Koch Brothers thread

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Re: Koch Brothers thread

Postby dbcooper41 » Wed May 11, 2011 1:06 pm

http://www.tampabay.com/news/business/b ... es/1168680

A conservative billionaire who opposes government meddling in
business has bought a rare commodity: the right to interfere in faculty hiring at a publicly funded university.
A foundation bankrolled by Libertarian businessman Charles G. Koch
has pledged $1.5 million for positions in Florida State University's economics
department.
In return, his representatives get to screen and sign off on any
hires for a new program promoting "political economy and free enterprise."
Traditionally, university donors have little official input into
choosing the person who fills a chair they've funded. The power of university
faculty and officials to choose professors without outside interference is
considered a hallmark of academic freedom.
Under the agreement with the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation,
however, faculty only retain the illusion of control. The contract specifies
that an advisory committee appointed by Koch decides which candidates should be considered. The foundation can also withdraw its funding if it's not
happy with the faculty's choice or if the hires don't meet "objectives" set by
Koch during annual evaluations.
David W. Rasmussen, dean of the College of Social Sciences, defended
the deal, initiated by an FSU graduate working for Koch. During the first round
of hiring in 2009, Koch rejected nearly 60 percent of the faculty's suggestions
but ultimately agreed on two candidates. Although the deal was signed in
2008 with little public controversy, the issue revived last week when two FSU
professors — one retired, one active — criticized the contract in the Tallahassee Democrat as an affront to academic freedom.
Rasmussen said hiring the two new assistant professors allows him to
offer eight additional courses a year. "I'm sure some faculty will say this is
not exactly consistent with their view of academic freedom,'' he said. "But it
seems to me it would have been irresponsible not to do it."
The Koch foundation, based in Arlington, Va., did not return a call
seeking comment.
Most universities, including the University of Florida, have policies
that strictly limit donors' influence over the use of their gifts. Yale
University once returned $20 million when the donor demanded veto power over appointments, saying such control was "unheard of."
Jennifer Washburn, who has reviewed dozens of contracts between
universities and donors, called the Koch agreement with FSU "truly shocking."
Said Washburn, author of University Inc., a book on industry's ties
to academia: "This is an egregious example of a public university being willing to sell itself for next to nothing."
• • •
The foundation partnering with FSU is one of several non-profits
funded by Charles Koch (pronounced "coke''), 75, and his brother David, 71. The aim: To advance their belief, through think tanks, political organizations
and academia, that government taxes and regulations impinge on prosperity.
The Koch philosophy is similar to that of Rick Scott, who, in one of
his first acts as Florida's governor, froze all new state regulations on
businesses, and has pushed for tax cuts.
The Koch brothers own the second biggest private U.S. corporation,
maker of such popular products as Brawny paper towels, Dixie cups and Stainmaster carpet. Koch Industries, which had $100 billion in sales last year, also owns thousands of miles of oil pipelines, refineries and Georgia-Pacific lumber. The Koch brothers are each worth $22 billion.
Charles, chairman and CEO of Koch Industries in Wichita, Kan.,
cofounded the Cato Institute, a policymaking group, in 1977. His brother serves on the board.
David, who lives in Manhattan and is Koch Industries' executive vice
president, in 2004 started the Americans for Prosperity Foundation, which has
worked closely with the tea party movement.
The Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation, to which he has given as
much as $80 million a year, has focused on "advancing social progress and
well-being" through grants to about 150 universities. But in the past, most
colleges, including Florida Gulf Coast University in Fort Myers, received just
a few thousand dollars.
The big exception has been George Mason University, a public
university in Virginia which has received more than $30 million from Koch over the past 20 years. At George Mason, Koch's foundation has underwritten the
Mercatus Center, whose faculty study "how institutions affect the freedom to prosper."
When President George W. Bush identified 23 regulations he wanted to
eliminate, 14 had been initially suggested by Mercatus scholars. In a New Yorker profile of the Koch brothers in August, Rob Stein, a Democratic strategist, called Mercatus "ground zero for deregulation policy in Washington."
• • •
Now, rather than taking over entire academic departments, Koch is
funding faculty who promote his agenda at universities where there are a
variety of economic views. In addition to FSU, Koch has made similar
arrangements at two other state schools, Clemson University in South Carolina and West Virginia University.
Bruce Benson, chairman of FSU's economics department, said that of
his staff of 30, six, including himself, would fall into Koch's free-market camp.
"The Kochs find, as I do, that a lot of regulation is actually
detrimental and they're convinced markets work relatively well when left alone," he said.
Benson said his department had extensive discussion, but no vote, on
the Koch agreement when it was signed in 2008.
He said the Koch grant has improved his department and guaranteed a
diversity of opinion that's beneficial to students.
"Students will ultimately choose," he said. "If you believe strongly
in something, you believe it can win the debate."
Benson makes annual reports to Koch about the faculty's publications,
speeches and classes, which have included the economics of corruption. He said FSU has promised to retain the professors in tenure-track positions hired
under the Koch grant if the foundation ever feels they aren't complying with its objectives and withdraws support.
"So far, they're fine with what's going on," Benson said. "But I
agree with what they believe, whether they give us money or not."
• • •
As originally drafted, the agreement called for the Koch foundation
and FSU to raise up to $6.6 million for six faculty positions. That plan has
been scaled back in the face of the recession, but FSU's dean dismissed
suggestions that he signed the deal with Koch because of financial strain.
"This would have been an opportunity to improve our economics
department under any circumstances," Rasmussen said.
In addition to funding two slots, Koch has also donated nearly
$500,000 for graduate fellowships. So far only BB&T, the bank holding company, has joined the effort, with its foundation pledging $1.5 million over 10 years. The money is being used to hire an instructor who is not eligible for tenure; BB&T had no control over the hire, Rasmussen said.
A separate grant from BB&T funds a course on ethics and economics in
which Ayn Rand's Atlas Shrugged is required reading. The novel, which depicts
society's collapse in the wake of government encroachment on free enterprise,
was recently made into a movie marketed to tea party members.
"If somebody says, 'We're willing to help support your students and
faculty by giving you money, but we'd like you to read this book,' that doesn't
strike me as a big sin," said Rasmussen of the BB&T arrangement, which the bank has with about 60 schools. "What is a big sin is saying that certain ideas
cannot be discussed."
Nor does he fear that the agreements with Koch and BB&T will prompt
future donors to demand control over hiring or curriculum.
Said Rasmussen, "I have no objections to people who want to help us
fund excellence at our university. I'm happy to do it."
Times researcher Shirl Kennedy contributed to this report. Kris
Hundley can be reached at khundley@sptimes.com
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Re: Koch Brothers thread

Postby seemslikeadream » Mon May 16, 2011 8:13 am

Guerilla Action NAILS NYC’s David Koch Theater During Red Carpet Event

May 12, 2011 | In: Featured, Resources

(DETAILS DEVELOPING – WILL HAVE MORE THROUGHOUT THE DAY)
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Last night the David H. Koch Theater at Lincoln Center in New York City went through a process of identity correction.

1,000 people gathered to launch Koch Brothers Exposed — a new project of Brave New Foundation and The Other 98% — by projecting a short film about the billionaire Koch Brothers onto the front of the Kochs’ own building. Simultaneously, a small team of pranksters placed the giant sticker pictured above on the front of the theater. The boisterous crowd featured a live marching band, free popcorn, and – most importantly – the truth about the Koch Brothers.

Tweet this image and share it on Facebook if you like it – and look at some of the other images from our event.
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Who ARE the Koch Bros?

