Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska

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Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska

Postby seemslikeadream » Thu Feb 07, 2019 6:27 am

Deripaska

Posted on February 6, 2019 by Zev Shalev and Tracie McElroy
After an in-depth investigation into the players on the Russian side of the Trump-Russia scandal, a key figure emerged who is at the center of the of the entire operation. But, is he Vladimir Putin’s secret agent, the mastermind of the conspiracy, or a confidential source?

Showdown at Pikalevo

The 2009 global liquidity crisis ground Russian manufacturing to a near-halt. In Pikalevo, Russia, workers at the local aluminum refinery had gone unpaid for weeks. Oleg Deripaska, the plant’s 41-year-old owner, was inside and expecting word of a guest. Just months earlier, the oligarch had been named Russia’s richest man by Forbes – worth $28 Billion. Now he was facing financial ruin and a visit from the (then) Prime Minister Vladimir Putin.

Putin strode into town, media in tow, and into a meeting with the owners. He accused them of “ambition, incompetence and pure greed,” in a dramatic dressing down that was later broadcast on national TV.

“These are real people, and if you can’t [reopen the factory], we’ll do it without you,” he continued.

Putin then passed around contracts which committed the owners to pay the late salaries from their own pockets. That’s when he noticed a hold-out.

“Deripaska, have you signed?” The then 56-year-old Prime Minister stared at the oligarch.

Deripaska must have known that his boss was in no mood for negotiation. Despite the pretense of private ownership, Russia remains an oligarchy. Deripaska may be the aluminum king but like all the owners of Russia’s biggest companies, Putin exerts ultimate control over him.

Deripaska made his way to where Putin was seated at the front of the room, leaned his 6-foot frame over the table and signed using Putin’s pen, only to be further humiliated when Putin asked for his pen back.

The showdown in Pikalevo makes clear how Deripaska has survived as Putin’s closest oligarch for over two decades. His is a loyalty forged out of expediency.

Deripaska should have gone broke over this crisis, but Putin was there to facilitate a $50 Billion loan from the state bank, Vneshtorgbank (VTB). Putin uses access to money and loans from VTB as a way to control his oligarchs.



Contract negotiations, Kremlin-style

Putin’s secret agent

Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska has until recently run Russia’s global aluminum company ‘Rusal’ and the investment company ‘Basic Element.’ At 51 years old, he is still spectacularly wealthy (worth $3.5 Billion), Jewish and the father of two children. The oligarch is divorced and is dogged by rumours of a wild sex life. While his marriage didn’t fare so well, his loyalty to Putin seems unshakeable.

Deripaska is known as “Putin’s oligarch” and is often sent on state missions which exist outside the bounds of traditional diplomacy or legality – often on one of his private yachts or planes in order to ensure secrecy. “I don’t separate myself from the state,” he told the Financial Times in 2007.

The next year in 2008, Deripaska and his best friend, Nat Rothschild, were spotted on the deck of his yacht with British business secretary Lord Mandelson and shadow chancellor George Osbourne. The resulting scandal in the UK newspapers was huge and went on for years. What emerged was a pattern of buying influence through luxury vacations, which Deripaska continues until today.

The Russian magnate has a knack of turning politicians into puppets. Buying political influence abroad helps the oligarch in two ways. It gives him leverage against other oligarchs and Putin domestically, but it is mostly self-serving. In one 2012 trip with Rothschild and Lord Mandelson, Deripaska clinched a $500 million deal with Alcoa, America’s largest aluminum manufacturer.

It’s hard to tell where business ends and organized crime begins in Russia. They are one and the same thing, allowing the elite to get away with almost anything. Deripaska denies he has ties to organized crime but authorities have investigated him for money-laundering, murder, illegal wiretapping, bribery, extortion and racketeering. When the U.S. banned him from entering the country, Putin gave him a diplomatic passport to get around the travel ban. he has spent millions and lobbied the U.S. government for years to reverse the ban.

Deripaska, his companies or direct associates have been linked to intelligence operations which allegedly disrupted elections in at least four of Russia’s neighbouring states. In December, Russian intelligence agent Alekseyevich Boyarkin was linked to Deripaska in a plot to interfere in Montenegro’s 2016 election.

The oligarch is not a spy, nor does he work for Russia’s military intelligence, yet somehow wherever he goes, spies seem to follow. That could mean one of two things: He plays a role in state-run military intelligence operations or the GRU is freelancing for him. One exiled oil oligarch says both are possible if you think of the Kremlin as being run by mobsters. “The criminal gang in the Kremlin can sometimes call on the services of the GRU,” Mikhail Khodorkovsky told the BBC.

Either way, Deripaska’s involvement with the GRU and its political interference arm may have gained him inside knowledge of the operation to hack the DNC in 2016. The very crime for which Special Counsel Robert Mueller indicted 12 GRU officers last July.

Deripaska’s proximity to power and his ties to military intelligence has also made him an attractive prospect for U.S. intelligence recruiting for over a decade.

Oleg Deripaska has emerged as the central figure in 'Trump-Russia' but is he Vladimir Putin's secret agent, the mastermind or a confidential source?

Image

Flipping Oleg

In 2014, The Justice Department began a documented two-year effort to recruit Deripaska as an informant as part of “Operation Outreach”. Intriguingly, it was former MI-6 spy Christopher Steele – the famous author of the dossier that bears his name – who approached DOJ to suggest potentially flipping Deripaska.

It wasn’t the first time Deripaska worked with the FBI. In 2009, the FBI enlisted the oligarch for an attempted rescue of Bob Levinson, the American held hostage in Iran. The mission didn’t succeed but Deripaska got enough information out of the Iranians to get what he wanted out of the deal: A legal U.S. visa.

The recent effort to flip Deripaska began in earnest in September 2015. The Justice Department’s Bruce Ohr met Deripaska to ask about Putin’s ties to organized crime. Deripaska reportedly rebuffed the advance but by the beginning of 2016, the oligarch’s rehabilitation was underway.

We know this because the FBI helped Deripaska get another U.S. visa in February 2016. The oligarch was “encouraged” by the “softening of the agency’s stance,” according to emails released by Republican lawmakers. “We reckon that the forthcoming OVD contact represents a good opportunity for the USG,” Steele texted Ohr. Deripaska’s initials are OVD.

Keep in mind, this was all happening at the same time Christopher Steele was writing his dossier. As it turns out, Steele had worked for Deripaska in 2012. While it’s unclear if the two men were in direct contact, Deripaska was sending Steele messages through his U.S. lobbyist, Adam Waldman. Was Steele working for Deripaska? No one can say for sure but FBI Director Christopher Wray refused to discuss it in an unclassified setting when Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) asked him at a Senate Intelligence Committee hearing in February last year.

Later in February 2016, Deripaska was the subject of a U.S. inter-agency meeting. Prior to the meeting, Steele shared sensitive documents which showed Putin was exerting pressure on the oligarchs and that “Deripaska was not a tool,” according to Steele.

Contacts between Steele, Deripaska, Waldman and Ohr, continued almost all the way up to the election. The last contact was in September 2016, when Ohr and Steele showed up unannounced at Deripaska’s New York apartment.

“We think Russia is colluding with the Trump campaign, and we think Manafort is the key guy,” a knowledgeable source told David Ignatius of the Washington Post.

According to the source, Deripaska responded: “I hate Manafort, and I’m suing him.”

That may have been true but it was also an artful dodge because we now know Deripaska was receiving regular updates from Manafort throughout 2016. It’s equally noteworthy Deripaska was in New York in September 2016, two months before the election, under a mile away from Donald Trump, his kids, Michael Cohen and Felix Sater on a visa provided to him because of the efforts of the FBI.

Oleg Deripaska has emerged as the central figure in 'Trump-Russia' but is he Vladimir Putin's secret agent, the mastermind or a confidential source?
Paul Manafort prepares to go on live TV as Donald Trump’s campaign chairman.

Image

In Trump, Manafort saw a way out

Deripaska met Paul Manafort through Rothschild. The two billionaires hired Manafort in 2004 to help suppress a popular uprising in Ukraine. Deripaska teamed up his new American operative with Konstantin Kilimnik, a former Soviet soldier with ties to the GRU. The two men worked side-by-side for the next 11 years in Ukraine, Georgia, Kryzghstan and the U.S., always with a pro-Putin agenda.

Manafort inked a lucrative a $10 million a year contract with the oligarch in 2005 to “influence politics, business dealings and news coverage to benefit President Vladimir Putin’s government.” That work allegedly continued through 2009. Deripaska’s spokespeople deny all these contacts and allegations.

Manafort’s directive was to get a president elected who would be more inclined to keep Ukraine out of NATO. Along with Kilimnik, Manafort’s American deputy Rick Gates and pollster Tony Fabrizio, Manafort remade the image of pro-Putin Victor Yanukovich and helped engineer his election as President in 2010. Manafort and Kilimnik stayed on as Yanukovich’s advisers until he was ejected from power in 2014 by the Maidan revolution.

Barely two years later, this same cast of political tricksters would turn their attention to the US elections, and what would soon become the single biggest scandal of all time.

After the revolution, Manafort faced an uncertain future. His work in Ukraine had rendered him unemployable, and his finances were in bad shape as the result of a court fight with Deripaska over a failed investment scheme worth $16 million.

By 2015, Manafort was down and out. His wife had discovered he was cheating. He was broke and ended up in a rehab facility in Arizona. It may have been the desert air or group therapy, but Manafort left that rehab center with a clear focus: Donald Trump.

Manafort had known Trump for decades and owned an apartment in Trump Tower, yet the prevailing narrative is that he needed his friend Thomas Barack to get him in contact with the Republican candidate. Barack came through and Trump hired Manafort, for no pay.

Image

Oleg Deripaska has emerged as the central figure in 'Trump-Russia' but is he Vladimir Putin's secret agent, the mastermind or a confidential source?
A rare photo of Konstantin Kilimnik (far left) and Paul Manafort (table center) from Ukraine in 2006

From the start, Deripaska was tracking Manafort

Manafort had barely been on the job at the Trump campaign for two weeks when he got word to his old patron Deripaska via Konstantin Kilimnik.

“I assume you have shown our friends my media coverage, right?” Manafort asked Kilimnik.

“Absolutely,” Kilimnik replied. “Every article.”

“How do we use to get whole,” Manafort asked. “Has OVD operation seen?

“Frankly the coverage has been much better than Trump’s,” Kilimnik quipped. “In any case, it will hugely enhance your reputation no matter what happens.”

Throughout those early days, Manafort kept Deripaska abreast of what was going on via Kilimnik. At one point Manafort shared internal campaign research with the oligarch via Kilimnik and at another time offered Deripaska regular briefings on the campaign.

In an interview with Radio Free Europe, Kilimnik confirmed Trump was a regular topic of their email correspondence. “We discussed a lot of issues, from Putin to women,” Kilimnik told Radio Free Europe. “Of course we discussed Trump and everything,” he said.

Kilimnik fled Kyiv as soon as he was indicted on Obstruction of Justice charges for attempting to convince witnesses to back Manafort’s cover-up story. He now lives in a gated community north of Moscow, out of the reach of the Special Counsel.

Deripaska’s involvement in Trump-Russia is no longer just conjecture. His history with Manafort, Kilimnik and Rick Gates, combined with emails and other evidence directly implicating him, along with his history of running destabilizing influence campaigns, reveals he was not only connected to the GRU at the time the DNC was hacked, but he was also tracking every move Manafort made as Trump’s campaign chair. And now we also know he was tapped into Julian Assange as well.


Wikileaks founder Julian Assange was visited 12 times by Deripaska associates.

Image Image
Deripaska’ s lawyer Adam Waldman (lawyer) with the oligarch (right).

Finding Julian

Deripaska’s associates visited Julian Assange of WikiLeaks at least twelve times between 2013 and 2017. Paul Manafort alone visited Assange three times in the Ecuadorian Embassy. The last visit came in March 2016, while he was working for Donald Trump and a month before the GRU successfully hacked into the DNC servers. Manafort also attempted to secure Assange’s release on a visit to Ecuador.

The other Deripaska associate to visit Assange was the oligarch’s American lobbyist Adam Waldman, who visited Assange nine times in 2017. One of those visits came just days after Waldman was spotted with Deripaska at the oligarch’s hotel Aurelio in Lech, Austria. Video of Waldman and his wife at a bar with Deripaska was shot by Deripaska’s former mistress who until recently was imprisoned in a Thai jail.

Waldman claims Assange is a client and that at the time, he was attempting to negotiate the WikiLeaks founder’s a possible release with the DOJ. Waldman – like many D.C. lobbyists – is the very definition of ‘conflict of interest’ in a town where everyone is conflicted, but having Deripaska, Assange and Manafort as clients at the same time is a feat few would attempt.

Even if Waldman is solely acting for Assange, it’s suspicious that his outreach to the WikiLeaks founder, only began after Manafort’s had ended. Mysteriously, both men tried to secure Assange’s release. Why was Deripaska so invested in this relationship? Is it because Deripaska is worried an Assange indictment could possibly implicate him? It does appear Assange has been indicted under seal.

Mastermind, secret agent or confidential source?

No matter how you look at it, Oleg Deripaska is the central figure connecting all aspects of the main crime of Trump-Russia. The oligarch is the only known person with access to the three identified nodes of the WikiLeaks operation: the GRU, Manafort’s campaign tenure and Julian Assange, at the time of the crime.

Was Deripaska a source for Christopher Steele’s dossier? We don’t know the answer, but there can be no doubt about his loyalty to Putin.

Lat month Deripaska used a million-dollar lobbying effort to convince U.S. senators to exclude his companies from sanctions. While he placed some of his Rusal shares in trust with VTB, the moves were mostly viewed as window-dressing as he still indirectly controls the majority of shares, only without the pressure of sanction bearing down on the company’s bottom line.

