MacCruiskeen wrote:I had just made a note of this book, recommended by Ran Prieur. It's searchable at the Amazon link, below:
The Perception of the Environment: Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill
by Tim Ingold
In this work Tim Ingold offers a persuasive approach to understanding how human beings perceive their surroundings.
He argues that what we are used to calling cultural variation consists, in the first place, of variations in skill. Neither innate nor acquired, skills are grown, incorporated into the human organism through practice and training in an environment. They are thus as much biological as cultural. The twenty-three essays comprising this book focus in turn on the procurement of livelihood, on what it means to 'dwell', and on the nature of skill, weaving together approaches from social anthropology, ecological psychology, developmental biology and phenomenology in a way that has never been attempted before. The book is set to revolutionise the way we think about what is 'biological' and 'cultural' in humans, about evolution and history, and indeed about
what it means for human beings - at once organisms and persons - to inhabit an environment.
[...]
Tim Ingold is Professor of Social Anthropology at the University of Aberdeen, UK.
http://www.amazon.co.uk/Perception-Envi ... 041522831X
This looks great. I found a pdf of this book here:
http://taskscape.files.wordpress.com/20 ... onment.pdfBrowsing through the book I found this paragraph (the last sentence practically brings me to tears):
Drawing an explicit parallel between her own Nayaka material and the ethnography of the Batek and Mbuti, Bird-David argues that hunter gatherer perceptions of the environment are typically oriented by the primary metaphor ‘forest is as parent’, or more generally by the notion that the environment gives the wherewithal of life to people – not in return for appropriate conduct, but unconditionally. Among neighbouring populations of cultivators, by contrast, the environment is likened to an ancestor rather than a parent, which yields its bounty only reciprocally, in return for favours rendered. It is this difference in orientation to the environment, she suggests, that most fundamentally distinguishes hunter-gatherers from cultivators, and it is upheld even when the former draw (as they often do) on cultivated resources and when the latter, conversely, draw on the ‘wild’ resources of the forest (Bird-David 1990). In a subsequent extension of the argument, and drawing once again on Mbuti, Batek and Nayaka ethnography, Bird-David (1992a) proposes that hunter-gatherers liken the unconditional way in which the forest transacts with people to the similarly unconditional transactions that take place among the people of a community, which in anthropological accounts come under the rubric of sharing. Thus the environment shares its bounty with humans just as humans share with one another, thereby integrating both human and non-human components of the world into one, all-embracing ‘cosmic economy of sharing’.
I think this is the root-source of the joy of traditional peoples ... the forest as parent ... unconditionally loving the tribe.
Swimming laps in a chlorinated pool or running laps on an artificial rubberized track just don't connect with one's true spirit.