David and Charles Koch represent the worst of the corrosive elements that have turned our democracy into a pay-to-play system of government; a system where the corporate elite are able to continuously extend their power, wealth and influence while the majority of citizens are relegated further and further to the margins. Their cynical funding of the Tea Party, which has become the tip of a right wing spear that will never stop seeking tax cuts for the rich and won’t sleep until what remains of a social safety net is completely shredded, is but their latest venture in a long, long campaign to subvert democracy in order to improve their bottom line. These are the kind of guys that fund climate change “skeptics” (read: they purchase bunk science) in order to protect their investments in the fossil fuel industry. The kind of guys that try to derail health care reform because they’ve concluded that it will cut into their profit margins.
Image


The Details

The action started with about 500 people gathering around the back of the David Koch Theater in Lincoln Center. There they were treated to free popcorn and and a giant projected film of the evil deeds of the Koch Brothers’ – on the walls of their own theater.
Image
The commotion around back drew the security away from the stealthy re-naming going on at the front of the building.
Image
At the front of the building the crowds swelled to close to 1,000 and there were more projections coming from a hotel across the street and covering much of the front of the building.
Image
The projected film had the Koch Brothers saying things like “I trademarked Greed. That’s right. I own it.” And “I love democracy. That’s why I buy elections.”
Image
People chanted and took photos. Police cars swarmed the area. Guests from the red carpet event came outside to see what the commotion was about. It took the security guards about 20 minutes to get the sticker down, and the projection went on for just under an hour.
Image
The entire event went smoothly, and for a golden hour last night, the David H. Koch Theater told the truth about its namesake.
Image
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: Koch Brothers thread

Postby seemslikeadream » Wed May 18, 2011 6:39 pm

Image

Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: Koch Brothers thread

Postby American Dream » Thu Jun 09, 2011 11:16 pm

DeVos, Koch, Scaife, Walton, ALEC, AFC: The Corporate Royalists and Right-Wing Groups Propelling the GOP's Assault on the Middle Class

By Jim Hightower, Hightower Lowdown
Posted on June 6, 2011

http://www.alternet.org/teaparty/151213/devos%2C_koch%2C_scaife%2C_walton%2C_alec%2C_afc%3A_the_corporate_royalists_and_right-wing_groups_propelling_the_gop%27s_assault_on_the_middle_class/

In January, a small group of Indiana schoolteachers encountered their governor, Mitch Daniels, in a hallway of the state capitol. They were part of an outpouring of Hoosiers who had come to Indianapolis that day to protest Daniels' almost-gleeful political attack on the pay and even the worthiness of public employees. Having the chance, this scrappy group dared to confront his eminence. Why, they asked, was he demonizing and so drastically under-cutting those who educate Indiana's children?

"You teachers are all making too much money," the governor snapped. He then lectured them with a prepackaged factoid: "You are all making 22 percent more than the taxpayers who are paying your salaries."

Hmmm, too much? Let's see--classroom teachers in Indiana earn a middle-class paycheck that averages $47,255 a year for handling a daily workload that would break the back (and haughtiness) of any pompous and pampered governor. Yet they are being belittled and their compensation is being slashed by this peacock of a public employee who sucks up more than twice what teachers get in annual salary, plus gold-plated benefits, assorted perks of office, and a barn full of personal staffers to help him make it through his day. Someone needs to buy Mitch a mirror.

Daniels is one of a flock of far right-wing governors who seem to have flown out of the same dark political hellhole in the past couple of years. Now ruling from the highest roosts of power in more than a dozen states, all of them are pushing vituperative measures designed to disempower and downsize not only public employees and unions, but also the entire workaday majority of their states --the middle class itself. Among other assaults, they are canceling collective bargaining contracts, suppressing union rights, arbitrarily eliminating hundreds of thousands of both public and private-sector jobs, turning over schools and other public functions to low-paying corporations, doing away with minimum wage protections, and cutting unemployment benefits and worker pensions (while simultaneously giving new tax cuts to corporations and millionaires).

Curiously, the governors all seem to have the same playbook. Not only are their agendas alike and the content of their proposals remarkably similar, but they're also parroting the same scripted rationale for their extremist actions: "The sky is falling on our Great State of [Blank], but luckily I was elected by the good voters of [Blank] to do the people's will, so I am taking these bold steps to balance [Blank's] budget."

What a crock! First, none of them campaigned on what they're now doing. Second, poll after poll shows that the public supports the workers, not the megalomaniacal governors. And, third, gutting the fundamental workplace rights of wage earners has nothing to do with balancing budgets.

Indeed, if a budgetary fix was really their goal, the governors could easily achieve it by setting up dunking tanks on their capitol grounds, putting their own ample butts on the dunking boards, and charging a dollar a pop for anyone wanting to dunk them. The lines would stretch for miles, and budget deficits could be quickly wiped out, one dunk at a time.

Goons in Gucci's

So where does this sudden, multi-state offensive against the hard-won rights, protections, and democratic power of America's wage earners come from? From the top--from a relative handful of arrogantly rich, right-wing families and corporate chieftains who have long been dedicated to disarming labor, repealing the New Deal, and returning America to the glory days when robber barons ruled. These particular moneyed elites have not idly dreamed of going back to the future, they've been investing hundreds of millions of dollars during the past four decades to assemble a shadowy network of hired political thugs to get them there.

[HISTORICAL FLASHBACK: In the fierce labor wars of the last century, industrial barons employed Pinkertons and other goons to bloody the heads of laborers or simply gun down those struggling for a share of economic and political power. It was brutal, but organized workers persevered and eventually gained a share of economic and political power. From their sweat and blood, America's middle class flowered.]

Today, the bands of nouveau corporate royalists (with coats of arms bearing such names as Coors, DeVos, Koch, Scaife, and Walton) are determined to take back those middle-class gains of yesteryear. They are working to achieve this through a coordinated, long-term campaign to (1) crush the ability of working people to unionize, (2) bust America's middle-class wage structure, (3) eliminate job security, and (4) emasculate government as a force capable of controlling corporate avarice and arrogance.

These latter-day royalists are employing a more sophisticated thuggery than brute force (though don't think they wouldn't resort to it). Instead, their goons are more likely to be in Gucci's than brogans, using dollars and computers rather than clubs and guns. They have been recruiting, financing, training, deploying, and coordinating thousands of political operatives to work through hundreds of front groups, law firms, think tanks, PACs, lobbying offices, media and PR consortiums, faux academic centers, astroturf campaigns, and--of course--compliant politicians.

Among the compliant is our covey of hyperactive governors, all carrying basically the same anti-worker, anti-democratic policy ideas. Their unified agenda wasn't produced by telepathy or freakish happenstance, but by AFC, ALEC, IFL, SPN,* and other obscure organizational acronyms unknown to 99 percent of Americans. But Daniels of Indiana, Walker of Wisconsin, Kasich of Ohio, Scott of Florida, and the rest of the covey have these organizations on speed dial. Behind the non-descript acronyms are aggressive and insidious right-wing wonk shops that have been set up and richly financed by the corporatists to prepare and hand-deliver pro-corporate programs to compliant governors and key legislators. Once delivered, the organizations work (usually clandestinely) to get the programs enacted. Let's peek inside a couple of these acronyms.

AMERICAN FEDERATION FOR CHILDREN.

Forget children, AFC is an astroturf organization spreading the gospel of public education privatization. It is a creature of Michigan's multi-billionaire DeVos family--daddy Richard founded Amway, ranks 62nd among the richest Americans, and owns the Orlando Magic basketball team.

AFC is ramrodded by Betsy DeVos, whose right-wing bona fides are rock solid. Raised in the wealthy, ueber-conservative Prince family (her brother is Erik Prince, founder of Blackwater, the infamous private war corporation), she married Dick (son of Richard) and has been a major donor/fundraiser for the GOP, for religious-right political groups, and for a national web of school privatizers. Also, she and the larger DeVos klan are longtime co-conspirators in and co-funders of the Koch brothers' plutocratic political network. [Bonus tidbit: The DeVoses reportedly helped finance the Citizens United case that the Supreme Court used last year to unleash secret, unlimited corporate money on our elections.] Betsy is unabashed about using the family's vast fortune for, as she puts it, "buying influence" in government. In 1997 she bluntly declared, "We expect a return on our investment."

Eradication of public schools is her passion, and AFC is her machine. It's essentially a front group that funnels big money from a cadre of like-minded rich people into other front groups across the country. In turn, these groups funnel AFC's money into local privatization campaigns. Last year, for example, just one political action committee registered by AFC in Indiana amassed $4.6 million from only 13 donors--none from Indiana. The list included Alice and Jim Walton (two billionaire Walmart heirs), a trio of super-rich global speculators (who, interestingly, say they base their risky gambles on poker strategies), a multi-millionaire operator of a national chain of for-profit charter schools, and Betsy herself. Very little of the money stayed in Indiana--more than $4 million was flung out to pro- privatization front groups and candidates running campaigns in Florida, Georgia, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Utah, and Wisconsin. This shell game is repeated in campaigns around the country, with the same core group of gabillionaires putting up the cash.

