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stillrobertpaulsen wrote:I suppose I'm being obsessive about this, but I'm attempting to synopsize the Sibel Edmonds interviews and analyze from my own perspective the deeper implications of Gladio, so far I've completed Part One. So for those of you still interested in following this, here is my most recent blog entry:
Friday, March 8, 2013
Synopsizing Sibel Edmonds: The Evolution of Operation Gladio Part One
stillrobertpaulsen wrote:I suppose I'm being obsessive about this, but I'm attempting to synopsize the Sibel Edmonds interviews and analyze from my own perspective the deeper implications of Gladio, so far I've completed Part One. So for those of you still interested in following this, here is my most recent blog entry:
Friday, March 8, 2013
Synopsizing Sibel Edmonds: The Evolution of Operation Gladio Part One
Wombaticus Rex wrote:Glad someone else is obsessing. You will love this, re: Turkey, Grey Wolves, Gladio - PDF, long, beautifully done...
Turkey's Deep State and the Ergenekon Conundrum
Also, a long-form New Yorker article, certainly colored by a CFR conception of geopolitics and history, but quite insightful:
The Deep State by Dexer Filkins
thatsmystory wrote:stillrobertpaulsen wrote:I suppose I'm being obsessive about this, but I'm attempting to synopsize the Sibel Edmonds interviews and analyze from my own perspective the deeper implications of Gladio, so far I've completed Part One. So for those of you still interested in following this, here is my most recent blog entry:
Friday, March 8, 2013
Synopsizing Sibel Edmonds: The Evolution of Operation Gladio Part One
Very helpful synopsis.
In the past Edmonds was careful (and to an extent still is) to keep her commentary on solid ground. Meaning she avoided the whole "9/11 was an inside job!" talking points. But in these interviews she suggests that people who have an issue with Zawahiri and Bin Laden being Gladio partners and people who point to Saudi links to 9/11 are naive. This is the same sort of attitude that someone like Alex Jones would have for anyone who doesn't accept the premise that the globalists pulled off 9/11. In one of the interviews she mentions the weird time when the US responded to the 1998 embassy bombings with cruise missile attacks on a pharmaceutical plant. What is the suggestion? Was the US retaliation intended primarily to enhance al Qaeda's status in the realm of propaganda? Are US factions all on the same page?
IMO it seems Edmonds is taking a shortcut without showing all the work to get to the conclusion. For example AFAIK she had no access to the Saudi translation desk. So how did the Gladio operators interface with the hijackers? In one of the interviews the Saudi involvement is explained by suggesting the Saudi royals are US puppets. How did Saudi royals know they wouldn't be scapegoated?
Caller: ... What are Sibel's thoughts about 9/11 possibly being an inside job?
Sibel Edmonds: As I have done for the past 7 or 8 years, I have basically stuck with what I know, first-hand, directly, my own knowledge, based on my own experience, based on what I obtained, which is not a lot, but it is extremely important.
And to answer a question like "Was it an inside job?" would be, first of all, preposterous for me to make that call. But what I can tell you is, based on what we know already - and these are the confirmed cases, like Colleen Rowley - look at her and her case - and look at the Phoenix Memo with the other FBI agents in the Phoenix field office, and then look at FBI agent Wright in Chicago, look at that case...
And if you read James Bamford's latest book, what the NSA obtained from Yemen before September 11, because we were following two of these hijackers in Yemen... Well, if you put all those things, all this information that has come from various agencies, in one place, and you look at it, and you say "Wow!"
You know, it is very easy to write off things when you have one or two slip-ups, and you attribute certain things to bureaucratic bungling - but it goes beyond that... Now, what is that? As I said, I wont be able to answer the question, but what I can answer is, yes, we had this 911 Commission that was formed (laughs) and first we had Henry Kissinger appointed to be the Chairman, this tells you what kind of Commission they had in mind, which was going to be cosmetic. It was pretty obvious. Then we had the final Commission, with a bunch of people with conflicts of interest, and we didn't get anything.