Deripaska remains unindicted.
https://narativ.org/2019/02/06/deripaska/
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Re: Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska

Postby seemslikeadream » Thu Feb 07, 2019 12:56 pm

seemslikeadream » Wed May 02, 2018 4:25 pm wrote:
Manafort’s Russia connection: What you need to know about Oleg Deripaska
https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wor ... 8c283ce804


Crime bosses vs Deripaska

13:25 / 21.04.2018

It is rumored that the notorious Tambov crime community was involved in the loss of Oleg Deripaska's company Photo: The CrimeRussia
One of the largest billionaires in Russia – Oleg Deripaska leaves the project on improving the notorious St. Petersburg’s Cherkizon – Apraksin Yard. For 10 years, the oligarch’s enterprises have failed to embark upon a moonshot reorganization of tangled labyrinths of merchants’ rows. At the same time the criminal groups celebrate a holiday today, they believe they have managed to save the center of the shadow business and black cash. Some say that the kingpins of Tambovskaya gang have something to do with the victory.

A bad place

We have already mentioned that the project of Oleg Deripaska was the fourth crusade of the St. Petersburg authorities against the market. Everyone was waiting for Aprashka (short for Apraksin Yard) to close down soon and the crime plague in the city center to finally heal over. As it is known, no improved shopping centers, drowning in flowers, and no air glass roof (promised) appeared here in 10 years. One of the versions says that the billionaire’s enterprises stumbled over several landmarks protected by the state. Their demolition was discussed as far back as 2007, when Governor Valentina Matvienko decided to upgrade the entire Aprashka at one go. It was then that the competition for reconstruction was won by Glavstroy, belonging to Oleg Deripaska. That was also when Head of Committee on State Control, Use and Protection of Historical and Cultural Landmarks (KGIOP), Vera Dementyeva stated that the project implied the demolition of several protected buildings, which was impossible.

The Apraksin Yard market aka Aprashka
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Later, the fight against the oligarch was enjoyed by the owners of some buildings, who with the money of ethnic criminal bosses quite successfully defended their interests in courts. After all, while the behemoth of oligarchic cherished desires was unfolding, crime figures managed to become legal owners of some historical buildings, as it is said, through very intricate schemes.

Our
notes

The Arbitration Court granted the claim of the Property Relations Committee against Glavstroy-Spb LLC. Earlier, Smolny planned to collect 1.6 million rubles ($26 thousand) from the company as a fine, and to evict the company from 12 buildings in Apraksin Yard, preliminarily terminating the investment agreement the parties concluded on July 14, 2011. Glavstroy-Spb LLC has already filed an appeal, but the investor’s chances to successfully pass through the second instance are very low. Earlier the company intended to invest about 40 billion rubles ($651 million) in the reconstruction of Apraksin Yard. However, for ten years the company has not commenced to work.


The CrimeRussia was able to find out that on this occasion Aprashka even held there local holidays. The criminal structures that settled there deem that their direct merit is that the oligarch failed to do anything at this place. The Afghan diaspora had quite a considerable impact as well, sources say. At the very outset of Smolny's war for trading rows without brothels and drugs, Afghan expats stated that they would not go into crime, but if they are forced out, they "will show their fighting capacity." As there are former ministers, generals and colonels behind the counters, who in turn enjoy the support of the equally influential Afghan warriors. At one time they even agreed to a market allocated particularly for them. But judging by the fact that everything remained in its original place - in Aprashka, the options proposed were far and illiquid. Therefore, they will continue to trade and cut rams on Eid al-Adha here.

The Apraksin Yard market aka Aprashka
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The East resists

Today Apraksin Yard is the most multi-ethnic representation of various Eastern peoples. A couple of years ago, Azerbaijanis took a lead here numbers-wise, then it was Armenians and Afghans. The Uzbeks, Chinese and Moldovans also lived, traded and died here. The Dagestanis and Georgians had quite small local groups. Today, this multi-voiced trade-and-smuggling choir was joined by crowds of the Tajiks and Kyrgyz. But they are used only for auxiliary works. The most respected veterans here are the above-mentioned Afghans.

The ethnic specifics of Aprashka were determined by wars. Refugees from Afghanistan, Transnistria and Karabakh, unable to do anything other than war and trade, began to trade here. By the beginning of the 90's, local carnages took place according to the schedule just like lunch. However the spirit of an eastern bazaar won, the shopping areas were bought out and even an underground syndicate of the heads of ethnic groups was organized. Today this is a strict logistics system. Essentially, Apraksin Yard is a united organism of delivery, storage of goods and quick passing of black cash. Twenty-five-ton wagons daily come here in columns from ports. Nobody dares to hijack these caravans. After all, the syndicate pays for everything jointly and has lived this way for 25 years already.

Our
notes

The annual turnover of Apraksin Yard is equal to the turnover of the busiest border checkpoint between China and Russia, Suifenhe, and is estimated at $4.5 billion. The volume of monthly trafficking here is 1 billion rubles ($16.2 million).


Given such money, the criminal bosses had something to oppose to the desire of the oligarch to build a shopping complex here and earn money himself on the advantageously situated market. As we have already mentioned, the crime here has gained such a firm foothold that the authorities come here only accompanied by Special Task Police Squad. In addition, for example, in 2006, when Apraksin Yard’s reconstruction project was just born, it was not included in the list of security zones and the streets here were not equipped with CCTV cameras and alarm buttons. That would be a pointless step and a waste of public money. Moreover, back then Apashka’s permanent police station was even closed. It is difficult to say now who lobbied such an unusual decision, but it is easy to guess. The criminal enclave of the city, replete with underground gambling houses, clothing manufacture, factories for counterfeit, drug dens and brothels - is a powerful structure that now can afford both hefty bribes and the most expensive lawyers.

Needless to say, since 2011 Smolny has not managed to evict tenants from here. The latter sued him desperately and numerously, and won. Now even the oligarch has lost the fight. Rumor has it that the notorious Tambovskaya crime community had something to do with this failure.

Kumarin’s come-back

Before Glavstroy-Spb lost arbitration proceedings the city started to hear rumors about Tambovskaya’s desire to regain lost ground in the city, including control over Apraksin Yard. Since once this object was also included in the sphere of their interests. If we make a retrospective journey into history, it will transpire that in the late 80's - early 90's, commercial center Piter was the only company that received contracts for organizing the largest markets of the city - Apraksin Yard, Sennaya Square, Sennoy market. This company was controlled by Tambovskaya OCC. It was due to the redistribution of spheres of influence at these large objects of trade that the well-known fight occurred in Devyatkino between Malyshevskaya and Tambovskaya crime groups, which resulted in the Leningrad prosecutor's office opening criminal case No. 47759 under Art. 103 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR (Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic). According to sources, Piter concern, now included in the list of owners of buildings located in Apraksin Yard, is related to the ‘respected’ businessmen.

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One of Tambovskaya-Malyshevskaya OCC members Aleksandr Malyshev

Our
notes

The territory of Apraksin Yard is divided into quarters. There is Chinatown, as well as Georgian and Azerbaijani quarters – according to the name of the regions from which goods are brought. According to Rosreestr, almost the whole land on the market and under the buildings is owned by the city. In the cadastral map it is marked as a single site with address – Sadovaya St., 28-30, building 24, which covers the area of 5 hectares, with an estimated value of over 1 billion rubles ($16.2 million).


As already known, Tambovskaya OCC was not very successful with authoritative cases concerning real estate and money laundering abroad. By now many of them have returned to their native shores from Spain. This return was very timely, since sanctions now complicate the life of literally everyone. This means that finances are necessary to be invested somewhere, so that this generates revenue ‘again’. That is why, business circles are speaking about the fact that Tambovskaya gang undoubtedly ‘helped’ the enterprises of Deripaska to leave Apraksin Yard.

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Vladimir Barsukov-Kumarin

Word also has it that this is due to the possible release of Vladimir Barsukov-Kumarin. Although there is little prospect of this, some believe that there is such a chance. It is what is happening in the Kuybyshevskiy District Court that gives hope to the sympathetic. For a month and a half the trial in the case of Barsukov-Kumarin has not made any progress. The prosecution feels like a fish out of water - they have to look for the victims in the hope that someone will testify against the ‘respected’ businessman. But witnesses disappear, lose summons. At the last hearing, a representative of one affected company is said to have vanished into thin air. Right in the corridor. Thus, everything is leading to the point when the case falls apart. It is possible that it is thanks to this that Tambovskaya’s entrepreneurs will be able to regain potency in St. Petersburg, gaining a foothold in the once occupied positions. After all, the contender for the title of ‘governor 24’ (Dmitry Mikhalchenko) was arrested even more spectacularly. Hence, Vladimir Kumarin has every chance to regain all that he has previously lost. Including the title.
https://en.crimerussia.com/organizedcri ... deripaska/
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Re: Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska

Postby seemslikeadream » Thu Feb 07, 2019 12:58 pm

seemslikeadream » Tue Apr 10, 2018 12:12 pm wrote:Whistleblower Christopher Wylie is working to testify to Mueller's investigation and to Congress.



Carole Cadwalladr

Wow. Some interesting details in this. Yes, Cambridge Analytica may have your private messages. And, yes, this is definitely a problem for Britain (& everywhere else too).

Peter Jukes

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Thanks @facebook - looks like my 'likes' (a profound indication of psychometric disposition) was harvested by #CambridgeAnalytica and presumably shared with #Brexit campaigns and (according to SCL boast) other shady UK elections.

To find out more search
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https://twitter.com/peterjukes/status/9 ... 8826295296



Mexico data protection body to investigate possible links to Cambridge Analytica

MEXICO CITY (Reuters) - Mexico’s data protection body said on Monday it had opened an investigation into whether companies possibly linked to political consultancy Cambridge Analytica broke the country’s data protection laws.

INAI, the transparency and data protection regulator, said it was looking at Mexican companies that worked with cellphone app Pig.gi, which gives users free top-ups in exchange for receiving ads and completing surveys.

The app cut ties with Cambridge Analytica in Mexico after the British company was accused by a whistleblower of improperly accessing data to target U.S. and British voters in recent elections.

Pig.gi, which has 1 million downloads in Mexico and Colombia combined, said it had shared results of two election polls of Mexican users with the consultancy and other partners.

Cambridge Analytica has denied Facebook data was used to help to build profiles on American voters and build support for Donald Trump in the 2016 U.S. presidential election.

Reporting by Christine Murray and Lizbeth Diaz; Editing by Michael Perry
https://www.reuters.com/article/us-mexi ... SKBN1HH0BV



Cambridge Analytica boss Alexander Nix dined with two of Rodrigo Duterte’s campaign advisers in 2015
Nix and his companies have come under fire for using data harvested from Facebook, which recently revealed that some 1.2 million Filipinos on Facebook were affected by the data breach
PUBLISHED : Sunday, 08 April, 2018, 9:00pm




Raissa Robles


Could Cambridge Analytica boss be probed for Philippine meddling?
8 Apr 2018

When Alexander Nix, the recently suspended boss of Cambridge Analytica, went to Manila in May 2015, he did more than deliver a talk on his new method of managing elections.

Nix dined with Jose Gabriel “Pompee” La Viña and Peter Tiu Laviña, cousins who later played key roles in Rodrigo Duterte’s presidential campaign, notable for its use of social media. At the time, Nix identified himself as a board director of Cambridge Analytica’s parent company, Strategic Communications Laboratories (SCL).
Peter snapped photographs of Nix’s talk at the National Press Club (NPC) in Manila and his meal at the club’s dining room, and posted them on his Facebook page. Also present on that occasion were NPC president Joel Sy Egco – now Undersecretary at the Presidential Communications Operations Office or PCOO – and Taipan Millan, a lawyer and family friend of Duterte.
Six months after that meal with Nix, both cousins were among those who convinced Duterte to run for president. Duterte appointed “Pompee” La Viña as his social media director – a first in Philippine election history – and Peter Laviña as his campaign spokesman.
Sources who worked on the campaigns of Duterte’s two rival candidates told the South China Morning Post they had never met nor heard of Nix or SCL.


The source who worked on the presidential campaign of Senator Grace Poe said he was not aware of any contact from Nix or SCL. The source, who spoke on condition of anonymity for lack of authority to comment, added: “We used our own social media strategy.”
Ibarra Gutierrez, the spokesman for Mar Roxas, the ruling party contender, said the same.
How Cambridge Analytica’s parent company helped ‘man of action’ Rodrigo Duterte win the 2016 Philippines election

“[The campaign had] no organised effort to the extent others were utilising social media,” he said. “The focus of the campaign was traditional organising of local political allies at the grass roots level.”
He laughed off recent accusations from Duterte supporters that it was Roxas and not Duterte who was the unidentified client of SCL in the Philippines. SCL had previously posted on its website it had managed elections for a male politician in the Philippines, who it recommended be rebranded into a tough crimebuster. This post has since been removed but archived copies remain.
I’m not sure who [Alexander Nix] is. I attended one forum at the NPC where a foreigner was resource speaker. Can’t recall if it was this guy you are mentioningPETER TIU LAVIÑA
Gutierrez said they had neglected to use social media because “we simply underestimated its impact on the elections”. He explained they based their strategy on a survey that indicated Filipinos got 70 per cent of their news from television.
Duterte won the election, although without a majority of votes. Roxas was a distant second, closely followed by Poe.
Basking in post-election glory, Pompee La Viña credited “Duterte social media warriors” for the win. He could not be reached for comment for this story.
However, his cousin, Peter, denied – via Facebook Messenger – the Duterte camp had contracted Nix or SCL for the election.

“We never had any foreign help during the campaign,” Peter Tiu Laviña said.
Asked how many times he met Nix, he replied: “I’m not sure who he is. I attended one forum at the NPC where a foreigner was resource speaker. Can’t recall if it was this guy you are mentioning.”
He did not reply whether this was the only time he had met this foreigner.
The “intervention” of foreigners and foreign entities in Philippine elections is a criminal offence. But to be punishable, such meddling has to occur during the campaign period, according the Commission on Elections (Comelec) regulations.