While you are not likely to have heard of Betsy DeVos, chances are she and her deep-pocket cohorts are behind efforts to privatize schools right where you live. By running money through their maze of shell organizations, they keep their own identities secret. Voters in the six states that got cash last year from the Indiana PAC, for example, might see that a group with the sweet-sounding name of the American Federation for Children is running campaign ads and funding candidates in their area--but there's no disclosure that Amway, Walmart, a trio of poker-guided speculators, and a charter school profiteer are the real source of the effort to undermine their public school system

In campaign after campaign, the 'local' demand for privatization turns out to be little more than AFC money creating the illusion of grassroots support (in fact, the steady infusion of millions of dollars from DeVos, the Waltons, et al. is often the only thing propping up many of the so-called 'school choice' organizations at the local, state, and national levels). AFC will gush money into state initiatives, legislative lobbying campaigns, and political races, especially in the crucial couple of weeks before a vote. The money buys glossy (and often nastily negative) media, creating the impression that there's a groundswell for taking public schools private. "Flooding the zone" is the phrase that AFC's cynical political operatives use to describe this astroturf tactic. Polls consistently show strong public opposition to using tax dollars to fund private and parochial schools, but a little thing like that doesn't deter DeVos and her tiny band of rich ideologues. Through their stealth campaigns, they have helped elect governors who are on board their corporatization crusade. In April, for example, Gov. Mitch Daniels rammed a sweeping, DeVos-backed voucher bill into law. This radical movement is out to eradicate public education (one group funded by DeVos, Koch, and company even calls itself the Alliance for the Separation of School and State, proudly proclaiming that it supports "ending gov- ernment involvement in education").

The vast majority of America's 310 million people adamantly supports public education, but DeVos intends to overwhelm those millions with her millions of dollars, strategically using untraceable money to pervert public policy to her will, one campaign at a time. Last year she launched the AFC Action Fund to focus on state legislative races across the country, with the intention of surreptitiously stacking legislatures with school privatizers.

2. AMERICAN LEGISLATIVE EXCHANGE COUNCIL.

"With nearly 2,000 members" explains a brochure of this secretive organization, "ALEC is the nation's largest nonpartisan, individual membership association of state legislators." Maybe your very own local lawmaker is one of them--but you won't get that information from ALEC, which hides its list of legislators from public view.

Nonpartisan? Its website lists 22 legislators from around the country who serve as board members and officers of this tax-exempt legislative service organization. All are Republican. In fact, only token numbers of Democrats are allowed in the club, and all inductees are individually vetted to make sure they will adhere to ALEC's corporate dogma.

Which brings us to the organization's pose as an association of legislators. The "exchange" in ALEC's name is not between lawmakers, but between lawmakers and such behind-the-scenes powers as Altria, AT&T, Bayer, Coca-Cola, ExxonMobil, GlaxoSmithKline, Intuit, Johnson & Johnson, Koch Industries, Kraft Foods, Peabody Energy, Pfizer, Reynolds American, State Farm Insurance, UPS, and Walmart. These giants form ALEC's "private enterprise board," and they are among the self-interested corporations that put up its money and shape its agenda.

State reps pay only a token $50 a year to be members of ALEC, while at least 82 percent of the $6 million yearly budget comes from corporations (ALEC demurely refuses to name its donors, much less report how much each gives, nor will it disclose how it spends the money).

What do corporations get for their tax-deductible donations? A greased skid for sliding their wish list into the laws of multiple states. ALEC is something of a speed dating service. It holds three national conferences a year, plus convening issue-specific policy sessions in 20 to 30 state capitols annually. These are cozy sessions that conveniently gather groups of legislators to meet in private with corporate executives. The two groups schmooze together and develop bills to help extend corporate power over workers, consumers, environmentalists, and others--then the lawmakers go back home to pass the corporations' bills.

ALEC is the ultimate back room for corporate-legislative collusion. Its promotional brochure describes it as a dynamic partnership "that will define the American political landscape of the 21st century."

That's no empty threat. ALEC's tête-à-têtes result in about 1,000 bills being introduced across America every legislative session, and an ALEC official proudly adds, "We usually pass about 200 bills a year." And what pieces of work they are! For example:

Even before Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker took office this January, ALEC agents were handing him model bills for clubbing teachers and other public employees. Pushing ALEC's attack from inside the legislature were Wisconsin state Sen. Scott Fitzgerald, the rancorous, union-busting majority leader who was ALEC's state chairman last year, and state Rep. Robin Vos, the house budget slasher who heads ALEC's state organization this year. Likewise, governors in Indiana, Maine, Michigan, and Ohio have backed anti-union legislation this year that closely resembles ALEC's 'model' bills.

In 2009, ALEC drew up the Voter ID Act to ban university students from using their college-issued ID's as proof of residency for voting. Seven states have adopted this model law, which is intended to bar eligible students from the voting booth. These kids must be disenfranchised, New Hampshire's house speaker bluntly said in February, because they're "voting liberal, voting their feelings, with no life experience." This model bill has been introduced in 18 other states this year in a rather obvious ploy to hold down the student vote in the 2012 presidential election.

Arizona's infamous anti-Latino immigration law was crafted at an ALEC conference. The state senate leader who sponsored the bill was in the meeting, as was an eager executive from Corrections Corporation of America, the private prison operation that stands to get a nice business boost from Arizona's law.

Numerous state bills have been filed to kill, dilute, or withdraw from Obama's universal healthcare reform. Many bear remarkably similar wording, perhaps because they were drawn from a special report churned out by the 'nonpartisan' ALEC, entitled "The State Legislators Guide to Repealing ObamaCare."

One of ALEC's specialties is developing state laws to stop citizens from interfering with corporate whim. For example, when various communities began outlawing the use of genetically altered seeds in their area, ALEC rushed out a model bill to remove local control of seeds--11 states have passed it. Also with such climate-change deniers as Koch and Exxon funding ALEC and sitting on its board, you can guess why this corporate policy front has produced more than 800 draft measures against regulating global warming emissions--and, at least six states are considering bills nearly identical to ALEC's draft resolution for "state withdrawal from regional climate initiatives."


The big lie

Something unconscionable is at work here, something that is shameful, unworthy of our people, and directly contradictory to our country's founding ideals. The richest, most powerful, most privileged people in our land--in cahoots with a horde of the least principled, most venal political opportunists in civic life-- are intentionally savaging the well-being of America's majority and aggressively suppressing the democratic rights that make America America. And for what? Solely for themselves, for the aggrandizement of their own wealth and power.

To pull off this grand political larceny, the narcissistic right has manufactured a huge lie that has largely been accepted as truth not only by the GOP and tea partiers, but also by the mass media, nearly all of the mainline pundit class, and too many fraidy-cat Democratic leaders, including the one in the oval office. The lie is that extreme budgetary measures (they call them "coura- geous") simply must be imposed now, this instant, in order to slay the looming deficit monster that is gorging itself on government spending at all levels.

"In the name of your grandbabies," they cry, "teachers must be fired, rights smothered, pensions abrogated, Medicare tossed aside, little kids cut off from Head Start, and the bright promise of America's shared prosperity dimmed. We have no choice but to slash and burn."

No choice? One hedge fund hustler pocketed $2.4 million last year. Not for the year--$2.4 million AN HOUR. Yet he and his ilk pay a much lower tax rate than you and I do. In recent years, huge corporations like GE, ExxonMobil, and Bank of America have pocketed billions of dollars in profit, yet paid not a dime in federal income taxes. Indeed, far from paying taxes, these three have even been handed millions of dollars in "refunds" from our public treasury in some of their profitable years. Sliding through loopholes created by their lobbyists, two-thirds of corporations in the US pay no income taxes to help cover the priceless benefits they get from our national government.

America does not face a deficit crisis--we face a multi-billion dollar annual tax dodge by the most elite of moneyed elites. The money our society needs is right there--in the coffers of flagrantly rich Fortune 500 corporations and Wall Street banks, in the personal accounts of absurdly wealthy CEOs and fast-buck speculators. America is hardly a poor country. It's the richest in the history of the world, and it ought to have the very best public education program in the world, the most advanced infrastructure network, and the finest system of health care for all.

Yet our 'leaders' only talk of what they can't do, of what must be cut, of how the middle class and the poor must sacrifice, of how Americans must adapt to the new normal of diminished expectations and shriveled democratic power. The ugly truth is that these despicable governors and lawmakers are willingly trashing teachers and butchering our public budgets simply to spare the privileged and plutocratic few from paying what they owe to sustain a just, democratic, and truly prosperous society. This is ridiculous. Let's tax the super-rich! We the People must join together, stand up, push back, and shift the focus in this fight from hardworking teachers to these disgusting deadbeats and their political puppets.





Jim Hightower is a national radio commentator, writer, public speaker, and author of the new book, "Swim Against the Current: Even a Dead Fish Can Go With the Flow." (Wiley, March 2008) He publishes the monthly "Hightower Lowdown," co-edited by Phillip Frazer.
"If you don't stand for something, you will fall for anything."
-Malcolm X
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Re: Koch Brothers thread

Postby Allegro » Mon Aug 08, 2011 11:03 pm

.
The Center for Public Integrity | iwatch
— By Cole Goins | April 18, 2011

    Koch buys online advertising
    to attack report on its lobbying influence

      Koch Industries has launched an online advertising campaign to rebut a Center for Public Integrity report about its lobbying activities that it refused to respond to when the story was published last week.

