it in a reactionary context.”[18]

Detailed discussion of how this has played out in the decades since is for another place. But whether “inevitably” or not, the trajectory has been as reactionary as could be imagined. The results should now be visible to all, and a short sample from contemporary Israeli politics may suffice. In 2011 Ari Shavit, an editorial board member with the liberal Israeli daily Ha'aretz, wrote a series of articles expressing dismay at the Jewish Israeli political surge to the right. Shavit represents the politics of what many would call Israel's “centre left,” an element steadily losing ground to the far right. After arguing that not only the smaller fundamentalist parties but also Binyamin Netanyahu's Likud have moved much too far to the right, Shavit provides this extremely significant piece of advice: “The time has come for him to return to the values of Herzl, Jabotinsky and Begin.”[19]

In short, the Revisionists have their state. And its political centre, losing ground to the far right, looks in defense back to the liberalism of Jabotinsky (Achimeir's proposed “Duce”) and Begin (Einstein's “fascist”). It's hard to imagine a grislier outcome to last century's struggles.

Anti-Semitism and Colonial Violence

Such reactionary forces require unflinching opposition. But the indefensible narrowness of Western holocaust memorialization can't be pinned on the Jewish right. This, as Yitzhak Laor and others have carefully explored, is deployed by the liberal West on a much wider stage – as if, through focused condemnation of the Nazis, the broader racist context from which they emerged can be insulated from their stigma.

And twisted as it is, “for the majority of the West's contemporary political leaders and opinion makers,” again in Laor's words,

“this is where the Jewish genocide plays its part. The Holocaust alone can provide the definition of evil. The great advantage of this is that the Holocaust took place in the past and is now over; we can congratulate ourselves on having awoken from a nightmare. But the other evils are still lurking there.”[20]

On the anniversary of the Warsaw uprising as ever, there is good reason to single out the Nazis. In a century of much racist mass killing, their atrocities were among the worst. Aspects of their industrialized exterminism (of Roma, in particular, as well as Jews) were indeed somewhat unique. Too much is often made of the differences, but some are there. Concerning death through slave labour, and sticking with crimes involving fatality counts in the millions, perhaps it is true that the death of Congolese slave labourers under Belgian colonialism was considered means to other formal ends (theft of resources, etc.) by the culprits, whereas Nazi decision-makers often considered deaths through slave labour an end in themselves.[21] Turning to the record of the paramount post-war power, the fewer millions, but millions nonetheless, killed during the United States assault on Indochina included among them many whose bodies were burned by napalm designed to purpose by “those backroom boys at Dow.”[22] But yes, whereas even enthusiastic collaboration by those targeted for extermination by the Nazis could not spare them death, United States aerial massacres did not count wholesale elimination among their primary objectives so much as ruthlessly enforced capitulation. Regardless, the lesson of Nazi brutality surely can't be that racist state violence only merits horror when it takes the form of fully exterminist crematoria.

One would hope that the lesson would involve some sort of consistent anti-racism; that just as the development of anti-Semitism had been connected to and paralleled by colonial racism, they would be opposed together and in the same spirit. But while the anti-Nazi fight did force a backlash to some of the most explicit kinds of racist thought, the break was hardly clean. And in some quarters, it seemed enough to adjust the terms of racism: humanity rightly divides between the civilized and those against whom racism is warranted, some suggested (if not always explicitly), but Jews ought to be placed on the privileged side of the split.

Consider the words of James McDonald, the first United States ambassador to Israel. In his book recounting his diplomatic experiences (published in 1951), he provides the following, extremely revealing description of a Zionist youth gathering to which he'd been invited:

“Had I not known where I was, or heard the Hebrew words, I would have sworn that most of [the children] were of Irish, Scandinavian or Scotch stock, or at any rate of the ordinary mixture of the American Middle West. Only here and there was there a face even remotely resembling the ‘Jewish type’ of caricature. I am not an authority on the biology of races, but it was clear enough that this generation of Israel's young Jews had no distinctive ‘racial attributes.’”[23]

The implications for the majority of humanity, those with McDonald's “racial attributes,” are plain. But simply concerning Jews, it takes impressive WASP chutzpah to write such satisfied filth so soon after mass killings in which those without identifiably Jewish features had an observed advantage in escaping detection and extermination. Anyway, President Truman had earlier expressed concern that the State Department's approach to the Middle East was “anti-Semitic”: “they put the Jews in the same category as Chinamen and Negroes,” complained the President.[24] Evidently, his selected diplomatic representative didn't make the same mistake.

Unlikely Imperial Alibis

Among post-war Western liberals, a politics of dehumanization based on open talk of “the biology of races” soon went out of fashion. But its fundamental character endured. And so too did a certain liberal satisfaction with a backlash to anti-Semitism that left racism against others effectively intact.