Christian Monsod, a former Comelec chairman, said the Post’s reporting of the activities of Nix and SCL in Manila provided “sufficient grounds” for a preliminary investigation. Such an investigation could consider “the accountability of any candidate or political party as principal, accomplice or accessory to the crime”.
Nix and his companies have come under fire for using data harvested from Facebook, which recently revealed that some 1.2 million Filipinos on Facebook were affected by the data breach.
http://www.scmp.com/news/asia/southeast ... wo-rodrigo



Polly Sigh


A month after Russian oligarch Deripaska was offered “private briefings” by his stooge, then-Trump campaign mgr Paul Manafort, he secretly met w/Russian deputy PM Prikhodko to "solve the issue w/America" [and party w/prostitutes, obv].
via @navalny #Maddow http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2018/02 ... g_share_tw




"We had our doubts at first when the US media claimed that Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska tried to rig the US elections. But after this investigation, everything falls into place." -@navalny
Video with English subtitles

Paul Manafort offers Oleg Deripaska private briefing. Deripaska goes on three-day sailing holiday off Norway with Russian dep PM Prikhodko, briefs him on "US issue" - fascinating investigation by @Navalny, also featuring call-girl https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RQZr2Ng ... e=youtu.be … [Russian] #Trump

One of the call-girl's 2016 videos shows Deripaska [Manafort money-man] talking to her about relations w/America, RU deputy PM Prihodko & "Prihodko's friend," then-US State Dept official Victoria Nuland, who's phone was hacked by Russia in 2014.
#Maddow http://politi.co/2BXB1En




Deripaska: We've got bad relations w/ America bc of the "friend" of Sergey Prihodko [Russia's Dep PM], Nuland.
FYI: When then-asst Sec of State Victoria Nuland met Prikhodko, he scornfully called her "girlfriend." They're not friends.
HT


Prikhodko has been deputy PM since Yeltsin. Recall: Yeltsin stepped down so he & cronies might escape corruption charges [they were part of Russian mafia boss Mogilevich's Bank of NY laundering scheme] & hand-picked Putin as successor to that end.


Deripaska's father in law, Yumashev, was Yeltsin's CoS & is married Yeltsin's daughter. Yumashev & Deripaska BFF Abramovich are part of the small group of Yeltsin oligarchs who put Putin in power. Putin ousted them all to avoid appearance of corruption. Prikhodko is their proxy.


One of Putin's first moves was to pardon Yeltsin, giving him "immunity from criminal or administrative investigations." He also cut a deal w/Yeltsin oligarchs: he'd stay of their business if they stayed out of politics. Prikhodko -> oligarch proxy.


8. Putin was a mid-level KGB agent until mastermind Voloshin made him president & Yeltsin's inner circle filthy rich.


ICYMI: Thread connecting Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska →Russin mafia boss Semyon Mogilevich & his top leutinient Birshtein [father in-law of Trump business partners Schnaider] and to Manafort, plus a dash of Dmitry Firtash.
wash, rinse, repeat

^ So we have:

Deripaska → Birshtein & Mogilevich → Schnaider → Trump → Manafort…


Russian oligarch Deripaska: “I warn the media against dissemination of these mendacious accusations [which @navalny backed up by pics & audio]. I will severely suppress any attempts...defend my honor & dignity in court-"
@washingtonpost: *Yawn*
#Maddow http://wapo.st/2BjsmQ6?tid=ss_tw&utm_term=.fd4d5b59ece9



Russia threatens to block access to YouTube & Instagram if they don't remove @navalny's video & a call girl's pics that show a Sr Kremlin official sailing on a yacht w/ oligarch Deripaska, who has links to former Trump campaign manager Manafort.


Russian oligarch & Manafort/Gates patron Oleg Deripaska to step down as president of EN+ energy company & aluminium producer Rusal. via @ASLuhn
ICYMI: Rick Gates cut a plea deal with Mueller & will testify against his longtime boss, Paul Manafort.
#Maddow http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2018/02 ... g_share_tw



Nastya Rybka & Alex Leslie, who can potentially prove Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska bribed RU Deputy PM Prikhodko & of their involvement in 2016 US Election interference [@navalny video], have been jailed in Thailand. via @zenxv
HT @MollyJongFast #Maddow http://bit.ly/2ouCcre


Nastya Rybka appealed to the US to help get out of Thai jail, promising to provide 'missing puzzles in US election meddling'...Russia's AF1 Plane has landed Thailand where Rybka & Leslie were to be released on bail yesterday. via @christogrozev


She is potentially the woman who can prove billionaire Oleg Deripaska bribed Deputy Prime Minister Sergey Prikhodko & of their involvement interfering with the 2016 US Election. Now, Russia's Air Force One has landed in Thailand and it's suspected they will extradite her & Alex.


A self-described sex expert from @navalny video says she'll spill info on Trump & Russia to get out of a Thai jail: “I'm the only witness & missing link btwn Russia & US election—in the long chain of Oleg Deripaska, Prikhodko, Manafort, & Trump.”
#Maddow http://wapo.st/2BUeTOU?tid=ss_tw&utm_term=.b039a622798d



Oleg Deripaska's professional escort who's jailed in Thai prison says audio recordings show Russian meddling in US Election: “If America gives me protection, I'll tell everything I know. I am afraid to go back to Russia. Strange things can happen.”
#Maddow https://nyti.ms/2FWQmso


Oleg Deripaska's professional escort who claims to have audio recordings which show Russian meddling in US Election: “If America gives me protection, I'll tell everything I know. I am afraid to go back to Russia. Strange things can happen--” Yup.

Assassination Attempt? Former Russian army colonel & intelligence officer who sold out Kremlin’s spies, collapses in UK street as a result of suspected exposure to an unknown substance.





seemslikeadream » Thu Apr 05, 2018 7:24 am wrote:
Olga_Lautman NYC ..

Sam Patten and Russian Intel Agent Kilimnik opened a company in DC in Feb 2015 tied to Cambridge Analytica.

Sam Patten was also very involved in the Ukrainian elections and was Kilimnik’s boss in 2001. Considering Kilimnik freely spoke of his Intel work Patten should have known

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10:37 PM - 4 Apr 2018
https://www.washingtonpost.com
https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.washin ... story.html

This is getting really ridiculous why so many criminals are freely walking around and that they should have been monitored for decades. Wtf

https://www.google.com/amp/s/amp.thedai ... perative-3

Screenshots are from this article and the Wapo article

Accused Russian Intel Asset Teamed Up With GOP Operative

Konstantin Kilimnik found himself a partner in Sam Patten, a lobbyist and political hand who just happens to have worked previously for Cambridge Analytica.

As 2016 campaign season neared, a Russian national who special counsel Robert Mueller now believes was working with the country’s intelligence services founded a consulting firm in Washington, D.C.

Begemot Ventures International was incorporated in February 2015, occupying an office on Constitution Avenue. Like other firms in the nation’s capital it offered services catering to the politically inclined. But unlike those other shops, Begemot had executives tied not just to an alleged Russian influence campaign, but also a controversial data firm that would later help elect President Donald Trump.

The space that the firm continues to occupy also houses the offices of Sam Patten, a Republican lobbyist and foreign policy consultant who had previously worked to hone the firm Cambridge Analytica’s microtargeting operation during the 2014 midterm election cycle. They don’t just share a location either. Patten is listed as one of two Begemot executives in D.C. incorporation records.

The other is Konstantin Kilimnik, who is currently front-and-center in the federal investigation into Russian government meddling in the 2016 presidential election. A recent court filing by Mueller alleged that “Person A”—believed to be Kilimnik—“has ties to Russian intelligence service and had such ties in 2016.”

Kilimnik has a years-long professional relationship with former Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort, whom Mueller has accused of illegally advancing the interests of foreign clients in the U.S. Kilimnik was a frequent intermediary between Manafort and Russian billionaire Oleg Deripaska, to whom Manafort offered private briefings on the 2016 presidential race. Kilimnik has long been suspected of having worked with or for Russian intelligence services in the past. But Mueller’s allegations are so explosive because they allege such ties continued through the presidential election—ties that would, by virtue of Kilimnik’s association with Manafort, represent the Trump campaign’s closest known link to Kremlin operatives.

But those close to Kilimnik say the allegations are at a minimum overblown, and at most an outright fabrication. Patten too rejected allegations of Kilimnik’s Russian intelligence ties in an interview this week.

Patten acknowledged his collaboration with Kilimnik on Begemot, which he said operates entirely abroad despite its D.C. address. Patten also confirmed his work with Cambridge Analytica, saying he assisted the firm’s U.S. operations in 2014, and also worked with the company on “several overseas campaigns.” He declined to go into further detail, citing a nondisclosure agreement, but stressed that his work for Begemot and Cambridge Analytica were entirely separate.

Cambridge Analytica did not respond to a request for additional information.

There is little public information about Begemot, whose name literally translates (from Russian) to hippopotamus but also may be a reference to a character in the Russian novel The Master and Margarita. Its emergence on the political scene—and the principles involved in its creation—underscore the smallness of the universe of Republican operatives and foreign policy hands who have done business with those at the center of the Russia investigation.

Begemot’s website says it “helps its clients win elections, strengthen political parties, build the right arguments before domestic and international audiences, and achieve better results.” But it doesn’t disclose any of those clients, or even the countries in which they operate. Patten declined to go into any detail about its work.

Patten’s relationship with Kilimnik goes back nearly two decades, when they worked together at the International Republican Institute, a GOP-aligned foreign policy group. In 2007 and 2008, Patten was an undersecretary of state for Democracy and Global Affairs in the Bush administration. He has also lobbied for political parties in Iraq and Georgia, and currently represents a group called the Committee to Destroy ISIS, a campaign funded in part, records show, by a Jordanian construction company.

“I operate in a small niche,” Patten said of his work.

Patten’s association with Cambridge Analytica began in 2014. His personal website says he worked with the firm “to introduce new technologies and methodologies to U.S. campaigns during the 2014 congressional cycle.” The “beta run” of Cambridge Analytica’s microtargeting efforts, the website says, was “adopted by at least one major U.S. presidential candidate.” At the time the website was written, Patten said, Cambridge Analytica was working on behalf of Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX), though Patten never worked on behalf of the Cruz campaign. Cambridge Analytica would later work to elect Trump.

The data firm is at the center of controversy over the use of social media data in political micro-targeting efforts. A Cambridge Analytica whistleblower claims the company pilfered data from Facebook for use on behalf of its political clients. The company denies any wrongdoing. And Trump campaign officials have tried to downplay the efficacy of the firms work, even though the campaign spent nearly $6 million for its services.

Mueller’s team is examining the role that Cambridge Analytica played in Trump’s election victory, but there is no indication that Patten’s work for the firm is problematic or of any interest to the special counsel’s investigation. Patten himself played down the connection, saying his work for the firm was “wholly unconnected” to Begemot and Kilimnik.

Begemot, Patten said, “is a privately-held, small consulting company that has provided public relations and political strategy advice for clients outside the United States, and [is] not related to the ongoing circus here.”

Patten expressed skepticism about Mueller’s recent allegations about his colleague. “A lot of people in our country wish Mueller well. If this is his ace in the hole, I am profoundly depressed,” he said.

“I have no reason to suspect him of being a Russian agent,” Patten added. “For people to continuously repeat the ‘in contact with/working with Russian intel’ epithet about anyone who lives or works in a country ruled by an ex KGB officer is rather absurd.” Such a description, he said, could include “anyone who rides the Moscow metro.”
https://www.thedailybeast.com/accused-r ... perative-3


Funny how people conveniently forget
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Carole Cadwalladr

But Sam Patten played a central role on the Nigeria campaign. And we knew he was a long time associate of both Manafort and Kilimnik, now a star of a Mueller filing.
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We took Sam Patten out of the piece because the article was already too preposterous. (But true) Chucking in the man with with the known connection to a Russian spy just seemed like a step too far...

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seemslikeadream » Wed Apr 04, 2018 5:49 pm wrote:
THE RUSSIA WEB
Accused Russian Intel Asset Teamed Up With GOP Operative

Konstantin Kilimnik found himself a partner in Sam Patten, a lobbyist and political hand who just happens to have worked previously for Cambridge Analytica

LACHLAN MARKAY
04.04.18 2:43 PM ET
As 2016 campaign season neared, a Russian national who Special Counsel Robert Mueller now believes was working with the country’s intelligence services founded a consulting firm in Washington D.C.

Begemot Ventures International was incorporated in February 2015, occupying an office on Constitution Avenue. Like other firms in the nation’s capital it offered services catering to the politically inclined. But unlike those other shops, Begemot had executives tied not just to an alleged Russian influence campaign, but also a controversial data firm that would later help elect President Donald Trump.

The space that the firm continues to occupy also houses the offices of Sam Patten, a Republican lobbyist and foreign policy consultant who had previously worked to hone the firm Cambridge Analytica’s microtargeting operation during the 2014 midterm election cycle. They don’t just share a location either. Patten is listed as one of two Begemot executives in Washington D.C. incorporation records.

The other is Konstantin Kilimnik, who is currently front-and-center in the federal investigation into Russian government meddling in the 2016 presidential election. A recent court filing by Mueller alleged that “Person A”—believed to be Kilimnik—“has ties to Russian intelligence service and had such ties in 2016.”

Kilimnik has a years-long professional relationship with former Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort, whom Mueller has accused of illegally advancing the interests of foreign clients in the U.S. Kilimnik was a frequent intermediary between Manafort and Russian billionaire Oleg Deripaska, to whom Manafort offered private briefings on the 2016 presidential race. Kilimnik has long been suspected of having worked with or for Russian intelligence services in the past. But Mueller’s allegations are so explosive because they allege such ties continued through the presidential election—ties that would, by virtue of Kilimnik’s association with Manafort, represent the Trump campaign’s closest known link to Kremlin operatives.

But those close to Kilimnik say the allegations are at a minimum overblown, and at most an outright fabrication. Patten too rejected allegations of Kilimnik’s Russian intelligence ties in an interview this week.


Patten acknowledged his collaboration with Kilimnik on Begemot, which he said operates entirely abroad despite its D.C. address. Patten also confirmed his work with Cambridge Analytica, saying he assisted the firm’s U.S. operations in 2014, and also worked with the company on “several overseas campaigns.” He declined to go into further detail, citing a non-disclosure agreement, but stressed that his work for Begemot and Cambridge Analytica were entirely separate.


NEW YORK, NY - APRIL 25: Robert Mercer and Rebekah Mercer attend the 2017 TIME 100 Gala at Jazz at Lincoln Center on April 25, 2017 in New York City. (Photo by Patrick McMullan/Patrick McMullan via Getty Images)
Rebekah Mercer Stands by Cambridge Analytica

It’s Not Just Facebook & Trump—The Whole Web Is Stalking You
Cambridge Analytica did not respond to a request for additional information.

There is little public information about Begemot, whose name literally translates (from Russian) to hippopotamus but also may be a reference to a character in the Russian novel “The Master and Margarita.” Its emergence on the political scene—and the principles involved in its creation—underscore the smallness of the universe of Republican operatives and foreign policy hands who have done business with those at the center of the Russia investigation.