      The story, headlined “Koch’s Web of Influence” by John Aloysius Farrell, outlined Koch’s multimillion-dollar lobbying network in Washington and its attempts to influence Congress and federal agencies.

      The Center sought comment from Koch Industries repeatedly while the story was being reported, including 11 emails and phone calls to several Koch communications and lobbying officials. Koch’s only response then was an email on the eve of publication from Melissa Cohlmia, director of corporate communications.

      “We have received your requests for assistance. We have serious misgivings about your claims of objectivity, balance and sourcing for a number of reasons, not the least of which is that you have written numerous pieces that are critical of issues that Koch would support,” her email said.

      Cohlmia’s email is part of the ad campaign, which was spotted on Facebook and Google.

      Mike Hoyt, executive editor at the Columbia Journalism Review, said he had not seen similar attacks on journalists via online ads. He said he was concerned about the potential effects of the rapid growth of public relations on the press — the subject of an article to be published in the magazine's May/June edition.

      "Public relations has grown so tremendously while journalism has, due to the recession and the digital shakeup of the business model, shrunk," Hoyt said in an email. "Combine that with the ability of powerful entities to buy their own gateways to the public, and you have a civic conversation that can be skewed. A main job of the press is to examine the powerful, and that becomes harder given the PR muscle of the powerful."

      A group on Facebook, The Beer Party, defended the Center story and gave followers a step-by-step process on how to report the ad as misleading.

      Center for Public Integrity Executive Director Bill Buzenberg noted that Farrell’s story was based on lobbying disclosure reports filed by Koch’s own lobbyists, and that he was disappointed the company bought advertising to attack a reporter instead of simply answering the questions he raised to the company beforehand.

      “The story is based on Koch’s own reports, hardly controversial material that would warrant the ad hominem attack on a reporter who was objectively doing his job,” Buzenberg said. “Rather than answer our repeated efforts to get their side of the story or to address issues that are irrefutably factual, it seems as though Koch simply wants to use advertising to bully and chill a free press.”

      Thomas B. Edsall, a journalism professor at Columbia University and a longtime Washington reporter, said he thought the ad might simply draw more attention to the Center’s report.

      Noting the Center’s work often draws on publicly available databases, Edsall added, “These are available to Koch and any other organization, left, right or center. These databases could be used to verify (or dispute) CPI's reporting, something Koch has failed to do.”

      Have you seen other corporate ads attacking journalists or media organizations? Send an email to Cole Goins: cgoins@publicintegrity.org
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Re: Koch Brothers thread

Postby seemslikeadream » Mon Sep 12, 2011 12:45 pm

Big Brothers Buy in at Big Media
The Koch Whisperers
by PAM MARTENS
A CounterPunch Special Report

When Larry Kudlow of CNBC, WABC Radio and National Review speaks, who’s really talking? Is it Kudlow or is it the $332,500 he has pocketed from the Koch-funded Mercatus Center. While Kudlow did previously acknowledge accepting $50,000 from Enron after he wrote an article about the company and failed to disclose it, he has not disclosed the Mercatus money to readers of his columns, blog or to viewers of his programs as he openly pitches the Mercatus/Koch agenda.

When John Stossel gives us his free market shtick on his weekly program on the Fox Business Network, who’s putting the words in his mouth? Is Stossel a muckracker or a buckracker in the debt of a web of shadowy right wing nonprofits that manage his name and message?

How about Stephen Moore, member of the Wall Street Journal’s editorial board and a frequent opinion writer on its pages; does his attendance at the super secretive Koch brothers junket in Aspen last year and his service to fellow Kochtopi as a Board Member of the ultra secretive Donors Capital Fund, Inc. cloud his views?

As we reported here on October 26 of last year, Donors Capital Fund, Inc. is a conduit that guarantees its donors complete anonymity. It takes money from the elite folks and plows it into shady operations. Secretly, in 2008, it handed the Clarion Fund $17,778,600 to release 28 million DVDs of the race-baiting documentary, “Obsession: Radical Islam’s War Against the West.” Seven weeks before the Presidential election, against the background whispers that Obama was a Muslim, the DVDs flooded households in the swing voter states. The Board composition and funding patterns of this group have Koch brothers written all over them. (See “The Far Right’s Secret Slush Fund to Keep Fear Alive” at related articles below.)

Now, according to tax records obtained through the assistance of www.GuideStar.org, Donors Capital sluiced over $130 million into the Kochtopi in 2008 and 2009, with massive sums going to fund “news bureaus” in dozens of states. (Apparently, as Brad Friedman exposed at Mother Jones recently, when Charles Koch stated at his secret Colorado bash in June of this year that the upcoming presidential campaign would be “the mother of all wars over the next 16 months,” he already had his boots on the ground in Donors Capital-funded newsrooms around the country.) Next to each notation of funding for a “news bureau” there frequently appears another line item that reads “for transparency project.” It takes an Orwellian brand of tartuffery to be running an ultra secretive slush fund and telling the IRS it’s for transparency projects.

Charles and David Koch, the anointed chiefs of the Kochtopi (way too sprawling to be called a Kochtopus) tied for 5th place, with $21.5 billion each, in the 2010 Forbes list of the richest Americans. They are the controlling shareholders of Koch Industries Inc., a private global conglomerate with a presence in over 60 countries, including interests in oil, refining, pipelines, paper products, chemicals, fertilizer and commodities trading. The firm’s annual revenues are estimated to be in the range of $100 billion.

A review of documents and tax records for the dizzying, interconnected web of corporate front groups, frequently created, supported and influenced by Charles or David Koch, shows just how dangerous these groups espousing free markets and liberty have become to a free society. The game plan is to devalue the rights of actual citizens by seeking human voices dangling from a corporate marionette string, that might be willing for the right amount of cash incentive to broadcast the Orwellian reverse-speak: liberty means more liberty for corporations (corporate serfdom for real citizens); freedom means corporate freedom to privatize national resources, pollute the environment and fleece the consumer with impunity; free market means the freedom to draw a dark curtain around how the corporations are actually screwing us and stealing our liberty.

The reverse speak of the Koch brand of academic freedom became crystal clear this year with the leak of a contract the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation had previously signed with Florida State University to provide a grant of $1.5 million in exchange for the right to vet and veto faculty hires for an economics program based on “political economy and free enterprise.” According to the St. Petersburg Times, Jennifer Washburn has “reviewed dozens of contracts between universities and donors” and found the Koch agreement with FSU “truly shocking.” Washburn went on to say: “This is an egregious example of a public university being willing to sell itself for next to nothing.” If Washburn thinks the FSU deal is shocking, she should take a look at the arrangement Koch has carved out for itself over the past twenty years with another publicly funded institution: George Mason University in Virginia.

The goal is to financially allure university professors to Koch’s distorted vision of market based management, free markets, and transparency. All the while, Koch Industries is a private, dark curtain corporation. Its own stock has never been subjected to price discovery in a free market; the public can’t get a peek at the financials of this firm; there is no means of determining how much debt is on the corporate balance sheet or if, as with AIG and Citigroup, we, the sheared sheep, might have to bail the corporation out some day to save some too-big-to-fail bank that holds its debt. When the firm purchased Georgia-Pacific, that company was immediately delisted from public, transparent trading on the New York Stock Exchange. Maybe it takes a juggernaut of think tanks, lobby groups and corporate tyrants in drag as citizen movements to disorient inquisitive media minds.

The little we do know about Koch Industries came from 60 Minutes and that wasn’t at all pretty. As we reported back on October 19 of last year here at CounterPunch, 60 Minutes did a story in 2000 on Koch Industries, disclosing jaw-dropping charges made by a brother, Bill Koch, in court documents. According to a transcript of the show: “Bill Koch filed a lawsuit in federal court claiming that much of the oil collected by Koch Industries was stolen from federal lands. At the trial, 50 former Koch gaugers testified against the company, some in video depositions. They said Koch employees had a name for cheating on the measurements.” It was called the Koch Method. “The company used the Koch method with virtually all its customers. In the 1980′s alone, Koch records show those so-called adjustments brought the company 300 million gallons of oil it never paid for. And it was pure profit. Bill Koch says that profits from that oil were a minimum of $230 million…In December 1999, the jury found that Koch Industries did steal oil from the public and lied about its purchases – 24 thousand times.”

So is the “Koch Method” the mumbo-jumbo “market based management” that they’re incentivizing economics departments at our institutions of higher education all around the country to indoctrinate in the minds of our young people? Or is it something more basic; say, for example, plain ole cheating and regulatory capture.