As you see, people have been gagged, a lot of things have been classified... And you think 'Why would they go so far to cover up bureaucratic bungling?' Again, that doesn't mean that this was an inside job, but what it tells you is that there are a lot of things that we don't know, there are a lot of things that our government doesn’t want us to know.
I mean, the recent thing just came out a few days ago with the case against Saudi Arabia, with the 9/11 family members. Well yesterday it made it to the front page of the New York Times with Eric Lichtblau, OK. So now the Justice Department under Obama is saying 'No you can't get this information because we want to protect Saudi Arabia.' Well, protect them against what? So those are the questions that have not been answered. And those questions that have been answered, nothing has been done about it, and no explanation has been given to us. So we have all these issues, and there is no simple answer, but one simple answer is that, yes, we are facing a lot of cover-up. And I want to know why, and I'm sure you want to know why too.
Brad Friedman: Nah, I don't want to know (laughs). So it's fair to say in your case then that you don't necessarily have information that you haven’t been able to disclose that reveals that 9/11 was an inside job, you just have, like I do, concerns about the information that we have, the bad information that we have...
Sibel Edmonds: (interrupts) I have to jump in here and say that I have information about things that our government has lied to us about. I know. For example, to say that since the fall of the Soviet Union we ceased all of our intimate relationship with Bin Laden and the Taliban - those things can be proven as lies, very easily, based on the information they classified in my case, because we did carry very intimate relationship with these people, and it involves Central Asia, all the way up to September 11.
I know you are going to say 'Oh my God, we went there and bombed the medical factory in the 1990s during Clinton, we declared him Most Wanted' and what I'm telling you is, with those groups, we had operations in Central Asia, and that relationship - using them as we did during the Afghan and Soviet conflict - we used them all the way until September 11.
From an interview with Brad Friedman
stillrobertpaulsen wrote:
Good questions that I'm not sure if I know the right answers to, but my observation of Sibel's 9/11 approach is similar. It is pretty nuanced, not falling into the Inside Job parameters. If it can be categorized, not to be comical, but it sounds like her approach is: 9/11 was an Outsourced Job. Through Gladio B, the US had even greater plausible denial through the mujahadeen than they did through the "stay-behind" paramilitary ops. But it all comes back here.
I just finished my synopsis of Part Two. Not sure if her stuff on the Saudis was Part 3 or 4, but I think it's important to remember a couple things. First, the perspective she is providing is not just the fired FBI translator story, although as she relates in Part Two, there was quite a lot of dots she was able to connect through that experience. But her current perspective is also colored by her work creating NSWBC and what she has learned through all the whistleblowers there like Robert Wright, Tony Shaffer, etc. Agents with 20+ years worth of stories with even more dots to connect. Second, though the popular story in MSM is that 15 of the 19 hijackers were Saudis, that's not true, 15 of the 19 had Saudi passports. So I'm not sure if the Saudi financial connection really was as much of a smoking gun as say, the Pakistani ISI/Ahmed/Sheikh/Atta connection.
stillrobertpaulsen wrote:But I agree, that pharmaceutical plant bombing remark puzzled me. Was it about propaganda enhancing al Qaeda? Or is she suggesting that there was more than just "aspirin" being made there, that perhaps some other "pharmaceutical" tracks were being covered? Perhaps she'll give more insight on that subject in a future interview.
thatsmystory wrote:It didn't help for some theorists to keep hyping the "some of the hijackers are still alive!" theory. I looked into the airports via open sources and information was hard to come by.
thatsmystory wrote:In the interview exchange in the previous post Edmonds notes that it was contradictory to bomb a business partner. This is what makes the whole thing confusing. In Coll's book Ghost Wars he lays out all sorts of operations intended to capture/kill Bin Laden. So you wonder when you read this WTF is true. Especially considering that two key people involved in all these efforts were Cofer Black and Richard Blee. The two guys directly involved in the biggest 9/11 contradiction of warning about an attack while protecting al-Hazmi and al-Mihdhar at the same time.