Begemot’s website says it “helps its clients win elections, strengthen political parties, build the right arguments before domestic and international audiences, and achieve better results.” But it doesn't disclose any of those clients, or even the countries in which they operate. Patten declined to go into any detail about its work.

Patten’s relationship with Kilimnik goes back nearly two decades, when they worked together at the International Republican Institute, a GOP-aligned foreign policy group. In 2007 and 2008, Patten was an Undersecretary of State for Democracy and Global Affairs in the Bush administration. He has also lobbied for political parties in Iraq and Georgia, and currently represents a group called the Committee to Destroy ISIS, a campaign funded in part, records show, by a Jordanian construction company.

“I operate in a small niche,” Patten said of his work.

Patten’s association with Cambridge Analytica began in 2014. His personal website says he worked with the firm “to introduce new technologies and methodologies to U.S. campaigns during the 2014 congressional cycle.” The “beta run” of Cambridge Analytica’s microtargeting efforts, the website says, was “adopted by at least one major U.S. presidential candidate.” At the time the website was written, Patten said, Cambridge Analytica was working on behalf of Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX), though Patten never worked on behalf of the Cruz campaign. Cambridge Analytica would later work to elect Trump.

The data firm is at the center of controversy over the use of social media data in political micro-targeting efforts. A Cambridge Analytica whistleblower claims the company pilfered data from Facebook for use on behalf of its political clients. The company denies any wrongdoing. And Trump campaign officials have tried to downplay the efficacy of the firms work, even though the campaign spent nearly $6 million for its services.

Mueller’s team is examining the role that Cambridge Analytica played in Trump’s election victory, but there is no indication that Patten’s work for the firm is problematic or of any interest to the special counsel’s investigation. Patten himself played down the connection, saying his work for the firm was “wholly unconnected” to Begemot and Kilimnik.

Begemot, Patten said, “is a privately-held, small consulting company that has provided public relations and political strategy advice for clients outside the United States, and [is] not related to the ongoing circus here.”

Patten expressed skepticism about Mueller’s recent allegations about his colleague. “A lot of people in our country wish Mueller well. If this is his ace in the hole, I am profoundly depressed,” he said.

“I have no reason to suspect him of being a Russian agent,” Patten added. “For people to continuously repeat the ‘in contact with/working with Russian intel’ epithet about anyone who lives or works in a country ruled by an ex KGB officer is rather absurd.” Such a description, he said, could include “anyone who rides the Moscow metro.”
https://www.thedailybeast.com/accused-r ... 3?ref=home



Polly Sigh

How Putin's proxies helped funnel millions into GOP campaigns – @UofDallas researcher Ruth May is an expert in all things corporate in Russia and has mapped the money trail from Russian oligarchs to the @GOP and Trump.
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Buried in the campaign finance reports available to the public are troubling connections between a group of Kremlin-linked wealthy donors and their political contributions to Trump and a number of top @GOP leaders.

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An example is Kremlin-linked Len Blavatnik [Access Industries/AI-Altep], who in 2015-2016 pumped $6.35M into @GOP PACs, w/ millions going to top GOP leaders including McConnell, Rubio & Graham and in 2017 poured $1M into to McConnell's Senate Leadership Fund.
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^ The extent of Russian infiltration in many state election systems remains unclear. Obama's DHS Sec wanted to declare the systems as national critical infrastructure in Aug 2016 [giving fed gov’t broader powers to intervene] but @GOP balked.
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Why we do think that Mr. Trump owes a debt to Mr. Putin? Here are fifty reasons
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Re: Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska

Postby seemslikeadream » Thu Feb 07, 2019 1:09 pm

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Deripaska’s private jet: Newark-Moscow-Molde for secret yacht meeting
Konstantin Kilimnik, the Ukrainian political consultant who has ties to Russian intelligence, said the two discussed unpaid bills and current news.

By: Scott Stedman
As Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort and his Ukrainian business partner Konstantin Kilimnik met for a private dinner in Manhattan in August 2016, the private jet of the Russian oligarch to whom Manafort owed millions was crossing the Atlantic en route to Newark, New Jersey.
Kilimnik, who has been assessed by Special Counsel Robert Mueller as having ties to Russian intelligence, wrote in an email days prior, “I met today with the guy who gave you your biggest black caviar jar several years ago,” in an apparent reference to Deripaska’s loans to Manafort, “We spent about 5 hours talking about his story, and I have several important messages from him to you,” Kilimnik wrote before setting up an August 2 meeting with the Trump campaign chief
“I need about two hours,” Kilimnik said in the July 31 email, “because it is a long caviar story to tell.” Kilimnik did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
In a 52 hour time period beginning on August 2, Deripaska’s private jet went from Newark, NJ — minutes from the meeting location of Manafort and Kilimnik — to Moscow to pick up the Russian Deputy PM, to Norway to accommodate the secret yacht meeting where US-Russian relations were discussed.
As the Manafort dinner with Kilimnik was taking place at 666 Fifth Avenue, owned by Jared Kushner, one of three private jets owned by Deripaska (call-sign M-ALAY) was en route to New Jersey from Moscow. It landed hours after the dinner concluded and took off back to Moscow the next evening. It is unclear who was aboard the jet and why the flight was chartered. A spokeswoman for Deripaska did not respond to a request for comment.
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M-ALAY landing in Newark at 6:21 UTC (1:21 am EST)
Kilimnik told the Washington Post that the two “discussed unpaid bills and current news,” but not the presidential campaign of which Manafort was chairing. The next evening, Deripaska’s plane took off from Newark en route back to Moscow. It would soon carry one of the most influential Russian political leaders — Deputy Prime Minister Sergei Prikhodko — to secretly take him to the Russian oligarch’s private yacht in Norway where the billionaire was waiting.
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According to Alexei Navalny, the Russian opposition leader who first discovered the yacht video on the Instagram of Deripaska’s mistress Nastya Rybka, Deripaska likely flew from his villa in Montengro to Molde on his other private jet, M-UGIC. Flight logs confirm that this plane flew from Montengro to Molde on August 5. Almost assuredly, according to Navalny, the Russian Deputy Prime Minister was on the Moscow-Molde M-ALAY flight, hours after it landed from Newark.
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M-ALAY, Newark to Moscow 8/3–8/4

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M-ALAY, Moscow-Molde-Moscow 8/5
The secret yacht meeting uncovered by Navalny was documented by Deripaska’s mistress Nastya Rybka. Rybka was jailed in Thailand for attending a “sex seminar” and remains behind bars for the foreseeable future. She and her associates have asked for political asylum from the United States in exchange for what she claims is evidence of collusion between the Russian government and the Trump team.
Rybka asserts that she and her group have 16+ hours of audio, video, and photographic evidence that would implicate the Russian government. If deported back to Moscow she fears for her life, telling the Washington Post, “I can say something only when I will be in a safe place, sorry, because I am worried about my life.”
In an interview with CNN, Rybka said that she “witnessed several meetings in 2016 and 2017 between Deripaska and at least three un-named Americans.” It is unclear if any Americans were on the yacht in August, 2016 though flight records strongly suggest that it is a possibility.
The newly discovered flight logs of Deripaska’s private jet in August 2016 raises new questions not only about his relationship with Trump’s campaign manager, but about his role as a possible facilitator between the Russian government and Trump associates.
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https://medium.com/@ScottMStedman/derip ... 0494a6cb48
[/quote]

A self-described sex expert says she will spill information on Trump and Russia to get out of a Thai jail

Russian tycoon Oleg Deripaska, on whose yacht Nastya Rybka said she shot some compromising video. REUTERS/Sergei Karpukhin/File Photo
MOSCOW — A self-described sex expert whose videos highlighted the ties between one of Russia’s richest men and the Kremlin has been jailed in Thailand and is calling for U.S. help, claiming she has information about links between Russia and President Trump.

Anastasia Vashukevich, an escort-service worker from Belarus who catapulted to a certain measure of fame after filming a yacht trip with Russian billionaire Oleg Deripaska and Deputy Prime Minister Sergei Prikhodko, was detained in Thailand over the weekend in a police raid on her “sex training” seminar. While still in custody on Tuesday, she published Instagram videos asking U.S. journalists and intelligence agencies to help her.

Deripaska, with whom Vashukevich said she had an affair, used to employ former Trump campaign manager Paul Manafort. But Vashukevich, better known by the alias Nastya Rybka, provided no evidence on Tuesday to back up the claim that she had new information to offer related to the investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 U.S. presidential election. A post to her Instagram account showed her sitting on the floor of what was described as a Thai jail cell and said she was sick.

“I am the only witness and the missing link in the connection between Russia and the U.S. elections — the long chain of Oleg Deripaska, Prikhodko, Manafort, and Trump,” Vashukevich said in a live Instagram video Tuesday, apparently shot as she was driven in an open-air police van through the Thai resort city of Pattaya. “In exchange for help from U.S. intelligence services and a guarantee of my safety, I am prepared to provide the necessary information to America or to Europe or to the country which can buy me out of Thai prison.”

Vashukevich said in her video that she had already given an interview to U.S. broadcaster NBC. Representatives for Vashukevich and Deripaska did not immediately respond to requests for comment. A Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman declined to comment.

Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny made Vashukevich famous last month after he broadcast old footage from her Instagram account showing an August 2016 yacht trip with Deripaska and Prikhodko. Navalny used the footage to allege that Deripaska, a metals magnate, had bribed Prikhodko, one of Russia’s most influential government officials, with the luxury getaway accompanied by women from an escort service.

Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny attends an opposition march in memory of murdered Kremlin critic Boris Nemtsov in central Moscow on Feb. 25. / AFP PHOTO / Vasily MAXIMOV/AFP/Getty Images
Navalny also speculated that Deripaska and Prikhodko may have served as a link between the Kremlin and the Trump campaign in 2016, though Vashukevich’s videos offered no proof. According to emails described to The Washington Post last year, Manafort — who once worked for Deripaska — directed an associate to offer Deripaska “private briefings” about Trump’s presidential campaign. A Deripaska spokeswoman said he was never offered such briefings.

Prikhodko called Navalny a “political loser” whose investigation combined “the possible and the impossible.” Deripaska said Navalny’s “allegations have nothing to do with reality” and sued Vashukevich for violating his privacy. A court ordered Instagram to remove some of Vashukevich’s posts.

According to her Instagram account, Vashukevich was in Dubai when Navalny’s video came out and then traveled to the Thai beach resort of Pattaya. On Sunday, according to Russian news reports, Thai police raided a sex seminar for Russian tourists in which Vashukevich was participating. Attendees paid more than $600 each for a five-day course, Russian media said.

A video from a Thai morning news broadcast showed the police operation. Some of those detained were working without a permit, one of the TV hosts said. “Why do they have to use Thailand to teach this course?” he added.


Russian Embassy consul Vladimir Sosnov told the RIA Novosti Russian state news agency that Vashukevich and several others were detained for being part of an “illegal training session” and that she and her companions would be put on trial and deported. But Vashukevich claimed on Tuesday that she was arrested on orders of Russian officials as payback for her video of Deripaska and Prikhodko and that she expected to be sent to Russia, where she would be jailed again.

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“Please USA save us from Russia!” said a post in English on her Instagram account. “All this cases are political repressions!”

Coincidentally or not, one of Russia’s most important security and intelligence officials was also in Thailand on Tuesday. Russian Security Council Secretary Nikolai Patrushev, former head of the Federal Security Service, held talks Tuesday in Bangkok on the security of Russian tourists, RIA Novosti reported.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wor ... e50075a03f
Last edited by seemslikeadream on Thu Feb 07, 2019 1:13 pm, edited 1 time in total.
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Re: Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska

Postby seemslikeadream » Thu Feb 07, 2019 1:10 pm

Seth Abramson

What else connects Trump, Prince, Deripaska, Russia, and the UAE? Aluminum. Prince's business is aluminum, as was Deripaska's (through 2017). The UAE/Russia are 2 of America's 3 biggest aluminum importers. Trump suddenly announced aluminum tariffs (much lower than for steel).

The simple version: Russia wanted Trump to drop sanctions so it could build nuclear reactors in Saudi Arabia (and maybe UAE). A gaggle of Trump aides/allies seem to have been working *both* ends of that equation: Russian sanctions and cutting energy deals in the Middle East.


Remember: Erik Prince was central to the "Trumplandia" plot as well as the Trump-Russia scandal. So if you want to know what motivated Prince to spread psyops pre-election via Bannon's Breitbart (with RTs from Flynn and Don Jr.), don't sleep on Russia.
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40179&p=652491&hilit=Deripaska#p652491
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Re: Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska

Postby seemslikeadream » Thu Feb 07, 2019 1:17 pm

The Plot Against America

Decades before he ran the Trump campaign, Paul Manafort’s pursuit of foreign cash and shady deals laid the groundwork for the corruption of Washington.
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40370&p=650115&hilit=Deripaska#p650115







Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska, who paid Manafort for his pro-Russia work in Ukraine, is seen in this picture with Yevgeny Prigozhin, who was one of the Russians indicted today by Robert Mueller & Rod Rosenstein.
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When Russian mafia boss Semion Mogilevich [linked to Manafort, Trump, Putin] tried to cut a deal with FBI/DOJ on his 2006 money laundering charges, Bruce Ohr refused. Ohr also helped revoke Oleg Deripaska's visa. Now he's a target of Trump.
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40179&p=662382&hilit=Deripaska#p662382


THE OLIVER NORTH OF RUSSIAGATE
Oleg Deripaska is the Oliver North of Russiagate. He’s the one Russian oligarch whose name you need to know. Oleg The Oligarch. Vladimir Putin’s go-to guy.
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http://www.madcowprod.com/2018/03/27/th ... ussiagate/


Why A Powerful Russian Oligarch Was Furious With Paul Manafort
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40370&p=657264&hilit=Deripaska#p657264


That Thing They Have

Tuesday’s big-ticket convictions and Trump’s Mafia code

Russia, of course, has everything to do with both Cohen’s and Manafort’s current plight, for the riches of the former Soviet Union were the lodestar they followed that led them into Trump’s inner circle. According to former federal investigators, Cohen’s connection to Trump came through the intercession of his Ukrainian-born father-in-law, Fima Shusterman. It was well known among members of “Red Star,” an informal group of federal and local law enforcement agents investigating the Russian Mafia in New York in the 1990s, that Shusterman was funneling money into Trump ventures. Cohen was introduced to Trump as a thank you of sorts, and one reason why Cohen has not yet decided to cooperate with prosecutors is because it could imperil his family.