The Koch brothers’ decision to create a nonprofit network dates back to 1977 when Charles Koch founded the Cato Institute, an organization the Koch foundations continue to fund. According to Cato’s web site, David Koch continues to sit on its board along with Kevin Gentry, Vice President for Strategic Development at the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation and chief honcho of the secret, annual strategy meetings of the Kochtopi.

The next phase of a pseudo citizens group began in 1984 when Charles Koch, David Koch, and Richard Fink (Executive Vice President at Koch Industries and a board member at numerous Koch funded nonprofits) co-founded Citizens for a Sound Economy Foundation. According to Right Wing Watch, Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE), a sister organization, “spent $5 million against Clinton’s health care proposal, dogging the White House’s nationwide bus tour with its own bus and rallies. For a 1997 campaign, CSE spent hundreds of thousands of dollars per week running radio ads in 20 markets against proposed new EPA air standards.”

According to Source Watch,

“CSE was a member of Project Relief, an alliance of corporations, trade associations, think tanks and law firms formed in December 1994 to promote the regulatory reform components of the House Republican ‘Contract with America.’ It was a member of the Cooler Heads Coalition, an industry-funded campaign sponsored by the National Consumer Coalition (an industry-funded front group) to spread skepticism about the science of global warming. It also belonged to the Health Benefits Coalition, which lobbies on behalf of the healthcare industry…”

CSE functioned very much as Donors Capital Fund is functioning today: in the dark. In 2000, Public Citizen issued a report titled “CSE: Corporate Shill Enterprise,” calling it a “corporate lobbying front group.” Budget documents for 1998 had been leaked to Public Citizen, showing that for just that one year, “the oil and gas industry contributed nearly $2.3 million, big phone companies gave nearly $1.5 million and the tobacco industry contributed more than $1.1 million….” Back then, the Koch funding mechanisms were not that well known. Today, looking at the names and amounts on the documents for just that one year of 1998, there is the Koch controlled Claude R. Lambe Charitable Foundation for $665,000; Koch Industries Inc., $626,500; David H. Koch, $750,000 — for a total of $2,041,500 – almost twice that of any other single contributor. (Lawrence Kudlow served as economic advisor to the organization, according to Source Watch.)

In 2004, Citizens for a Sound Economy merged with Empower America (where Kudlow had served on the Board) to became FreedomWorks and the Citizens for a Sound Economy Foundation was renamed Americans for Prosperity Foundation. According to the organization’s 2009 tax return, David Koch is chairman of the board and Koch Industries Executive V.P. Richard Fink is a board member.

Charles Koch, on the Koch Industries web site, admits to helping found or build the following organizations: the Institute for Humane Studies at George Mason University, the Cato Institute, the Mercatus Center at George Mason University, the Bill of Rights Institute and the Market-Based Management Institute. In reality, there are many more organizations where Koch money forms the core of the operations.

Tax records obtained by Greenpeace show that Koch Foundations have given over $12 million to the Mercatus Center and its precursor organization, the Center for the Study of Market Processes, since 1986; over $13 million to Cato, since 1986; over $10 million to the Institute for Humane Studies. Citizens for a Sound Economy received at least $11 million from 1986 through 2002. Since 2005, Americans for Prosperity Foundation has received over $5 million from the Koch Foundations.

Since its founding in 1999, the Bill of Rights Institute has received $2.6 million from the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation and $100,000 from the David H. Koch Charitable Foundation. From 2007 through 2009, the foundation for the deceased parents of the brothers, the Fred C. and Mary R. Koch Foundation, which typically restricts its giving to Kansas, sent off $650,000 to the Bill of Rights Institute in Virginia.

A documentary available on the internet, “[Astro]Turf Wars,” exposed dissembling on the part of the Kochs over funding the Tea Party through Americans for Prosperity. The video shows David Koch at an Americans for Prosperity confab, acknowledging his founding of the group and applauding each Tea Party speaker as they relay their work for the cause. David Koch can be distinctly heard to say:

“Five years ago my brother Charles and I provided the funds to start the Americans for Prosperity and it’s beyond my wildest dreams how AFP has grown into this enormous organization of hundreds of thousands of Americans from all walks of life standing up and fighting for the economic freedoms that have made our nation the most prosperous society in history.”

Prosperous? A man worth $21.5 billion can hardly be expected to take note of the news that 43 million Americans now live below the poverty level; or that 50 percent of the population would not be able to come up with $2,000 within 30 days for an unexpected expense, according to the National Bureau of Economic Research.

One of those freedoms most treasured by the Koch brothers is their ability to see a research study done by one of their funded economics departments, then have its dubious data quoted from the mouth of a funded “news” celebrity. From 2002 through 2006, the Koch funded Mercatus Center paid Lawrence Kudlow, a CNBC co-host and later host of his own show, “The Kudlow Report,” a total of $332,500 through his consulting arm, Kudlow & Co. LLC. I obtained the information from public filings Mercatus made with the IRS. It is not known if the Mercatus Center continued to pay Kudlow after 2006. The Mercatus tax filings show $3.1 million paid in a line item called “honoraria” from 2001 through 2007. Emails and phone calls to Kudlow, the CNBC legal department, and three communications executives of both CNBC and NBC/Universal were met with silence, despite a week’s lead time to respond.

The Center for Public Integrity had this to say about the Mercatus Center in 2006:

“In 2005, Rep. Bob Ney, R-Ohio, whose office has accepted 19 trips from Mercatus — more than any other — introduced a bill to amend the Clean Air Act and require the secretary of energy to construct 15 new gasoline refineries and sell them to private businesses. Mercatus has sought to weaken the act and spoken of the need for more refineries — both scenarios that could benefit Koch Industries.

“‘Neither the congressman nor his staff has ever had a single conversation with anyone from Mercatus about that bill,’ said Brian Walsh, communications director for Ney. ‘He introduced that bill to reduce America’s dependence on foreign countries for oil. We have not had a new refinery built in this country in over 20 years.’

“Mercatus spent at least $227,000 on more than 400 trips for lawmakers and their aides from 2000 through mid-2005. Most of this money appears to have been spent on the group’s annual retreat for congressional chiefs of staff, who are often put up in posh hotels near Washington and attend seminars on public policy.

“While Congress is in session Mercatus also conducts regular seminars in congressional office buildings, where staffers are offered free meals and given lectures on issues such as health care, telecommunications regulation and tort reform.

“‘There is no conceivable argument of why this group has not registered to lobby. They have met the threshold that makes them a lobbying group,’ said [Craig] Holman of Public Citizen… ‘The Mercatus Center does not engage in lobbying,’ Carrie Conko, the organization’s communications director, said in a written statement for this story.”

Kudlow has a creed that he states regularly on air: “We believe that free market capitalism is the best path to prosperity.” Rather than an editorial “we,” a strong argument could be made that Kudlow is speaking on behalf of the Kochtopi. Consider this entry on June 29, 2006 at Kudlow’s ironically named blog, “Kudlow’s Money Politic$.” (The dollar sign is not a mistake; nor could it be more appropriate. Kudlow received $70,000 from the Mercatus Center in 2006.) “At the request of my friends at the Mercatus Center, here is (sic) some policy issues that need the most attention during the remainder of 2006.” Kudlow goes on to detail the fondest dreams of the Mercatus Center. Here’s a nice partisan snippet: “The Republican Congress should be curtailing budget earmarks and tight spending policies in order to get re-elected.”

Kudlow has also highlighted, at CNBC or National Review, the work of Veronique de Rugy, a senior research fellow at Mercatus, along with multiple scholars paid by Mercatus or its sister organization, the Institute for Humane Studies.

The Institute for Humane Studies (HIS), funded by the Koch Foundations, describes its mandate as follows in its Spring 2010 Newsletter:

“Reversing decades of big government will require a critical mass of talent in every channel of opinion influence. The Institute for Humane Studies is on it. Targeting college students with a unique set of education and career-development programs, IHS is developing a growing supply of opinion leaders who champion the principles of individual liberty and free enterprise.

“The number of IHS alumni in opinion-leading careers has quadrupled in just 10 years, to 1,156 college professors, 587 in public policy and the freedom movement, and 385 in journalism and the venues of popular culture. And many more are in the pipeline.

“IHS alumni will influence many multiples of their own numbers, over many decades. This is the leverage of the IHS strategy, as alumni educate tomorrow’s leaders in university classrooms all around the country, inform millions of consumers of news and opinion, critique government interventions, and advance solutions that respect the ideals of America’s Founders.

“Veterans of IHS programs include professors such as John Tomasi at Brown University, where he founded a center that is bringing the ideas of liberty into the classroom. Steve Moore is a member of the Wall Street Journal’s editorial board. Scott Bullock is a star litigator at the Institute for Justice, fighting for property rights and school choice all the way to the Supreme Court. And Kristi Kendall is John Stossel’s top producer, first at ABC “20/20” and now at Fox Business Network.”

