
I've lived with some of the stories since I first read the anthology 30 years ago. Especially Patricia Highsmith's The Snail Watcher, Theodore Sturgeon's The Other Celia and Edogawa Rampo's The Human Chair.
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IanEye wrote:
lightningBugout wrote:Ian how's the dancehall book?
The founding of the CIA marked a dramatic overhaul of the traditional paradigms of American politics. The terms under which the Agency was established institutionalized the concepts of 'the necessary lie' and 'plausible deniability' as legitimate peacetime strategies, and in the long run produced an invisible layer of government whose potential for abuse, domestically and abroad, was uninhabited by any sense of accountability.
This experience of limitless influence was exemplified by the eponymous hero of Norman Mailer's monumental Harlot's Ghost: 'We tap into everything', says Harlot. 'If good crops are an instrument of foreign policy, then we are obliged to know next year's weather. That same demand comes at us everywhere we look; finance, media, labour relations, economic production, the thematic consequences of T.V. Where is the end of all that we can be legitimately interested in?... Nobody knows how many pipelines we have in good places - how many Penatgon Poo-Bahs, commodores, congressmen, professors and assorted think tanks, soil erosions specialists, student leaders, diplomats, corporate lawyers, name it! They all give us input.
Owning airlines, radio stations, newspapers, insurance companies and real estate, the CIA's presence in world affairs grew so prodigiously over the decades that people began to suspect its presence behind every thicket. 'Like Dorothy Parker and the things she said, the CIA gets credit or blame both for what it does and for many things it has not even thought of doing,' one Agency man later complained. Disastrous operations like the Bay of Pigs did little to improve the CIA's public image. A negative stereotype emerged of a CIA peopled by ruthless, Jesuitical, 'ugly' Americans whose view of the world was distorted by a wilderness of mirrors.
Certainly, history continues to validate this version. The Truman Doctrine and the National Security Acts which it inspired sanctioned aggressiveness and intervention abroad. But the scale of its imperial buccaneering tends to obscure some less calamitous truths about the CIA. In the beginning, it's officers were animated by a sense of mission - 'to save western freedom from Communist darkness' - which one officer compared to 'the atmosphere of an order of Knights Templars'. The dominant early influence was the 'aristocracy' of the eastern seaboard Ivy League, a Bruderbund of Anglophile sophisticates who found powerful justification for their actions in the tradition of the Enlightenment and the principles enshrined in the Declaration of Independence.
In this the CIA took its character from its wartime predecessor, the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), set up in 1941 in the wake of Pearl Harbor and disbanded in September 1945 by President Truman, who said at the time that he wanted nothing to do with a peacetime 'Gestapo'. This primitive fear reflected little of the reality of the OSS, which had acquired the nickname 'Oh So Social' on account of its clubby, collegiate atmosphere. Columnist Drew Pearson called it 'one of the fanciest groups of dilettante diplomats, Wall Street bankers, and amateur detectives ever seen in Washington'. All OSS-ers carried a pack with a carbine, a few grenades, some gold coins, and a death pill.' recalled Tom Braden, who worked closely with OSS chief William ;Wild Bill' Donovan (the nickname had been earned for his exploits against Pancho Villa). 'Donovan once left his death pill in a drawer at the Dorchester Hotel and he made David Bruce send a wire from France to get the maid there to send it out. He was quite a character, Bill Donovan, a legend in his own time. He once said to me, "Braden, if you get in a tight spot, take your knife and drive it straight through his balls".
Governed by legislation which prohibited little and countenanced virtually anything, OSS-ers found themselves roving wartime Europe like latterday proconsuls. The first OSS man to reach Bucharest after the German withdrawal in autumn 1944 became a regular guest at meeting of the Romanian cabinet, and boasted to his colleagues, 'Before they vote on anything, they ask me what I think... They pass all my laws unanimously. I never thought running a country was so easy.' But running a country was precisely what most OSS-ers were brought up to do. Recruiting from the heart of America's corporate, political, academic and cultural establishment, Donovan had assembled an elite corps which hailed from America's most powerful institutions and families. Members of the Mellon family held espionage posts in Madrid, London, Geneva, Paris. Paul Mellon worked for the Special Operations Executive in London. His sister, Ailsa (once known as the world's richest woman) was married to his commanding officer, chief of OSS London, David Bruce, son of US senator and millionaire in his own right. J.P. Morgan's sons both in OSS. The families Vanderbilt, DuPont, Archbold (Standard Oil), Ryan (Equitable Life Insurance), Weil (Macy's department store), Whitney,were all represented in the ranks of Donovan's secret army.