Moments after Cohen violated Trump’s law of omertà, the Mafia code of silence, the jury’s verdict in the trial of Paul Manafort was read out in Alexandria, Virginia. Trump’s former campaign chairman was found guilty in a case that showcased the riches he hid in overseas accounts to finance his lavish lifestyle back home. Manafort’s entree into the world of $15,000 ostrich jackets came through Oleg Deripaska, a wealthy and powerful Russian oligarch with close ties to Russian President Vladimir Putin. Deripaska would become Manafort’s patron, paying millions of dollars for consulting services as well as loaning him money and investing in his business deals, as well as introducing him to Ukrainian oligarchs. During the 2016 presidential election, while serving as Trump’s campaign chairman, he tried to offer Deripaska private briefings about the campaign. Often overlooked amid all the speculation over Robert Mueller’s Russia probe is the tantalizing hint last year that may or may not point to Deripaska: in an application to search Manafort’s home in Alexandria, Virginia, FBI agents said they were seeking records relating to contributions by an unnamed foreign national into a U.S. election.
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40094&p=662244&hilit=Deripaska#p662244


House Democrat Targets Steven Mnuchin's Business Dealings In The Russian Sanctions Fight

Rep. Jackie Speier is seeking answers about Mnuchin’s reported business dealings with a Ukrainian-born billionaire with ties to Oleg Deripaska.
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=39115&p=669336&hilit=Deripaska#p669336


SPY VERSUS SPY: THE TWO ALLEGED AGENTS OF FOREIGN POWERS SITTING IN THE ALEXANDRIA JAIL, PART TWO (MARIIA)
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40179&p=662744&hilit=Deripaska#p662744


Manafort offered to give Russian billionaire ‘private briefings’ on 2016 campaign
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40370&start=165


Paul Manafort's ties to Russia mean he may have been blackmailed by the Kremlin
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40370&start=165


2014: Oleg Deripaska sues Paul Manafort for $18.9 million
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40370&start=165


Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, the Ukrainian's financial backer Rinat Akhmetov and Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska propped up Manafort's alleged crimes
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40179&p=663451&hilit=Deripaska#p663451


Exclusive: Russian Ex-Spy Pressured Manafort Over Debts to an Oligarch
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40370&p=668148&hilit=Deripaska#p668148


While he was lining up investments from Firtash, Manafort proposed to Oleg Deripaska that they go into business together. The resulting company was Pericles Emerging Market Partners LP, a private equity fund in the Cayman Islands. Manafort described it to Deripaska as a vehicle to pursue investments that “leverage [our] business and political relationships” in Ukraine. Pericles sought to achieve an impressive compound annual return rate of 30 percent by investing in Ukraine, as well as other areas of interest to Deripaska — Russia, the former Soviet republics, Montenegro, and eastern and southern Europe. The offering memorandum touted Davis and Manafort’s experience with political campaigns “at the highest level.” The Russian oligarch gave Manafort a tentative commitment to invest $200 million in the fund
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40179&p=664698&hilit=Deripaska#p664698

The Mysterious Return of Manafort’s ‘Russian Brain’
Mueller says that the former Trump campaign chairman repeatedly lied about his interactions with Konstantin Kilimnik, a man with ties to Russian intelligence.

FRANKLIN FOER
DEC 9, 2018
Konstantin Kilimnik trained in Russian military intelligence as a linguist; he spent decades by Paul Manafort’s side, serving as a translator and then rising through the ranks of his organization. Eventually, Manafort would come to describe Kilimnik—also known as K.K. or Kostya—as “My Russian Brain.” He would travel with Manafort to Moscow to meet with their client, the Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska. When Kostya worked with Americans, they suspected him as some sort of spook. (Last June, I wrote this profile of him.)
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40370&p=667227&hilit=Deripaska#p667227


January 12, 2016: Steele writes Bruce Ohr to say Oleg Deripaska may obtain a visa for later that year

January 20: Michael Cohen speaks with Dmitry Peskov’s personal assistant for 20 minutes about Trump Tower deal

January 21: Putin’s office contacts Felix Sater about Trump Tower deal

February 21: Steele sends Ohr Orbis reporting claiming Deripaska was not a tool of the Kremlin

February 29: Manafort drafts proposal to work for “free” for Trump

March 19: GRU hacks John Podesta

March 29: After the intervention of Roger Stone and Tom Barrack, Manafort joins the Trump campaign, initially only as Convention Chair

April: Manafort asks Kilimnik,”How do we use to get whole?”

April 18: GRU hacks into DNC via DCCC

April 26: George Papadopoulos learns Russians are offering election assistance in form of leaked emails

April 27: In first foreign policy speech Papadopoulos includes signal to Russians to meet

May 4: Cohen tells Sater he’ll do a trip to Russia before the Convention; Trump will do one after

May 5: Sater passes on Peskov invite to Cohen to attend St. Petersburg Forum to meet Putin or Medvedev

May 19: Manafort formally named campaign chair

May 21: Manafort forwards request for Trump meeting to Rick Gates, warning against sending a signal

June 3: Rob Golstone starts arranging meeting with Don Jr.

June 7: Manafort meets with Trump and Trump announces he’ll have an announcement about Hillary

June 8: GRU releases first emails via dcleaks

June 9: Trump Tower meeting presents dirt for sanctions relief; Cohen makes plans for trip to St. Petersburg Forum

June 14: WaPo reveals Russia hacked DNC; Cohen cancels plan for St. Petersburg trip

June 15: Guccifer 2.0 created

June 16-19: St. Petersburg forum (Putin does attend)

June 20: First Steele report, allegedly relying on Millian as one source

July 7: Manafort tells Kilimnik he’s willing to provide Deripaska private briefings; Ohr call with Steele about Deripaska

Week of July 15: Trump campaign prevents change making platform more belligerent to Ukraine

July 21: Sater visits Trump Tower

July 22: George Papadopoulos asks Ivan Timofeev to help prep for a meeting with Sergei Millian; Millian would eventually pitch Papadopoulos on Trump Tower Moscow deal

August 3: Manafort and Kilimnik meet in New York

August 17: Manafort fired from campaign

August: Manafort and Tom Barrack take boat trip, meet Kilimnik

October 18: Steele and Ohr discuss dispute between Ukraine and RUSAL

January 11 or 12, 2017: Manafort contacts Reince Priebus to tell him how to use the Steele dossier to discredit Russian investigation (remember, Manafort insists he didn’t lie about meeting with Trump officials, because those meetings happened before inauguration)

January 27: Papadopoulos agrees to meet FBI without a lawyer, in part in hopes of sustaining possibility of a job with Trump Admin and possibly a deal with Millian

January or February 2017: Manafort meets Kilimnik in Madrid
https://www.emptywheel.net/2019/01/09/o ... met-putin/



Manafort, who is two decades older than Gates, had worked for Republican politicians, controversial dictators, and corporate interests before his career took a turn in the mid-2000s. He “all but vanished from the Washington scene” and began focusing on business activities in Eastern Europe, as Politico later reported.

This began with advising work for the Russian oligarch and aluminum magnate Oleg Deripaska, and soon moved into the political realm with advising work for the Party of Regions — Ukraine’s pro-Russian political party — and its leader, Viktor Yanukovych.
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40738&p=651132&hilit=Deripaska#p651132


Jail time Pauly and Roger

Image
"THIS IS THE END OF MY PRESIDENCY. I'M F***ED"
- trump May 17, 2017

Why we do think that Mr. Trump owes a debt to Mr. Putin? Here are fifty reasons
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Re: Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska

Postby seemslikeadream » Thu Feb 07, 2019 1:29 pm

MinM » Sun Apr 02, 2017 11:53 am wrote:Image
Flynn dismissal linked to meeting with Cambridge graduate "Crazy Miss Cokehead"
http://dailym.ai/2ol6A98 via @MailOnline

Doesn't really belong in this thread (or does it?)
but I wanted to give this thread a bump...

One other off-topic:
The Spanish connection with Trump’s Russia scandal
Image

Alexander Torshin, deputy governor of the Central Bank of Russia and investigated in Spain for money laundering, has infiltrated the US president’s circle

On February 1, Alexander Torshin, 63, a Russian politician and banker who is close to Vladimir Putin and whom the Spanish anti-corruption prosecutor and the Civil Guard define in their reports as a godfather from a notorious Russian mafia organization, had in his diary for the next day an appointment to meet in Washington with the world’s most powerful man: Donald Trump. The encounter was due to take place before an official and well-attended breakfast meeting, which Torshin attended as the head of a Russian delegation. The meeting was canceled that very night, according to sources from the White House, given the wave of criticism in the US press related to the influence of determined Russian circles in President Trump’s power teams. But the information reveals the heights to which this person, who has been investigated by the Spanish authorities, had reached in his rise to the upper echelons of the American leader’s circle.

Torshin, who is currently the deputy governor of the Central Bank of Russia, has met with one of the children of the US president, has close links with the organization that provided the most money for Trump’s election campaign, the National Rifle Association (NRA), and attended the aforementioned breakfast that Donald Trump presided over in the White House in February.

The high-ranking official from the Central Bank of Russia has long been on the radar of the Spanish public prosecutor and the Civil Guard. He was on the brink of being arrested in Palma de Mallorca in the summer of 2013 during a meeting with a mafioso – who has just been sentenced in Spain – but he didn’t turn up to the meeting. A unit consisting of 12 officers was awaiting him at the airport and in a hotel, where he was expected to arrive accompanied by other people being investigated in a money-laundering ring. The Russian Federation’s Prosecutor General, which was aware that Torshin was being investigated, requested information about the case on at least two occasions, but received no response from the Spanish authorities given that the investigation was sealed.

His case constitutes another element to lay the foundation for the FBI investigation currently being conducted into the influence of the Russian government in the outcome of the US presidential elections last year. The political offensive by Torshin appears to form part of a strategy by the Kremlin aimed at influencing the internal policies of the United States. One of the most spectacular results of this apparent strategy was the mass hack of the internal communications of the campaign for Hillary Clinton, Trump’s rival, which was made public by WikiLeaks, according to the US intelligence services. Over the last year a number of trusted allies of Trump have been forced to resign given their shady contacts with Russia. The most recent was his national security advisor, Michael Flynn, on February 13.

The difference in the case of Torshin is that for the first time, a Russian mafia boss – at least one identified as such by the Spanish anti-corruption prosecutor – is within the circle of support to the new president of the United States.

As well as being a powerful banker, a leader of President Putin’s political party (United Russia) and his trusted ally, and a senator between 2001 and 2015 (as well as being chairman of the upper house of the Russian parliament between May 19 and September 21, 2011), he is, according to the investigation carried out by the Spanish security forces, a boss of a notorious criminal organization known as Taganskaya.

The relationship between Torshin and Alexander Romanov, a Russian mafioso established in Palma de Mallorca, is the key. An investigation carried out between 2012 and 2013 by a Palma court and the anti-corruption prosecutors José Grinda and Juan Carrau into Romanov concluded that Torshin was the boss of a Taganskaya criminal operation to launder money by buying up hotels in Mallorca. A total of 33 telephone conversations between Torshin and Romanov, to which EL PAÍS has had access, reveal that their relationship is not “purely social,” as Torshin claims, but rather based on business.

An internal document from the Civil Guard Information Service, dated July 2013, explains Torshin’s central role in the criminal plot. “As a consequence of the phone tapping carried out in the aforementioned inquiries it has been ratified that, above Romanov, on a higher hierarchical level, is Alexander Torshin. In the numerous phone conversations and with different contact persons, Alexander Romanov himself recognized his subordination before someone who he describes as ‘the Godfather’ or ‘the boss’ ... which in itself is telling when it comes to situating their relationship.”

The Spanish police followed Torshin, but he managed to slip away: three judicial and police sources from the investigation have confirmed that Torshin decided not to attend Romanov’s birthday party on August 21, 2013 as planned, because, they believe, he was warned by the Russian prosecutor that if he stepped onto Spanish soil he would be arrested. “The liaison from the Russian Interior Ministry in Madrid had written a report about the Taganskaya and we believe that in Russia they put the screws on him. We suspect that it was him who warned that Torshin was being investigated in Spain and that was why he didn’t come,” a judicial source explains. “The case had not been completed and we could not give out that information,” explains another judicial source. “Russia also discovered that we were investigating Torshin because Romanov’s lawyers told the Russian prosecutor as much in writing and they complained saying that they were being persecuted in Spain.”

The confidential report, which is not to be found in the legal case, points to the connection between the Russian state and the Russian mafia. “The criminal organizations from the countries of the East have as their main characteristics the penetration of different state powers, such as politics, which is represented in this case by the figure of the First Vicechairman of the Federation Council of Russia of the Federal Assembly of Russia of the Russian Federation, Alexander Porfirievich Torshin.” The five-page document, entitled Alexander Porfirievich Torshin in Operation Dirieba, was produced so that the Anti-Corruption Public Prosecutor could decide whether or not to charge Torshin with the laundering of more than €14 million in the purchase of a hotel in Mallorca, and concludes that both the money and the hotel belonged to the Russian ex-politician. It even claims that the hotel forms part of the inheritance that Torshin wants to leave to his two daughters.

Why was Torshin not prosecuted? “It made no sense to charge Torshin because Russia does not process letters rogatory [requests for legal assistance from abroad] that we file with that country and there would have been no practical purpose: it would have delayed the investigation, it would have slowed it down,” explains a clearly irritated judicial source. “Calling on Russia to arrest him would have been useless because Russia does not cooperate. This summer there will be a trial in Spain in the Troika case – against the Russian mafia in Spain. There are a number of fugitives in Russia and they won’t hand them over to us. We don’t have the support of the Russian authorities.”

The formidable and powerful Taganskaya organization of which Torshin is allegedly part is recognized by the US and the EU information and intelligence services (Europol, the FBI…), according to the dossier about Torshin from the Spanish Civil Guard. Its activities include the appropriation of companies using violent or fraudulent methods, bank scams, extortion and the carrying out of contract killings.