A repeat guest on Kudlow’s CNBC show is Stephen Moore. Moore joined the Wall Street Journal as a member of the editorial board and senior economics writer on May 31, 2005. Moore is the former president of the Club for Growth and the Free Enterprise Fund. He has served as a federal budget expert for the Heritage Foundation and was a senior economics fellow at the Koch-founded Cato Institute, where he published dozens of tax and economic studies that then made their way into the echo chamber of right-wing columnists. Moore also served as research director for President Reagan’s Commission on Privatization. Moore’s name appears on the guest list for the secret Koch bash in Aspen last June.

Moore is on the Board of the super secretive Donors Capital Fund and held that position in 2008 when the Fund made the outsized gift of $17 million to the Clarion Fund for the DVD production and distribution of the Islamophobic documentary, “Obsession,” seven weeks before the Presidential election. Surely, as a board member of Donors Capital and an editorial board member of the Wall Street Journal, one of the papers that distributed the race-baiting film, Moore was in a pivotal position to debate the ethics of this deal.

Kudlow and Moore have co-authored articles such as: “It’s the Reagan Economy, Stupid” – Washington Times, February 1, 2000 – trumpeting the mantra that the nation’s prosperity had been built on tax cuts and “deregulation of key industries like energy, financial services and transportation”; and “The Time To Cut Taxes Is Now, But Bush Plan Should be Bigger” – Investor’s Business Daily, February 8, 2001.

Both Kudlow and Moore collect substantial additional income each year as keynote speakers for a broad assortment of conservative groups, Kochtopi, and industry groups. One of Kudlow’s speakers’ bureaus puts his fee for a talk at between $25,000 and $40,000; Kudlow has previously said $15,000 is more typical. Moore is listed at All-American Speakers Bureau’s web site with a fee of $5,001 to $10,000.

John Stossel, former co-anchor of ABC’s 20/20 and now host of Fox Business News weekly “Stossel” show, is a case study in opaque money webs. While Stossel was at ABC, a nonprofit operation sprang up to market DVDs of Stossel’s shows along with teaching guides to teachers of middle and high school students. A stated goal was to help the students learn to engage in “independent” thought. Indeed, one of the nonprofits involved is called the Center for Independent Thought, run by Andrea and Howard Rich. (Howard Rich is on the Board of Cato and his involvement with Charles Koch dates back to the early 1980s and the Libertarian Party. ) The earlier teacher guides for this operation, called “Stossel in the Classroom,” boldly shows ABC News on the cover together with a photo of Stossel. But the guides were originally written by economic professors at George Mason University where Charles Koch holds heavy influence. (According to Kris Hundley of the St. Petersburg Times, Koch has donated $30 million to the university over the past 20 years.)

On his page at George Mason University, one of the professors, Thomas Rustici, admits to preparing the materials. “In 1999, I wrote the student guide that accompanies ABC News reporter John Stossel’s ‘Greed,’ ‘Freeloaders’ and ‘Are We Scaring Ourselves to Death’ videos. These ‘Stossel in the Classroom’ guides are in almost 600 classrooms and have been read by more than 175,000 students.”

A producer for Stossel at both ABC and Fox, Kristina (Kristi) Kendall, was involved in the Koch funded Institute for Humane Studies at George Mason University. According to the Institute’s web site, Stossel asked it to recommend someone to work with him at 20/20. (Why an ABC producer would turn to a Koch funded institute was not explained.) Kendall received the Charles G. Koch Outstanding Alumnus award of $5,000 and in 2009 was elected to the Institute’s Board of Directors. According to the Institute’s web site, Stossel has had other interns from the Institute working for him and had this to say: “I don’t know what I’d do without them. Their enthusiasm, and their knowledge of free markets and limited government is a tremendous help in conveying the ideas of liberty in our special television reports.”

The 2011 Stossel in the Classroom teacher’s guide was written by Robert Schimenz, a teacher at the Queens Vocational and Technical School in New York. Schimenz is also the varsity baseball coach there. One fascinating lesson plan focuses on “Needy Seniors or Greedy Seniors?” It asks: “Are our senior citizens living at the expense of our youth? Shouldn’t senior citizens pay for their own health care? What was the purpose of Medicare?” Then it turns to a programmed learning approach to launch class warfare between junior and grammy:

Directions: as you watch the video, fill in the blanks with the correct words.

1. It’s an issue that dwarfs everything else. Isn’t it time America did less for the ___________?

2. And even though these folks are doing quite well, they get a bonus. Thanks to __________, you pay for most of their health care.

3. ______________ likes getting free stuff.

4. Harvard Business School Professor Regina Herzlinger says Medicare cheats the __________.

5. How do they feel ___________ that they’re living in these $300,000, $500,000 homes and they’re still, you know, not paying for their own health care.

My answer to question 1 is: billionaires. 2. Rigged question. 3. Everyone. 4. Grim reaper. 5. Teacher needs to hire an editor.

In 2007, Teacher Education Quarterly took a hard look at Stossel’s ties to right wing front groups. In an exhaustive piece written by David Gabbard and Terry Atkinson, the authors concluded:

“Everyone who cares about the future of our schools needs to be aware of the heavy influence of neoliberal think tanks on Stossel’s “reporting” and the sorts of reforms promoted through programs such as ‘Stupid In America.’ In all likelihood, he will continue his attacks on public schools as part of the previously-mentioned neoliberal strategy of pressuring schools to teach to high-stakes tests or risk having their schools placed under the management of a private corporation. For neoliberals, this presents a win-win situation. So long as teachers succeed in maintaining satisfactory test scores by teaching only to the tests—and even sometimes from scripted lesson plans aligned with the tests—they will have little opportunity to engage students in activities that might be destructive of their allegiance to the corporate order. If they fail to maintain satisfactory test scores, this failure serves to rationalize handing over the management of schools directly to private corporations.”

Between 2007 and 2008, Donors Capital paid the following sums to groups associated with Stossel in the Classroom: $300,000 to Center for Independent Thought; $393,607 to Free to Choose Network, Inc.; $1.8 million to the Palmer R. Chitester Fund. (The Free to Choose Network, Inc. and Palmer R. Chitester Fund have the same IRS tax identification number.) In the past, Stossel has said he turned over his enormous speaking fees to the Chitester Fund, which, at one time, owned the trademark to Stossel in the Classroom. The Center for Independent Thought currently owns the domain name for Stossel in the Classroom.

Big name personalities like Kudlow, Moore and Stossel are to be aided in the mother of all wars for the winning slate in the 2012 elections by an interconnected network of “news bureaus” being funded by Donors Capital. In 2009, the most recent year for which tax documents are available at GuideStar.org, Donors Capital earmarked millions specifically for “news bureaus” and “journalism projects.” The money flowed into right wing nonprofits and came out as independent news coverage of individual state issues. Specific reporting work was also earmarked. Here’s one example: The Heartland Institute received $150,000 “for GW reporting for one year.” I’m going to muster a wild guess that GW stands for “Global Warming.” The Heartland Institute holds annual climate change conferences where it brings AGW sceptics. It got another $520,940 for a “GW-end.” I’m guessing that’s Global Warming Weekend. All told, Heartland received $2,171,530, just in the one year of 2009.

Big Brothers or Big Brother? You decide who’s scarier.
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They could still get him out of office.
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Re: Koch = COKE MONEY+9/11 Truth DECOY

Postby Twyla LaSarc » Mon Sep 12, 2011 10:17 pm

Stephen Morgan wrote:
Hugh Manatee Wins wrote:PDScott is the guy who published 'Cocaine Politics' about the CIA's COKE ECONOMY. That's the homonym for "Koch money."


All this time I've been calling it "cock" money. You mean it's pronounced "coke"?



Some people insist on saying it 'right' ie: how those idiots wish others to pronounce it. I'm American, as are they, and I don't give a fuck. It's all 'cock' to me, baby. If they wanted it to be less laughable their ancestors shoulda took the "Smith" option availible at entry.
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Re: Koch Brothers thread

Postby Allegro » Sat Oct 15, 2011 11:37 am

.
Maddow | U.S. Democracy Is Being Bought By a Tiny Minority (Including the Kochs)
AlterNet| Posted October 14, 2011, 10:17 am

    Last night Rachel Maddow discussed the out-of-control campaign spending by a tiny majority of wealthy Americans -- including, notably, the Koch brothers, who intend to give more than $200 million to conservative groups before the 2012 election. "Who has that kind of huge huge huge money to spend on politics these days?" Maddow asks. "And why have we given those people control of our democracy?" Very good question!