The connection between this narrow backlash and structural racism – linking up, in turn, with Western military intervention and large-scale killing – has been most visible in the development of anti-Arab racism. The theme was apparent from early on in France. Some of the country's worst post-war atrocities were committed in its war to maintain colonial rule in Algeria, “a particularly brutal campaign” which “popularized the subsequently widespread and infamous use of torture by electric shocks applied to tongues, nipples and genitalia” (later used so widely under U.S. direction in Latin America).[25] In the effort to maintain political support for the campaign, wrote Rodinson, alliance with Israel was used not only for military purposes but also to sooth

“the liberal and Left-wing conscience. Support for a state widely accepted as socialist, support for the Jews whom Hitlerite persecution had turned into the living symbol of the minority oppressed by Fascism, all this lent the anti-Algerian faction a spurious but effective aura of militant anti-Fascism.”[26]

A similar theme took hold in the United States (and closely allied states) in the late decades of the twentieth century. In his defense of the Indochina wars, Why We Were in Vietnam (1982), Norman Podhoretz derides the place of the Nazi record in the thinking of people who recoil from state violence; among the misguided, “Vietnam did not so much reverse the legacy of Munich as it succeeded to the legacy of Auschwitz.”[27] Since, much intellectual effort has been expended in order to re-frame the “legacy of Auschwitz” itself.

Immediately after the Second World War, Allied leaders had done their best to exploit memories of Munich. The primary lesson of the war, they insisted, was that Western states and public opinion must always be ready for war, that to back down in the face of any foreign adversary is “appeasement.” In more recent decades, as the U.S.-led drive to dominate the Middle East has come to define international politics, the smearing of Third World enemies as “anti-Semites” has picked up on this theme. Responsible anti-racism, we learn, expresses itself not through popular resistance but through Allied air strikes, troop deployments and proxy war.

Conclusion

There is every reason to remember and honour self-organized resistance to the Nazis, even seven decades on. It is perhaps reasonable to feel some unease that, in a culture still so pervaded by racism and the whitewashing of state crimes, Hollywood audiences wishing to do so need look no further than the James Bond of our decade (literally; in the 2008 blockbuster Defiance, we see none other than Daniel Craig leading one of the better known Jewish partisan groups).[28] Blockbuster dramatization of battles at Dien Bien Phu or Fallujah is rather less likely – though in fairness, Danny Glover is working on Haiti (but “where are the white heroes?,” Glover quotes reluctant funders as saying as they turned him down). Regardless, any celebration of militant resistance to state violence expresses important and healthy sentiments.

Its abuse in the service of power, on the other hand, deserves the sharpest hostility and contempt. This past weekend, like clockwork, Netanyahu took a break from orchestrating ongoing war crimes against Palestinians to exploit the “legacy of Auschwitz” from the Yad Vashem Holocaust memorial museum (Sunday April 7). Speaking from the museum's Warsaw Ghetto Square, he repeated the familiar diplomatic theme: “The murderous hatred against the Jews has not passed from the world, but it simply was replaced by murderous hatred against the Jewish state.” In remarks at Auschwitz the same day, Israel Defense Forces (IDF) chief of staff Benny Gantz hammered away at the same theme: “The State of Israel is the assurance that such an atrocity doesn't repeat itself, and the IDF is the shield that protects the national home, a safe haven for the entire Jewish people.”[29]

From both diplomatic sources and much Israeli and Western scholarship, demands for such flag-waving memorialization abound. Any criticism of Israel risks defamation in line with the above theme, and fully principled criticism almost guarantees it. As Joseph Massad has written, “Palestinian history, to the extent that it forced itself on Zionism,” is presented “as a continuation of European anti-Semitism.”[30] And the same goes for any opposition to erasure of this history. In particular, responsible intellectuals tell us that to consistently oppose the program of “population transfer” – maybe the most reactionary answer to inter-community relations short of physical annihilation – is effectively racist. It took population transfer for Israel to achieve a Jewish majority, and a Jewish majority state is the only just answer to Nazi crimes; thus the indigenous Palestinian presence was, and is, an anti-Semitic threat by virtue of its very existence.

On this anniversary of the Warsaw uprising, the anti-fascist resistance of decades gone by deserves to be honored. But the Israeli leadership, and those who fail to oppose them, have forfeited their place in decent commemorations. The question of what tactical alliances may be appropriate to isolate and defeat the enduring (if relatively marginal) threat of anti-Semitic white supremacy deserves careful consideration.[31] But in the final count, the lessons of this history need to translate into an unflinching and much broader anti-racism.

Today this will bring leftists into open conflict with those invoking a hollowed politics of resistance in the name of state policy. This is tragic but unavoidable. Where this immense mess causes unnecessary hesitation on important questions of principle, it only adds further insult to injury.



Dan Freeman-Maloy is an activist and writer based between Britain, Canada and Quebec. He hosts a writings site at http://www.notesonhypocrisy.com.
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