The point of entry for Torshin to the upper echelons of US politics was the National Rifle Association (NRA), which is perhaps the most powerful lobby in the United States. The NRA invested more than $21 million in Trump’s election campaign, more than any other organization. According to the group’s official magazine, the NRA proclaimed itself to be “the key” to the Trump victory.

Torshin has managed to become a “life member” of the NRA. He is also linked to the Russian group The Right to Bear Arms, which was created in 2012 and copies the objectives of the NRA. It is presided over by Maria Butina, a young admirer of Putin who has had a meteoric career by Torshin’s side, and who now resides in Washington. Butina celebrated her birthday with a costume party in the US capital on November 12 last year, four days after the presidential elections. According to the press in Washington, the main reason for the celebration was the election victory of Donald Trump. Among the guests were a number of the new president’s campaign consultants.

The first direct contact between Torshin, an “honorary member” of the Russian pro-arms group, and the NRA took place in May 2013. Torshin traveled to the annual NRA convention in Houston. He himself wrote about this in an article published eight months later in the Washington Times, a pro-Trump daily, whose Opinion section editor, David Keene, was president of the NRA and is a friend of Torshin.

At that time, Torshin was a Russian senator. But his political career was on the rise. In January 2015 he was named deputy governor of the Central Bank of Russia. And one of his first measures was to designate Butina “personal executive assistant.” Some months later, on December 11, 2015, the pro-arms group presided over by Butina invited a delegation from the NRA, nearly all Trump acolytes, to an event in Moscow. Torshin gave the welcome speech.

In May 2016, in the midst of the US electoral campaign, Torshin traveled once more to the NRA convention, which was celebrated this time in Louisville, Kentucky. Trump, who was by that point the de facto Republican candidate to the presidency, attended the annual event run by his main benefactors. There Torshin had fleeting contact with the future president, who only went so far as to shake his hand. With his son, Donald Trump Jr., things went further: he sat by his side during a private dinner in a restaurant in Kentucky.

The rise of Torshin in the upper circles of the United States continued to progress. When Trump, a self-declared admirer of Putin, reached the presidency, Torshin was invited to an official breakfast at the White House scheduled for February 2, along with other guests. The event was later to be remembered thanks to Trump’s jibes aimed at Arnold Schwarzenegger. Torshin traveled there as the head of a Russian delegation. Together with the invitation, Torshin received a proposal for a meeting with the president just before the breakfast, according to Yahoo News, which contributed to this article. This meeting was suddenly cancelled. The reason, according to sources from the White House, were the rumors and suspicions about which all of Washington is now talking: the links between Trump’s political team and Moscow. The White House gave no official explanation for the cancellation. Maria Butina, who attended gala dinners to celebrate Trump’s inauguration, confirmed to Yahoo News in an email that the notification of the cancellation of the meeting between her boss and the president arrived the night before the breakfast.

During that visit to Washington, Torshin did have dinner with two Republican congressmen. The date was February 1 in a French restaurant, according to an article published in Time magazine two weeks ago, and at which Maria Butina and a close friend of Trump White House strategist Stephen Bannon were also present.

The apparent mission by Torshin to infiltrate the highest spheres of power worked. And the Russian connection continues to create intrigue in Washington. As the veteran columnist Thomas Friedman wrote last month in the New York Times: “[...] the biggest national security question staring us in the face today: What is going on between Donald Trump and the Russians?” After the investigations by the Spanish judicial authorities and the police into the banker, politician and mafia godfather Alexander Torshin there are more unanswered questions today, and more scandals in Washington to be investigated.

http://elpais.com/elpais/2017/03/31/ine ... 09827.html

Aside from the NRA, other "strange" organizations supported financially by the Russian Putin and his Mafia:

- Give Alaska back to Russia
- California secession (Calexit) Movement
- Taliban
- Assad
- Eastern Ukrainian rebels
- Marine Le Pen (right wing French Presidential Candidate
- Right Wing German Populists
- Hackers of progressive group

:backtotopic:
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"THIS IS THE END OF MY PRESIDENCY. I'M F***ED"
- trump May 17, 2017

Why we do think that Mr. Trump owes a debt to Mr. Putin? Here are fifty reasons
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Re: Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska

Postby seemslikeadream » Thu Feb 07, 2019 1:30 pm

seemslikeadream » Tue Jan 16, 2018 10:37 am wrote:
DEUTSCHE BANK: A GLOBAL BANK FOR OLIGARCHS — AMERICAN & RUSSIAN, PART 2

Editor’s Note: Part II of this in-depth, technical piece by a former IRS investigator raises more questions than it answers. But WhoWhatWhy believes this is a very useful service, particularly in relation to a complex topic of considerable public import — one that may be a key component for special counsel Robert Mueller’s ongoing Trump-Russia investigation. We hope in the coming weeks to explore many more of these questions in greater depth. And we welcome reader comments.

Martin J. Sheil is a retired branch chief of the IRS Criminal Investigation division.

See Part I here.

On March 10, 2017, US Rep. Maxine Waters (D-CA), the ranking Democratic member on the House Committee on Financial Service, wrote a letter to US Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-TX), the committee’s Republican chairman. In it, she requested that the committee conduct a formal assessment of the Department of Justice (DOJ) investigation into Deutsche Bank’s Russian money laundering schemes.

This assessment would include a review of Attorney General Jeff Sessions’s role in continuing the investigation. It would also involve determining the nature of Russian money laundering, including who participated in the arrangement, and whether violations of US law — beyond failure to maintain anti-money-laundering (AML) controls — may have occurred.

Waters made note of the various civil fines issued against Deutsche (covered in Part I). She called attention to the media reports that indicate the DOJ is investigating the matter, but then went on to express concern with the “integrity of this criminal probe and whether senior bank officials will be held accountable given the president’s ongoing conflicts of interest with Deutsche Bank.”

The letter further goes on to note that “the suspicious ties between President (Donald) Trump’s inner circle and the Russian government … raise concerns that the Department may fail to implicate those who benefitted from Deutsche Bank’s trading scheme.”

Waters’s letter also reminds the chairman of Trump and his companies’ estimated $360 million in outstanding loans from Deutsche Bank. It raises the question of whether the president’s conflict of interest with Deutsche bank will undermine the independence and impartiality of the DOJ’s ongoing investigation and diminish the likelihood that Deutsche Bank and its senior leadership will be brought to justice.

Jeb Hensarling, Maxine Waters
US Representative Jeb Hensarling (R-TX) (left). US Representative Maxine Waters (D-CA) (right). Photo credit: Adapted by WhoWhatWhy from Gage Skidmore / Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0) and US House of Representatives.

Rep. Hensarling has not moved forward on Rep. Waters’s request. Nor has he granted requests to provide the committee with Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) financial documents relative to Donald Trump.

Does Waters have a point? Does Donald Trump have a conflict of interest with Deutsche Bank with regard to any potential criminal investigation brought by the DOJ?

Enter Donald Trump, Real Estate Developer
.
Donald Trump’s relationship with Deutsche Bank began in 1998 when he negotiated, and received, a loan for $125 million for construction of the Trump skyscraper located at 40 Wall St. At this point in his rocky financial history, six separate corporate bankruptcies related to Trump had been declared, and no other financial institution would grant the brash real estate mogul any credit. Deutsche took over Bankers Trust in 1998 and the only way to meet its ambitious earnings goals was to be aggressive under its new management. Still, Trump had to be grateful to his new lender. Through the years, he sought more loans from Deutsche.

It should be noted that Trump sued Deutsche Bank in 2008 when it called in a big loan that Trump had personally guaranteed to the tune of $40 million. Ultimately, they settled and the relationship continued. As the New York Times pointed out in an article, “Mr. Trump’s business has made the bank money.” Not long after the nastiness of the 2008 countersuits, Trump’s business with Deutsche moved from the bank’s commercial real estate lending division to its private wealth division, where executives were more willing to deal with him.

Trump’s wealth manager at Deutsche, Rosemary Vrablic, specializes in real estate and is close enough to Trump and his family — both Ivanka Trump and Jared Kushner are clients — that she was invited to attend the inauguration last year. In the past six years, the Deutsche Bank private wealth unit helped finance three of Trump’s properties, including a golf resort near Miami (Doral), a new hotel in Washington DC and Trump Tower in Chicago, all of which include personal guarantees by Trump. He and his organization currently owe Deutsche Bank over $300 million.

Trump Building, 40 Wall Street, Trump National Doral Miami, Trump Tower Chicago
40 Wall Street also known as the Trump Building in Manhattan (top left). Trump International Hotel in Washington, DC (top right). Trump National Doral Miami golf resort in Florida (bottom left). Trump Tower Chicago (bottom right). Photo credit: Adapted by WhoWhatWhy from wyliepoon / Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0), Daniel Huizinga / Flickr (CC BY 2.0), slgckgc / Flickr (CC BY 2.0), and Kyle / Flickr (CC BY 2.0) .

Trump’s 2017 Financial Disclosure form reflected two Deutsche Asset & Wealth Management accounts. Management A/C 1 is a brokerage account that lists 71 assets (stocks) and Management A/C 2 is a bond account that lists 44 separate assets or bonds managed by Deutsche for Trump. The value of these assets is difficult to ascertain since they are only listed in a range, but a conservative estimate would be a minimum of $100,000, and a maximum of $10 million. This form does not address any possible use of tax shelters, nor does it indicate the ownership and/or use of any offshore bank accounts. Income tax returns would be required to determine the above — and the president has refused to disclose any tax returns to date.

The form also does not educate the reader as to whether any of the massive loans provided to Trump by Deutsche have been sold or transferred to another financial institution, e.g. Vneshekonombank (VEB), as rumored in media reports in early December, 2017. Trump’s Disclosure form for the year 2017 may shed light on this question. This form will likely be filed in the next month or so.

Favored Russian Oligarchs & Banks
.
Deutsche Bank was not just getting aggressive in the US in the first part of the new century. It was also becoming one of the largest foreign lenders in the world, including to companies and individuals located in Russia. For example, Deutsche was easily the biggest Western lender to the Sochi Winter Olympics in 2014. Besides the Olympics, Deutsche extended financing to some of the biggest companies in Russia, usually involving the energy sector. A 2014 CNNMoney article noted that the second largest hedge fund in the United States, Renaissance Technology (referenced in Part I), was “doubling down” in Russia, betting that tension between Ukraine and Russia regarding Crimea wouldn’t escalate to dangerous levels.

One favored recipient of Deutsche largesse was a giant telecommunications company called VimpelCom (VIP), recently rebranded as VEON. It is listed on the NYSE and remains one of the most valuable parts of the Alfa Group, an investment company whose principal partner is billionaire Mikhail M. Fridman, a known associate of Vladimir Putin. Robert Mercer’s RenTec purchased 866,100 shares of VIP, in a class of stocks known as Sponsored American Depository Receipts (ADR), according to a report dated Oct. 2, 2016. Headquartered in Amsterdam, VEON is the sixth-largest mobile network operator in the world with 214 million subscribers.

VIP agreed to a deferred prosecution agreement with the Department of Justice on February 22, 2016. This case, prosecuted in the Southern District of New York (SDNY) under the direction of Preet Bharara and Andrew Weissman, centered on $114 million in bribes paid by VIP to government officials in Uzbekistan in violation of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA). It has been characterized as the largest case ever brought under the DOJ’s Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative. Justice filed asset forfeiture motions in this case totaling $850 million — $300 million in property and $550 million in Swiss bank accounts.

Mikhail M. Fridman, Preet Bharara
Russian businessman Mikhail M. Fridman (left). Former US Attorney Preet Bharara (right). Photo credit: LetterOne Group / Flickr (CC BY 2.0) and Buck Ennis / DOJ

The Alfa Group had a correspondent bank relationship with a small bank called Krainiy Sever, which has been linked to the Prevezon forfeiture case by SDNY. This involved the laundering of the so-called Magnitsky funds associated with Hermitage and Bill Browder.

The well-known Steele dossier makes mention of Mikhail Fridman. It also identifies Oleg Govorun as a former employee of Alfa. Govorun was described by the dossier, in an unverified observation, as a “key intermediary” in the Putin-Alfa relationship. The dossier goes on to make unconfirmed allegations that Govorun delivered illicit cash directly to Putin throughout the 1990s while Govorun was an Alfa executive. Finally, the Steele dossier goes on to describe Govorun as a “driver” and “bag carrier” used by Fridman and Pyotr Aven (another Alfa exec) to deliver large amounts of illicit cash to Putin in the early 90s, who was at that time the Deputy Mayor of St. Petersburg.

Fridman, besides being one of the richest individuals in the world and a close associate of Putin, has a son and daughter — both of whom have attended Yale University. Fridman has visited the White House twice, once in May 2010 and again in May 2011. Each time, he was accompanied by well-known Washington DC lobbyist Richard Burt. In 2012, Fridman formed a $1 billion real estate partnership with New York magnate Jack Rosen for the announced purpose of investing in distressed properties along the US East Coast. Rosen is head of the American Jewish Congress.

In 2008, many Russian companies and oligarchs suffered enormously from the effects of the worldwide financial recession, particularly those who were overleveraged. According to a 2008 New York Times article, companies belonging to two of Russia’s richest men were among the first recipients of a $50 billion bailout program channeled through the state development bank Vneshekonombank (VEB), intended to repay a syndicate of Western banks. VEB’s chairman at the time was Vladimir Putin.

The largest loan to come to light at the time was $4.5 billion to Rusal, an aluminum and mining company owned and run by billionaire Oleg V. Deripaska — reputedly Russia’s richest man at the time, and a long-time business associate of Paul Manafort. Manafort became campaign chairman of Trump’s presidential campaign, and was later indicted by Special Counsel Robert Mueller. It is noted that some $30 million of Manafort transactions with Deutsche Bank are reportedly under scrutiny by Mueller’s team.

In terms of Deutsche, Deripaska was compelled to refinance his holding in an Austrian construction company called Strabag, with a $500 million loan from an Austrian bank to stave off a possible seizure of the stake by his creditor, Deutsche Bank.

Oleg Deripaska
Russian businessman Oleg V. Deripaska. Photo credit: World Economic Forum / Wikimedia (CC BY-SA 2.0)

Separately, Fridman, the principal partner in Alfa Group, was granted a $2 billion letter of credit from VEB, which ultimately prevented Deutsche Bank from attempting to seize a 44 percent stake in VimpelCom.