    Watch her discuss this sobering issue, with a little help from Stephen Colbert, right here:



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Re: Koch Brothers thread

Postby Allegro » Sun Oct 30, 2011 1:11 am

.
The 1% Have a Stranglehold on Politics
— New Al Jazeera Documentary on the Koch Brothers
— By Stephen Lacey | Oct 29, 2011, 10:21 am

    Al Jazeera released a new mini-documentary yesterday on the Koch Brothers — the multi-billionare energy tycoons who have spent over $50 million on campaigns to tear down the science of climate change and clean energy policy.

    The documentary features a lengthy interview with our colleague Lee Fang, an investigative reporter with Think Progress, who has played a major role in uncovering the strong “web of influence” of the Koch Brothers on state and federal politicians. The film touches on the Koch role in everything from health care to energy policy.

    People & Power | The Koch Brothers


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Re: Koch Brothers thread

Postby Harvey » Tue Nov 08, 2011 7:37 pm

Is this the same 'Themis' project mentioned in other threads?

Koch brothers: secretive billionaires to launch vast database with 2012 in mind

Guardian link

Ed Pilkington in New York, guardian.co.uk Monday 7 November 2011 15.36 GMT

The secretive oil billionaires the Koch brothers are close to launching a nationwide database connecting millions of Americans who share their anti-government and libertarian views, a move that will further enhance the tycoons' political influence and that could prove significant in next year's presidential election.

The database will give concrete form to the vast network of alliances that David and Charles Koch have cultivated over the past 20 years on the right of US politics. The brothers, whose personal wealth has been put at $25bn each, were a major force behind the creation of the tea party movement and enjoy close ties to leading conservative politicians, financiers, business people, media figures and US supreme court judges.

The voter file was set up by the Kochs 18 months ago with $2.5m of their seed money, and is being developed by a hand-picked team of the brothers' advisers. It has been given the name Themis, after the Greek goddess who imposes divine order on human affairs.

In classic Koch style, the project is being conducted in great secrecy. Karl Crow, a Washington-based lawyer and Koch adviser who is leading the development, did not respond to requests for comment. Nor did media representatives for Koch Industries, the brothers' global energy company based in Wichita, Kansas.

But a member of a Koch affiliate organisation who is a specialist in the political uses of new technology and who is familiar with Themis said the project was in the final preparatory stages. Asking not to be named, he said: "They are doing a lot of analysis and testing. Finally they're getting Themis off the ground."

The database will bring together information from a plethora of right-wing groups, tea party organisations and conservative-leaning thinktanks. Each one has valuable data on their membership – including personal email addresses and phone numbers, as well as more general information useful to political campaign strategists such as occupation, income bracket and so on.

By pooling the information, the hope is to create a data resource that is far more potent than the sum of its parts. Themis will in effect become an electoral roll of right-wing America, allowing the Koch brothers to further enhance their power base in a way that is sympathetic to, but wholly independent of, the Republican party.

"This will take time to fully realise, but it has the potential to become a very powerful tool in 2012 and beyond," said the new technology specialist.

Themis has been modelled in part on the scheme created by the left after the defeat of John Kerry in the 2004 presidential election. Catalyst, a voter list that shared data on supporters of progressive groups and campaigns, was an important part of the process that saw the Democratic party pick itself off the floor and refocus its electoral energies, helping to propel Barack Obama to the White House in 2008.
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Re: Koch Brothers thread

Postby Simulist » Tue Nov 08, 2011 7:47 pm

The database will bring together information from a plethora of right-wing groups, tea party organisations and conservative-leaning thinktanks.

Then given the track record of unflinching "truth-telling" by its sources, the aforementioned "information" is bound to be vicious, but hardly reliable.
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Re: Koch Brothers thread

Postby seemslikeadream » Tue Nov 08, 2011 9:17 pm

Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: Koch Brothers thread

Postby Wombaticus Rex » Tue Nov 08, 2011 10:04 pm

YEAH. That AJ doc was awesome. Great use of 20 minutes.
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Re: Koch Brothers thread

Postby Allegro » Wed Nov 09, 2011 4:02 pm

seemslikeadream wrote:
Thanks :wave:
      You’re Welcome. And a :basicsmile backatcha.
Art will be the last bastion when all else fades away.
~ Timothy White (b 1952), American rock music journalist
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Re: Koch Brothers thread

Postby seemslikeadream » Fri Nov 11, 2011 8:26 am

Meet the Koch Brothers' Wealthy Right-Wing Grandfather: How His Pro-Corporate Agenda Is Echoed by the Kochs' Assault on Our Democracy
The Koch brothers have bankrolled a broad attack on progressive government programs. Their grandfather's history in Texas helps explain why.
November 9, 2011 |
Charles and David Koch are the most powerful right-wing billionaires of our time. They have spent hundreds of millions bankrolling a broad attack against Social Security, organized labor, financial regulations, environmental protection and public education. The brothers plan to spend at least $200 million trying to elect right-wing, anti-government Republicans in 2012, according to Politico. They seem hell-bent on dragging America back to the dark days of unregulated capitalism. The history of their grandfather in Texas may help explain why.

Little has been written about Harry Koch. He's the least-known member of the Koch family, which has been marching under the same laissez-faire banner for the past three generations. Harry Koch emigrated to America in 1888, settled in a North Texas railroad town and became a newspaper publisher and aggressive corporate booster. He advocated for railroad and banking interests, amassing wealth and helping big business fight organized labor and squelch reforms.

Much of the Koch brothers' ideology can be found in Harry Koch's newspaper editorials of nearly a century ago. Take, for instance, the Kochs' current fight against Social Security. Harry Koch took part in a multi-year right-wing propaganda campaign to shoot down New Deal programs. Grandfather and grandsons employ eerily familiar talking points to bash government pension and welfare programs.

"No political system can possibly guarantee either a national economic security or an individual standard of living. Government can guarantee no man a job or a livelihood," Harry Koch wrote on February 1, 1935, nine months before Charles Koch was born.

Fast-forward 75 years and you can see Charles Koch using the same lines of attack in his company's newsletter: "government actions ... stifle economic growth and job creation, which in turn will significantly reduce the standard of living of American families."

This summer I traveled to Quanah, the dusty North Texas railroad town that Harry Koch called home, to find out more about the life of the man who spawned the two most powerful oligarchs of our time. After spending days hunkered over newspaper archives and rifling through a century's worth of county records in the town's tiny courthouse, I began to see a picture emerge of a man who spent his life learning how to use newspapers and media for ideological manipulation and as a platform for pro-business agendas. As I strained to read the battered microfilm, I was constantly surprised at the degree to which Harry's views--on everything from the economy to the role of government in a democratic society--have been passed on nearly unchanged through two generations, and are now being pushed by Charles and David Koch.



HARRY KOCH WAS BORN in Holland in 1867 to a wealthy German-Dutch family of merchants, farmers and doctors. After apprenticing to a newspaper publisher, he decided to seek his fortune in America. At 21, he set off on a steamer and arrived in New York on Dec. 5, 1888. He spent his first few years in America working for various Dutch newspapers in Chicago, New Orleans, Grand Rapids and Austin until, in 1891, he finally settled down in Quanah, a town that the railroad had established just a few years before. Harry always remained curiously vague and evasive about why he decided to stake his claim in a remote North Texas town, but there is no real mystery to it: he came because of the railroads.

In the second half of the 19th century, America was in the grip of a massive railroad boom. Boosted by eager investors, lucrative subsidies and free land, railroads sprung up connecting every corner of the United States without much thought for demand or necessity. America's rail mileage quadrupled from 1870 to 1900, with enough track laid down by the end of the century to stretch from New York to San Francisco 66 times.

In those wild early days of the railroad age, real estate speculation was a central plank of the business plan. The U.S. government had given vast stretches of public land to railroad companies, and the companies needed to sell that land to settlers to create customers and pay off debts. That meant railroads needed local publishers to trigger real estate booms in the multitude of railroad towns that had been planned and parceled across the country, luring settlers with exaggerated stories of fertile soil and incipient prosperity.

Dutch investors were heavily involved in several railroad lines in the North Texas area, including the Fort Worth and Denver Railway Company, which had spawned Quanah in 1887 and owned just about all the land in town. County records show Harry provided advertising services and worked directly for the Fort Worth and Denver for nearly 20 years, sometimes receiving payment in the form of land transferred directly from the legendary railroad builder Grenville M. Dodge, who helped lay the Union Pacific and more than a dozen other lines across the country.

Harry bought up two of the town's newspapers, apparently with his own money, merged them into the Quanah Tribune-Chief, and began printing beguiling stories of Western prosperity.