Other OSS recruits included travel guide publisher Eugene Fodor; New York journalist Marcello Girosi, who later became the producer of Italian and American films starring Sophia Loren; Ilia Tolstoy, émigré grandson of the famous novelist, who was a member of an OSS mission to Lhasa; and Julia McWilliams Child, later a celebrity chef,who maintained OSS intelligence file at Chungking. Raymond Guest, a polo-playing socialite and cousin of Winston Churchill, cut a colourful swathe through OSS operations in France and Scandinavia. Antoine de Saint-Exuperéy was a close friend and collaborator of Donavon's, as was Ernest Hemingway, whose son John was also in OSS.
Although one critic complained of the many personnel 'who seemed to be rah-rah youngsters to whom the OSS was perhaps an escape from routine military service and a sort of lark', there was also an assumption that each member of the higher echelons of Donovan's service 'risked his future status as a banker or trustee or highly placed politician in identifying himself with illegality and unorthodoxy'. With the disbanding of the OSS, many of those future bankers and trustees and politician returned to civilian life. Allen Dulles, Donovan's brilliant deputy who had taken charge of OSS operations in Europe, went back to his law practice in New York, where he became the centre of an informal cadre of campaigners for a permanent American intelligence service. Nicknamed the 'Park Avenue Cowboys', this group included Kermit 'Kim' Roosevelt, grandson of Theodore; Tracy Barnes (who helped Allen Dulles retrieve the famous Ciano diaries from Countess Ciano); Richard Helms and Frank Wisner, bringing gossip from Army intelligence in occupied Germany; and Royall Tyler, soon to become head of the Paris office of the World Bank.
Far from having risked their 'future status', their period in OSS enhanced their reputations and offered another network to combine with the old school tie that had brought them together in the first place. This, and their initiation into illegality and unorthodoxy, was to provide a rich resource for the CIA. It was this historic elite, the Ivy-Leaguers who cast their influence over America's boardroom, academic institution, major newspapers and media, law firms and government, who now stepped forward to fill the ranks of the fledgling Agency. Many of them hailed from a concentration in Washington of a hundred or so wealthy families, known as the 'cave dwellers', who stood for the preservation of the Episcopalian and Presbyterian values that had guided their ancestors. Schooled in the principals of a robust intellect, athletic prowess, politesse noblige, and solid Christian ethics, they took their example from men like the Reverend Endicott Peabody, whose Groton School, run along the lines of Eton, Harrow and Winchester, was the Ama Mater of so many national leaders. Trained in believing in democracy but wary of unchecked egalitarianism. Reversing Willy Brandt's celebrated declaration, "We are the elected people, not the elect,' this was the elect who had not been elected.
... Through think-tanks to foundations, directorates to membership of gentleman's clubs, these mandarins were interlocked by their own superiority. Their job it was to establish and then justify the post-war pax americana.
... In a speech to the National War College in December 1947, it was [George] Kennan who introduced the concept of 'the necessary lie' as a vital constituent of American post-war diplomacy. The Communists, he said, had won a 'strong position in Europe, so immensely superior to our own... through unabashed and skillful use of lies. They have fought us with unreality, with irrationalism. Can we combat this unreality successfully with rationalism, with truth, with honest, well-meant economic assistance? he asked. No, America needed to embrace a new era of covert warfare to advance her democratic objectives against Soviet deceit.
On 19 December 1947, Kennan's political philosophy acquired legal authority in a directive issued by Truman's National Security Council, NSC-4. A top-secret appendix to this directive, NSC-4A, instructed the Director of Central Intelligence to undertake 'covert psychological activities' in support of American anti-Communist policies. Startlingly opaque about what procedures should be followed for coordinating or approving such activities, this appendix was the first formal post-war authorization for clandestine operations. Superseded in June 1948 by a new - and more explicit - directive drafted by George Kennan, NSC-10/2, these were the documents which piloted American intelligence in to the choppy waters of secret political warfare for decades to come.
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