It should be noted, and will be referenced again in Part III, that Deutsche and VEB developed a “cooperation agreement,” something that can certainly come in handy when dealing with oligarchs. VEB has developed correspondent banking relationships with over 500 banks globally.

VTB Bank Connects
.
The New York Times noted that Deutsche Bank had ties to VTB, at the time the second-largest bank in Russia — a nation facing sanctions from both the US and the EU. In 2005, VTB signed a cooperation agreement with the Central Bank of Syria, wherein President Assad maintains significant capital.

VTB’s investment banking arm, VTB Capital, was created by hiring dozens of bankers from Deutsche Bank’s Moscow office — the same office responsible for “the mirror trades” referenced in Part I and central to the ongoing DOJ money laundering investigation.

According to an article by the Guardian, Deutsche’s Moscow branch hired Andrei Kostyn in 2006. He was the son of Andrey Kostyn, head of VTB — Russia’s state bank. Kostyn Jr. generated much of the bank’s Moscow profits until his death in a 2011 snowmobile crash.

When Project Square, the Deutsche internal audit relative to the mirror trades, uncovered thousands of questionable transactions emanating from its Moscow office, an executive decision was made in 2015 to close down the bulk of the Moscow office and transfer some of its business activity to VTB.

Deutsche Bank conducted the first-ever IPO of a Russian bank when it carried out the VTB public offering in London in 2007. CEO Josef Ackerman has proudly noted that Deutsche was a major market maker for VTB. Executives at Deutsche did not deny that a good relationship with Anatoliy Chubais — architect of privatization and minister in Boris Yeltsin’s cabinet — played a role in this successful partnership.

Deutsche Bank, VTB Bank
Deutsche Bank headquarters in Frankfurt (left). VTB headquarters is located in Federation West Tower in Moscow (right). Photo credit: pizentrum / Wikimedia (CC BY-SA 3.0) and Igor3188 / Wikimedia (CC BY-SA 4.0)

Yuri Soloviev was the first deputy chairman of the Russian subsidiary of Deutsche Bank in 2008, when he was recruited by Andrey Kostin to become a first deputy president and chairman of the management board of VTB. The Panama Papers have traced Soloviev as being an officer of an offshore company registered in the British Virgin Islands called Quillas Equities. It is an intermediary of another offshore shell company called Ryon Ltd., which is further associated with an additional 305 shell companies located in Panama, Seychelles and Switzerland.

Cyprus Connects
.
VTB is the only Russian bank to have a licensed subsidiary in Cyprus — Russian Commercial Bank (RCB). Russian money in Cyprus, according to an article in the Cyprus Mail, is split into two categories: that belonging to the Russian government and the ruling elite of the country (which was primarily kept at RCB), and that of the plutocrats, who had taken it out of the country so that the regime could not get its hands on it.

A Financial Times article reported that the Panama Papers showed Sergei Roldugin, a cellist and long-time friend of Putin, presided over a $2 billion offshore network, much of which went through VTB. The bank denied the report’s key allegation that RCB gave Sandalwood Continental, a company tied to Roldugin, more than $800 million in unsecured loans and sweetheart deals on interest payment swaps from 2008 to 2013.

Ergoinvest
.
Bloomberg News noted in October 2015 that some portion of the $10 billion in mirror trades manipulated by Deutsche’s Moscow office involved monies associated with Putin associates and childhood friends Arkady and Boris Rotenberg.

The Rotenberg brothers are known to have a long association with Ukrainian oligarch Dmitry Firtash, who in turn has long-time ties to Paul Manafort. Firtash is a member of the board of directors of Strategic Communications Laboratory Group (SCL Holding company), parent to Cambridge Analytica — in which Robert Mercer is a major investor. Perhaps it was merely coincidence that Firtash became a member of the SCL board while wealthy British real estate magnate Victor Tchenguiz became majority shareholder of SCL. Apparently the authorities did not believe Tchenguiz’s association with the now-defunct Icelandic bank Haupthings was a coincidence, but that is another story for another time.

It should also be noted that disgraced former NSA director Mike Flynn was a paid consultant to SCL during 2016. Also, the Wall Street Journal published an article on Dec. 15, 2017, reporting that Special Counsel Mueller has requested Deutsche Bank gather all information regarding any Flynn transactions through Deutsche.

Dmytro Firtash, Paul Manafort
Dmytro Firtash (left) and Paul Manafort (right). Photo credit: Youtube CC-BY / Wikimedia (CC BY 3.0) and C-SPAN

Sometime in 2014, Hellenic Bank authorities in Cyprus began forwarding inquiries to Deutsche Bank with regard to unusual financial transactions involving an entity called Ergoinvest LLP. Even Russian bank authorities started reviewing Ergoinvest transactions, finding them unusual. Ergoinvest LLP was found to be owned by shadowy companies registered in the island of Dominica, according to the UK registry. The Panama Papers reveal Ergoinvest LLP to be a BVI-registered company administered in Cyprus. Ergoinvest LLP is tied to a company in Cyprus called Manwin Business Consultants — also called Manwin Management — which is run by a Constantinos Koudellaris. The Panama Papers associate 86 separate business entities with Manwin and another 38 business entities with Koudellaris. Manwin’s business address is Office 103, 124 Strovolos Ave., 2042 Nicosia, Cyprus.

Ergoinvest LLP shut down after media reports surfaced associating it with the Deutsche Bank mirror trades. Four months later Ergoinvest LP was born as an English company with two anonymous partners domiciled in the Marshall Islands called Dexberg Inc. and Montbridge Inc. which in turn control 150 Scottish Limited Partners (SLPs) registered and addressed in Glascow’s West End and south side. Dexberg is the general partner for another SLP called Fortline Industrial. But this Dexberg appears to be registered in Dominica, according to its stamp.

The Panama Papers and the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists database do track an association between Ergoinvest LP and Montbridge Inc. They also document an association between Ergoinvest LP and an entity called Cascado AG, which has an association with International Offshore Services Group located in Dublin, Ireland. Cascado is also associated with another 149 entities (shell corporations) all located at 50th St., Global Plaza Tower, 19th Floor, Suite 11, Panama City, Republic of Panama.

That must be a large suite!

Josef Ackerman, CEO of Deutsche Bank from 2002 to 2012, was elected chairman of the board for the Bank of Cyprus (BOC) in November 2014. This occurred following a proposal by the major shareholder of BOC, Wilbur Ross — currently Secretary of Commerce under President Trump. Ross was vice chairman at the time, sharing the duties with Vladimir Strzhalkovsky, who is referred to in Russian media as a former KGB officer and Putin ally.

The second-largest shareholder of BOC at this time was Viktor Vekselberg, another Russian oligarch and head of a large Russian conglomerate called Renova Corp. Josef Ackerman is on the board of Renova. Vekselberg served on the board of directors of Rosneft and is considered close with Vladimir Putin. Further, Vekselberg is business partners with a Russian oligarch with American citizenship named Len Blavatnik, as well as with Mikhail Fridman — referenced above — in a large Russian conglomerate called AAR. Vekselberg sold his Aluminum company to Oleg Deripaska, who turned it into Rusal, a major Russian conglomerate referenced earlier.

Bank of Cyprus (BOC) is a bank notorious for money laundering and was referenced by FinCEN to the US Senate Intelligence committee, with regard to Paul Manafort’s financial transactions with Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska. Media reports have associated Manafort with 15 separate BOC accounts. The bulk of these accounts were reportedly opened at the Cyprus Popular Bank, which was ultimately taken over by the BOC. The bank now claims that it has no accounts associated with Manafort.

This is indicative of the failure of anti-money-laundering controls in the banking systems of Russia, the UK, Israel, Cyprus and much of the EU, until recently.
Ackerman acknowledged in a June 2016 interview, “Money laundering has been the business model of Cyprus, and it is a difficult struggle.”

This article notes the above association between Wilbur Ross and Josef Ackerman, but it should be noted that Ackerman also had close ties with Russia. Ackerman served on Russia’s Foreign Investment Advisory Council and its “consultative committee” to form an “International Financial Center” in Moscow. He also strongly endorsed Putin’s idea of a “free trade zone” between Russia and the EU. Putin addressed this committee and Ackerman at a meeting held in Moscow in September 2011.

“Deutsche Bank is our long-standing partner and has been working in Russia since 1881 … It would take ages to describe everything that Deutsche Bank is doing in Russia,” Putin said at the time.

Finally, another large shareholder of the BOC is Dmitry Rybolovlev — the Russian plutocrat best known for buying Donald Trump’s Palm Beach mansion in 2008 for $95 million, after Trump had bought it in 2005 for $41 million. This tidy markup over fair market value of at least $40 million occurred in 2008, shortly before Trump entered into a nasty legal dispute with Deutsche over financing for Trump Tower Chicago, wherein Trump ended up losing his $40 million equity stake. Rybolovlev was also noted in the media as an associate of Robert Mercer — co-CEO of the highly profitable Hedge Fund Renaissance Technology (RenTec) and major political contributor to Trump, and Republican candidates and PACs, in the 2016 elections.

RenTec was closely associated with Deutsche’s promotion of dubious tax shelters called “basket options,” to radically reduce RenTec’s tax exposure, landing it in hot water with the IRS. RenTec was directed by Robert Mercer, who became a major investor in Cambridge Analytica — a data gathering firm which employed Steve Bannon and Kellyanne Conway, two of Trump’s most trusted campaign advocates. Rybolovlev’s yacht was documented parked next to Mercer’s during the campaign. Rybolovlev’s jet was also noted as arriving within hours of Trump’s during the campaign at airports in Concord, NC, and Las Vegas.

Dmitry Rybolovlev is referenced in the Panama Papers as having an active offshore package of accounts and shell companies, in addition to his equity interest in Bank of Cyprus. These interests can be charted as such:

Dmitry Rybolovlev, Virgin Islands
Photo credit: Adapted by WhoWhatWhy from Francknataf / Wikimedia (CC BY-SA 3.0) and CIA.

In 2015, Bank of Cyprus announced it was off-loading the BOC’s Russian business, including loan exposures, to Artem Avetisyan for 7 million euros. The core assets had been purchased just seven years prior in 2008, for 450 million euros. Deutsche Bank’s London office advised BOC on this curious deal. Avetisyan was a 40-year-old head of the “New Business” division of the autonomous non-commercial organization, “Agency of Strategic Initiatives,” originally established by Vladimir Putin.

Finally, the Democratic Coalition uncovered two Trump companies registered in Cyprus: Trump Construction Co Limited and UA Trump International Investments Ltd.

Trump’s 2017 financial disclosure form does not make mention of the above companies. We can conclude that either these companies were inactive and/or insolvent, or they were omitted. If they were active, then they should have been reported both on the disclosure form, and on Trump’s 2016 personal income tax return.

If Trump actively used Cypriot banks to support these companies, then Foreign Bank Account Records (FBARs) would have had to have been filled out and forwarded to FinCEN, and the foreign bank account activity would be required to be reported to IRS on Schedule B of the filed income tax returns. Form 8938 Statement of Specified Foreign Financial Assets should also have been filed with the Form 1040 with the IRS if in fact Trump held foreign bank accounts with substantial balances.

These are all questions for a Deutsche Bank wealth manager to answer should a prosecutor be motivated to ask them.

Recent media reports note that FBME, formerly known as the Federal Bank of the Middle East, had access to the US financial system through correspondent accounts at banks, including Deutsche Bank’s US unit. FBME was based in Tanzania, but conducted 90 percent of its business in Cyprus. The Treasury Department said that FBME was able to run nearly $390 million in suspicious transactions through correspondent banks during a one-year period in 2013 and 2014. Further, the transactions exhibited “high-risk money laundering typologies.”

The above media reports suggest FBME provided money-laundering services for Friends of Putin (FOP), Syrian-associated arms dealers and Russian organized crime. Further reports have noted a confidential report written by the Central Bank of Cyprus that documents 23 separate accounts maintained at FBME, by Russian oligarch and Brooklyn Nets owner Mikhail Prokhorov. Another FOP maintaining FBME accounts is Aleksandr Shiskin — a member of Putin’s United Russia party and a former member of the Russia Senate Security and Defense Committee.

FinCEN shut down FBME in 2015. A Deutsche Bank spokesman advised Bloomberg that “we severed our relationship with FBME in 2014.”

FBME has also been associated with the laundering of some portion of the so-called Magnitsky funds associated with Hermitage Capital and Bill Browder. This is significant since the Magnitsky money-laundering activities are emblematic of the problem that money laundering has presented to Russian authorities since the fall of the Berlin wall. This is indicative of the failure of anti-money-laundering controls in the banking systems of Russia, the UK, Israel, Cyprus and much of the EU, until recently.

The Magnitsky money laundering modus operandi used by various Russian oligarchs, with some variations, can be summarized as follows:

Transfer illicit funds multiple times among multiple Russian banks, concealing the original source of funds through the use of shell companies;
Move funds into a larger Russian bank in order to again move to banks in Moldova or Latvia;
Move funds into shell accounts in the UK, Cyprus, Israel and Switzerland;
Move funds offshore to the British Virgin Islands, Belize, Seychelles — then back again, in different shell company accounts;
Purchase luxury yachts and ownership interests in professional soccer, hockey and/or basketball teams;
Invest funds through shell companies into commercial real estate and/or luxury residences in UK and the US.
While there are many variations on the above-noted model, one common thread is the use of friendly banks to move money, in a discreet fashion, to different parts of the world, for a fee.

In the final installment, we’ll detail how Trump’s son-in-law and White House adviser Jared Kushner is linked to Deutsche Bank, as well as his curious memory lapses regarding the infamous Trump Tower meeting.

To be continued …
https://whowhatwhy.org/2018/01/15/deuts ... an-part-2/


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Re: Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska

Postby seemslikeadream » Thu Feb 07, 2019 1:34 pm

seemslikeadream » Tue Jan 09, 2018 9:06 am wrote:
Donald Trump would never do anything to go against Mogilevich’s wishes. Unless and until Vladimir Putin takes care of Mogilevich for Donald Trump, Trump would never expose his boss.

.........

Alexander Litvinenko continued working to hunt Mogilevich’s mob.

.........