When Harry moved to Quanah, it was little more than a dusty settlement with a patchwork of dirt lots, a few rudimentary buildings and a railroad platform--a get-rich-quick scheme laid out on paper. It was his job to create the demand, bring people in and make the town a reality. He ran his paper like a chamber of commerce newsletter, cramming it full of stories about growth, expansion and the limitless possibilities of life on the frontier. He helped inflate a real estate bubble that, along with the presence of the railroad, nearly quadrupled Hardeman County's population to more than 11,000.

Harry Koch worked hard to bring a number of railroad spurs to Quanah, and he helped make the town a major transportation hub by the early 1900s. As the town grew, so did Harry's fortune. He amassed substantial real estate holdings in and around Quanah, which allowed him to cash in on the real estate boom he had helped to create.

Harry enjoyed his success. He got married, had two sons, traveled regularly to New York and Europe, and was proud of having crossed the Atlantic nine times. He even described being in Berlin, caught in a huge crowd that had gathered to hear "der Fuhrer" make a speech.

By the time he retired, Harry Koch was not just a respected newspaper publisher in Texas, but a powerful and highly connected regional business player. He was also extremely well liked. "There is no more popular member of the Association than Harry Koch," read his bio by the Texas Press Association, where he served as president in 1918.

But the bustling city he helped create was mostly made of hype. Today, Quanah's population has sunk back to 1890 levels and has little industry left. A gypsum plant on the outskirts of town is the only major employer, and it happens to be owned by the Koch family.

Harry Koch's rise from immigrant small-town newspaper publisher to entrenched business heavyweight might seem like a classic coming-to-America story, confirming that through hard work, perseverance and luck, anything is possible. But that narrative would be misleading. Harry may have lived among settlers who struggled to eke out a living on the frontier, but he was never really one himself. The difference was right there on the surface for everyone to see: While Harry Koch prospered, almost everyone else in North Texas descended into poverty.

On top of the crippling boom-and-bust cycles that gripped the country from the 1890s through the late 1920s, settlers faced crop failures, low agricultural prices and real estate booms that made it impossible for new farmers to afford land. Many sunk into deep debt and poverty.

The misery and hopelessness of frontier life sparked a powerful new grassroots populist movement, which sought to reform and curb the worst of corporate abuses. Harry Koch was not sympathetic to the cause. (In 1897, while the country was still in the grips of one of the worst economic depressions in its history, Harry Koch penned a long, gushing account of a luxurious trip to a convention thrown for boosters and businessmen in Galveston. Between detailed descriptions of all the oysters eaten and champagne bottles emptied at swanky parties, Harry expressed shock and outrage that the street railway union organized a strike during the convention and forced attendees to temporarily move about on foot. But not for long. "Santa Fe officials took pity on the suffering newspaper men and made up a train to Woolman's lake where the oyster roast was to be held," Koch wrote approvingly.)

In a series of early editorials, Harry Koch scoffed at the idea that land rents should be regulated, and ridiculed the plight of heavily indebted farmers, writing that while they might find indebtedness unpleasant, a much bigger problem was their laziness and inability to take care of the farm equipment they had purchased on credit. He patronized Quanah farmers with platitudes about honesty and success: "Be honest. Dishonesty seldom makes one rich, and when it does riches are a curse. There is no such thing as dishonest success." He delighted in the fact that unlike other cities and towns across America--filled with strikes, riots, political agitation and violent unrest--the people of Quanah largely steered clear of politics, concerning themselves with what they understood best: hard, honest labor. "A very commendable trait among western people," Harry wrote, "is that they have no time to give to politics."


THROUGHOUT THE 1890s, Harry never shied from using his newspaper to promote specific business interests and as a platform to express his aristocratic views on society.

But something began to change at the turn of the century. Koch shed his abrasive attitude toward the masses and began reinventing himself as a champion of the common man.

In 1901, Koch published a long editorial that hinted at this transformation. In the piece, he defends popularly embattled trusts and monopolies with the counterintuitive argument that such protectors of wealth were a force for the common good. He based his argument on the false notion that trusts lowered the price of consumer goods:

"Let this thing be borne in mind as significant, that all real trusts, all that are destined to succeed and endure, are established on a basis of permanent lower prices for their products. Everybody knows that sugar and oil have been considerably cheaper since these industries have been under trust control. And the same is true, barring periods of fluctuation, of all industries under effective monopoly, from steel rails to cigarettes."

Harry Koch's transformation was remarkable: Not only was he attempting to convince readers of his point of view by appealing to their own best interests, but he was fleshing out economic arguments in language that his grandsons continue to use today. Harry's defense of trusts reads exactly like the pro-monopoly propaganda regularly cranked out by scholars at The Cato Institute--a libertarian think tank founded by Harry's grandson Charles Koch in 1977. University of California-Irvine Professor Richard McKenzie recently published an article in Cato's Regulation magazine titled "In Defense of Monopoly," in which he echoes Harry's 110-year-old editorial, including this claim: "The monopolist does not charge higher prices; it lowers them."

This new rhetorical approach was not Harry Koch's invention. Rather, Harry was being swept up in a larger national revolution in the way American business elites communicated with the public.

At the turn of the 20th century, growing public outrage at the way financial elites were handling the economy, combined with a rapid expansion of voting enfranchisement that increased participation in the democratic process from 15 percent of the population in 1890 to 50 percent in 1920, began posing a real threat to the entrenched interests of American corporations.

To protect itself, corporate America began experimenting with modern public relations techniques and developing strategies to manipulate and manage public perceptions.

Harry Koch was right in the thick of it.

In 1910, Koch became the founding director, as well as one of the biggest shareholders, of a small North Texas railroad company called the Quanah, Acme & Pacific. After two decades of laboring to promote other people's railroad interests, he had finally come into his own. The Tribune-Chief became the de facto advertising arm of the QA&P, extolling the region's bright future and certain prosperity while hawking company shares and promoting land in towns created and owned by the line. He had his own railroad and his own newspaper to promote it.

In the 1930s, corporations were forced to ramp up their pro-business public relations campaigns to deal with the violent backlash in public opinion caused by the Great Depression.

Harry Koch rolled out an aggressive multi-year attack on Roosevelt's New Deal. Tribune-Chief criticisms of the program echoed the propaganda of corporate boosters like the National Association of Manufacturers. The paper slammed public pensions, regulations, tariffs, unions, muckrakers, labor laws and deficits, and filled its op-ed space with pro-business opinion pieces delivered fresh from New York lobby groups like the American Bankers Association, whose president, R.S. Becht, wrote to assure Quanah readers that there was no need for the government to regulate banks. Industry self-regulation--or "voluntary self reform," as he called it--would be enough.

Despite, or because of, overwhelming public support for FDR's pension and welfare programs, they became major targets, with Harry Koch publishing two or three op-eds in a single day attacking them. "Some ten million old folks are wanting to draw $200 a month from the government, and one hundred million stand ready to quit work when they do. Why not pension all of them?" Koch wrote in a February 1935 editorial, while claiming in a different editorial that the "idea of an old age pension is a splendid idea ... such a pension is proper. But great care should be taken...in preparing old age pension laws."

His editorials contained the same familiar right-wing claims that we hear today: that there is not enough money to support "entitlement" programs, that government will tax industry into ruin, that similar programs in other countries have failed, that regulation is unconstitutional and workers, given the opportunity, will quit en masse and live off government charity.

In a 1934 editorial titled "Democracy's Problem," Harry rejected "mobocracy," which had "been discarded as undesirable, even if attainable." Mobocracy was the right's popular name for "tyranny of the majority," and remains a favorite whipping horse of Koch-funded libertarians, who increasingly promote the idea that America is not a democracy and was never intended to be one. Here's Steve H. Hanke, senior fellow at the Cato Institute, writing in a 2011 editorial: "Contrary to what propaganda has led the public to believe, America's Founding Fathers were skeptical and anxious about democracy. They were aware of the evils that accompany a tyranny of the majority. The Framers of the Constitution went to great lengths to ensure that the federal government was not based on the will of the majority and was not, therefore, democratic."

Harry Koch passed away in 1942, not long after business' epic battle against the New Deal reforms. The Quanah Tribune-Chief was passed on to his eldest son, who took over the paper with his wife and kept it in the family until the 1970s. Meanwhile, Harry's other son, Fred Koch, used the fortune he made building refineries for Stalin in the 1930s Soviet Union to ramp up his own business in Wichita, Kansas. He would build a successful oil transportation empire that would one day grow into Koch Industries, the largest privately held oil company in the country.

But even after the family's base of operations moved away from Quanah, Harry Koch's ghost would never be far removed. His life at the intersection of news media, big business, public relations and ideological warfare would be passed on as a family tradition from father to son to grandson, elevating his offspring to ever higher levels of wealth and influence.
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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