After the firing of James Comey, Donald Trump named Christopher Wray the new Director of the FBI. Prior to this recent appointment, Wray spent over a decade working for King & Spalding - a small law firm (on the scale of how large firms can be) whose primary clients are GAZPROM and ROSNEFT. Although Wray was at the FBI before his years at King & Spalding, those years at the FBI were also at a time when Semion’s mob was infiltrating intelligence communities world-wide, to compromise the LE agencies who hunted him. All of this has us more than concerned.

.........

Levinson had officially left the FBI by this point and had established his own firm, working as a consultant for the private sector. He specialized in cases that drew on his contacts/ sources and expertise from his years hunting Semion. These included corporate espionage work for Philip Morris - tracking cigarette counterfeiters (one of Semion’s profit specialties, as identified in that 1995 intelligence report), foreign nationals seeking better relations with the United States, and even work for the Bank of Cyprus – helping them with some money-laundering issues they were having.




U.S. President Donald Trump has full confidence in his new FBI director despite a series of attacks on the impartiality of his soon-to-retire deputy, a White House adviser has said.

Trump is “very pleased” with Director Chris Wray and “the changes that are taking place,” legislative affairs director Marc Short told “Fox News Sunday” as Trump continued to assail Deputy Director Andrew McCabe, who plans to retire from the bureau next year.

http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/trump- ... sor-124736


Turkish Government Hires FBI Director’s Longtime Friend For Work On Mystery ‘Legal Matter’


.....

The filings state that King & Spalding, where Wray worked until taking the FBI job, was hired “to prepare and present a proposal to the U.S. Department of Justice for cooperation between the governments of the United States and Turkey regarding the handling of a U.S. legal matter.”

........

Earlier this year, the Turkish government hired Trump confidant Rudolph Giuliani as part of the legal team representing Reza Zarrab, a Turkish-Iranian gold trader who faced money laundering and bribery charges for operating a scheme to skirt sanctions against Iran.
http://dailycaller.com/2017/12/26/turki ... al-matter/


INDICTED Turkish Minister Former General Manager...GIULIANI?
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40682

The Final Tip
2006 was an ominous year. Litvinenko was murdered in November. Five months earlier, in June, U.S. intelligence reached out to Bob Levinson for help.

The CIA International Financial Crimes Group had a case that required someone with a specific skill set. They needed a master hunter with a certain history. They needed Bob Levinson.

Levinson had officially left the FBI by this point and had established his own firm, working as a consultant for the private sector. He specialized in cases that drew on his contacts/ sources and expertise from his years hunting Semion. These included corporate espionage work for Philip Morris - tracking cigarette counterfeiters (one of Semion’s profit specialties, as identified in that 1995 intelligence report), foreign nationals seeking better relations with the United States, and even work for the Bank of Cyprus – helping them with some money-laundering issues they were having.

There is mixed reporting on whether or not Bob was ONLY an independent contractor at the time the CIA reached out to him. Some suspect that Bob had never left the FBI. Either way, the CIA needed help – and Bob Levinson was the hunter they hired.

We do not have a clear answer from the CIA, to this day, on exactly who they sent Bob off to hunt. So, we are left to discover this in the way that Bob Levinson would have: by following the trail of men.

First, you should know that this was the last hunt that Bob was ever on. The “official” story from US intelligence has shifted over the years, so we started with that big question: Who was the target? Who?

Who could have pulled Bob Levinson back into a hunt? Do you think it would be just any old criminal?

Levinson has a family who loves him. A happy life. Who could it have been? Who was so important to capture, that a CIA operation was launched? Who warranted Bob’s special knowledge, over using active intelligence agents?

What case – what criminal - warranted our master hunter?

To find the name of the man he was hunting on that operation, we went digging. What we’ve discovered is that Bob did two critical things before he left for his hunt:

1) He told others he was off to hunt cigarette smugglers. Remember that. Remember cigarettes.

2) He went to see one of his long-held contacts, Boris Birshtein. Birshtein is a known associate of both Donald Trump and Semion Mogilevich.

Birshtein is the father-in-law of the oligarch Alex Shnaider, Donald’s business partner on Trump Toronto hotel. Birshtein is also a named consigliere of the Russian Mafia. He organized a meeting between Semion and several Bratva members in Israel in 1995 – right around the time of that first, big international intelligence report on Semion.

From what we can surmise, by the time Bob contacted Birshtein in 2006, Birshtein had been unable to obtain a visa into the U.S. because of his association with Semion’s organization. This provided Bob with the perfect carrot to offer Birshtein for helping the CIA.

“While tracking possible Rafsanjani money in Canadian 2006, Levinson also met Lithuanian-born Boris Birshtein, believed by U.S. authorities to be connected with Russian and Israeli organized crime.”
[“Where is Bob Levinson” by Philip Giraldi, American Conservative -Dec 31, 2013]

Here is where we tell you what happened to Bob Levinson. You may have recognized his name, but the old footage of him – in his healthy, happy life as a husband, father, and professional - may not be the image you know.


...........




Bob Levinson was kidnapped during his final hunt on the island of Kish, Iran. He is now the longest held American hostage in history.

There is much you can read on Bob’s capture, but we want to bring you this final stunning detail. Among the attempts to recover Bob, the CIA reached out to another notable name, OLEG DERIPASKA.

Now, it is unclear to us, actually, whether the CIA reached out to Oleg, or Oleg reached out to them. What IS clear is that, like Birshtein, Deripaska needed a visa. Like Birshtein, Deripaska’s links to Semion’s mob were preventing his entry into the U.S. And, like Birshtein, he was someone that seemed to know Bob Levinson.

Agents involved in Bob’s recovery believed that Deripaska knew of his whereabouts. WHY? Why would the CIA believe that Deripaska, of all people, would know who was holding Bob?

Because of all of these details – because of all of this circumstantial evidence that we cannot ignore, it is our belief that Semion Mogilevich arranged for Bob Levinson’s capture with the Iranians – whom he had been in business with for years.

Bob Levinson walked into a trap.

http://www.citjourno.org/page-6


Who Poisoned Alexander Litvinenko? Radioactive thallium link
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=9355

PAUL MANAFORT HAS CONDUCTED HIS OLEG DERIPASKA DALLIANCE ON PRISM PROVIDER GOOGLE’S SERVERS
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40370&p=649217&hilit=OLEG+DERIPASKA#p649217



Mogilevich➡️Fursin➡️Manafort➡️Pence➡️Trump


thanks Nordic for this thread :)



justdrew » Wed Jan 09, 2013 5:50 pm wrote:who was supposedly paying him to investigate smuggling cigarettes?

(is tobacco grown outside the US much?)



Levinson had officially left the FBI by this point and had established his own firm, working as a consultant for the private sector. He specialized in cases that drew on his contacts/ sources and expertise from his years hunting Semion. These included corporate espionage work for Philip Morris - tracking cigarette counterfeiters (one of Semion’s profit specialties, as identified in that 1995 intelligence report),

........

Tom Mangold called Bob Levinson Mogilevich’s “nemesis.” Based on what we’ve uncovered about Trump’s ties to this mob boss, we cannot leave Levinson’s safe return solely to Trump’s conscience. We cannot help but believe that Donald Trump would never do anything to go against Mogilevich’s wishes. Unless and until Vladimir Putin takes care of Mogilevich for Donald Trump, Trump would never expose his boss. He would never poke that Russian bear.


MANGOLD: “People will be astonished that four nations, including your own, have got together to produce this damning [intelligence] report… Why is it that all these disparate, these different people, pick on you? I look at you, and I don’t see a victim. So, why do people pick on you?”

MOGILEVICH: “It’s because I smoke so much. Davidoff cigarettes.”
http://www.citjourno.org/page-6


POISON IN THE SYSTEM
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=40564



page from testimony of Fusion GPS

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does anyone see the name Putin down here?
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Re: Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska

Postby seemslikeadream » Fri Mar 15, 2019 2:29 pm

Now: Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska is suing US Treasury over US sanctions. Complaint in DC federal court:

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https://assets.documentcloud.org/docume ... 190315.pdf
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Re: Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska

Postby seemslikeadream » Sun Mar 17, 2019 9:11 pm

Deripaska, Manafort’s former boss, issues a denial that the Kremlin pushed him to sue Mnuchin and Treasury for imposing sanctions.

DOJ refuses to comment on lawsuit
Reminder: Mnuchin/Trump lifted sanctions off his companies


Putin ally Oleg Deripaska denies Kremlin encouraged his lawsuit against US Treasury sanctions

1 Hour Ago | 05:13
Oleg Deripaska, a Russian billionaire known to have close ties to the government of President Vladimir Putin, said on Sunday he would fight the U.S. government in court for "weaponizing the financial system" against him.

The metals tycoon launched a lawsuit against the U.S. Treasury Department on Friday, in an attempt to cast off sanctions placed on him last year.

On Sunday he told CNBC's Geoff Cutmore in Moscow that he launched the suit to clear his name, and he denied that the Kremlin encouraged his legal action against the sanctions. He expressed surprise at U.S. actions against him.

"I personally was taken in this step by full surprise, and I hope that sooner or later people will recognize it is wrong," Deripaska said.

"It is getting worse and worse," he said. "Last hearing in Congress, when people start blaming me personally for any sort of things which I had no connection … (it is) just fantasy."

"So, it has given me total understanding that the legal system in the U.S. may be the last resort where people could assess the facts and to see, you know, what justice will be," Deripaska said.

When asked whether he had taken the decision to sue the U.S. Treasury Department at the instruction of the Kremlin, Deripaska said anyone who believed that was "totally wrong."

The sanctions, which fall under Washington's CAATSA (Countering American Adversaries Through Sanctions Act) legislation, were levied on several Russian individuals and their businesses in April 2018 as part of a wider measure to punish Russia for its interference in the 2016 U.S. election and what Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin described as its "malign activity around the globe."

Putin denies that Russia tampered with the U.S. presidential election.

"Weaponizing the financial system … can be justified if its drugs, nuclear proliferation, trafficking. But, to apply the same means (or) the same tools on entrepreneurs, and crushing all concept of presumption of innocence and fair process, I don't think it is something which will stay long," Deripaska said.

A 'new reality'

Deripaska, whose net worth is valued at $3.6 billion, is suing for what his court filing describes as "unlawful action" that led to "utter devastation of Deripaska's wealth, reputation and economic livelihood." Among the companies sanctioned were Rusal, the world's second largest aluminum producer, and En+, in which Deripaska owned majority stakes.

The commodities magnate claims his wealth dropped by 81 percent, or $7.5 billion, as a result of the sanctions, and that he's "a victim of this country's political infighting."

"Cannot see a strategy of taking on the U.S. Treasury ending well. That's an affront to the whole U.S. sanctions regime." -Timothy Ash, senior emerging markets strategist, Bluebay Asset Management
Deripaska said the impact of the sanctions — which he described as "a very strong instrument" — had forced him to adapt to a "new reality."

The Trump administration lifted the sanctions on Rusal and En+ in January — against Democrats' objections — but not the sanctions on Deripaska himself.

Deripaska's lawsuit demands that his name be removed from a list of sanctioned individuals, and that the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control, or OFAC, cancel their decision to label him an "oligarch" and disclose records related to him. The legal complaint, filed in U.S. District Court in Washington, names Mnuchin and OFAC Director Andrea Gacki as defendants.

A Treasury Department spokesperson contacted by CNBC on Friday declined to comment on the pending litigation.

OFAC's addition of Deripaska to a list of "Designated Russian Oligarchs" last April was based on allegations that he acted on behalf of "a senior official of the Government of the Russian Federation," as well as for allegations of "money laundering ... threatening the lives of business rivals, illegally wiretapping a government official, and taking part in extortion and racketeering," as well as his operation in the Russian energy sector.

But the billionaire's lawsuit is unlikely to be successful, according to Timothy Ash, a Russia expert and senior emerging markets strategist at Bluebay Asset Management.

"Cannot see a strategy of taking on the U.S. Treasury ending well. That's an affront to the whole U.S. sanctions regime," Ash told CNBC in an email. "Resistance is futile, as they say, when it comes to fighting OFAC and the U.S. Treasury."

Read Deripaska's legal complaint below:
https://www.cnbc.com/2019/03/18/putin-a ... tToTwitter
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Re: Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska

Postby seemslikeadream » Mon Apr 15, 2019 11:02 am

wow congratulations mitch mcconnell what are the odds a russian oligarch would choose your state to dump $200 million

Paging Mitch McConnell... Paging Mitch McConnell... your bribe can be picked up at the front gate of your compound

what are the odds



Rusal — Oleg Deripaska's company that was recently granted sanctions relief by Treasury — plans to invest $200 million in a Kentucky rolling mill that would be the largest new aluminum plant built in the U.S. in nearly four decades.

Russia’s Rusal to invest $200 million in Kentucky aluminum plant
Bob Tita
Reuters
The 10-year agreement would make Braidy Rusal’s biggest customer and give Rusal a significant presence in the U.S. rolled-aluminum market, where it has no mills of its own.
Russian aluminum giant United Co. Rusal plans to invest $200 million in a Kentucky rolling mill that would be the largest new aluminum plant built in the U.S. in nearly four decades.

The plant, which startup Braidy Industries Inc. plans to open next year in Ashland, Ky., is the largest project being pursued in the domestic aluminum industry under the Trump administration’s 10% duty on imports of the metal, imposed a year ago. It would also draw more imports into the U.S. because the mill would roll aluminum slabs from abroad into thin sheets for the auto industry.

Braidy’s ability to attract one of the world’s largest metal companies to the $1.7 billion project reflects the changing state of the rolled aluminum market. After decades of stagnant sales of aluminum sheet for cans and other staple products, rolling companies in the U.S. are pivoting to production of higher-profit sheet for vehicle bodies. Car makers increasingly are replacing steel with aluminum because it is lighter. Now tariffs have pushed up the cost of foreign-made aluminum, giving domestic producers greater pricing power in a market where production capacity is already tight.

“It’s the start of a megatrend and I want to be in the middle of it,” said Braidy Chief Executive Craig Bouchard. Rusal is the world’s second-largest producer of raw aluminum. Braidy said Rusal would supply the new mill with as much as 200,000 metric tons of foreign-made aluminum each year, most of it from an aluminum smelter under construction in Siberia.
https://www.marketwatch.com/story/russi ... 2019-04-14
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