In this sixth part of the ongoing Sibel Edmonds Gladio B conversation, we ask the question: Who is at the top of the pyramid. We look beyond the usual suspects and follow the money back to the industries and lobbies whose existence depends on the perpetuation of boogeymen enemies.
http://www.corbettreport.com/interview- ... e-pyramid/
April 04, 2013
Israel vs. The RestTurkey’s Unsustainable Politics in the Middle East
by RAMZY BAROUD
‘Confused’ may be an appropriate term to describe Turkey’s current foreign policy in the Middle East and Israel in particular. The source of that confusion – aside from the appalling violence in Syria and earlier in Libya – is Turkey’s own mistakes.
The Turkish government’s inconsistency regarding Israel highlights earlier discrepancy in other political contexts. There was a time when Turkey’s top foreign policy priority included reaching out diplomatically to Arab and Muslim countries. Then, we spoke of a paradigm shift, whereby Ankara was repositioning its political center, reflecting perhaps economic necessity, but also cultural shifts within its own society. It seemed that the East vs. West debate was skillfully being resolved by politicians of the Justice and Development Party (AKP).
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, along with Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu, appeared to have obtained a magical non-confrontational approach to Turkey’s historic political alignment. ‘The Zero Problems’ policy allowed Turkey to brand itself as a bridge between two worlds. The country’s economic growth and strategic import to various geopolitical spheres allowed it to escape whatever price meted out by Washington and its European allies as a reprimand for its bold political moves – including Erdogan’s unprecedented challenge of Israel.
Indeed, there was a link between the growing influence of Turkey among Arab and Islamic countries and Turkey’s challenge to Israel’s violent behavior in Palestine and Lebanon, and its rattling against Syria and Iran. Turkey’s return to its political roots was unmistakable, yet interestingly, was not met by too strong an American response. Washington couldn’t simply isolate Ankara and the latter shrewdly advanced its own power and influence with that knowledge in mind. Even the bizarre anti-Turkish statements by Israeli officials sounded more like incoherent rants than actual foreign policy.
Political arrogance and US-financed military strength are two pillars by which Israel maintains its clout in the region. The first was childishly applied when then Israeli Deputy Foreign Minister Danny Ayalon publicly snubbed Turkey’s Ambassador Ahmet Oguz Celikkol in January 2010 by placing him on a lower sofa, then asked Israeli journalists to take note of the insult. The second came in May 2010 when Israeli commandos descended on the Turkish ship Mavi Marmara, carrying humanitarian aid to Gaza, and killed nine Turkish citizens in cold blood.
‘Idiocy’ is how Israeli columnist Uri Avnery described Israel’s behavior towards Turkey, which was once one of Israel’s most vital allies. But idiocy has little to do with it and Turkey knew that well. Israel wished to send strong messages to the Turks, that its strategic and political maneuvering was of no use here and that Israel would continue to reign supreme in the face of Erdogan’s ambitious policies. The real ‘idiocy’ was Israel’s miscalculations, which failed to take into account that such behavior could only speed up Turkey’s political transformation. The fact that the US was losing its once unchallenged grip over the fate of the Middle East had also contributed to Turkey’s sudden rise as a country with far-reaching ties and long-term political vision. Erdogan quickly rose to prominence. His responses to Israel’s provocations and to what was essentially a declaration of war came in the form of strong words and measured actions. He conditioned any rapprochement with Israel on a clear apology over its transgressions, compensations to the victims and the families of the dead, and ending the siege on Gaza. The last condition further highlighted Turkey’s new political priorities.
As far as Turkey’s regional ascendency was concerned, it mattered little whether Israel apologized. Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was losing favor, even with his own allies in Washington. And unlike Washington, under the thumb of the pro-Israeli lobby, Ankara was a country with independent foreign policy.
When AKP triumphed in Turkey’s elections in June 2011, the so-called Arab Spring was still in its early stages. Then, much hope was placed on the rise of popular movements in countries that have been disfigured by Arab dictators and their Western benefactors. Not only did the ruling party disregard the fact that Turkey had taken part of the old political structure in the Middle East, it also escaped them that Turkey was an important member of NATO which unleashed a terrible war on Libya on March 19, deliberately misinterpreting UN Security Council Resolution 1973. Yes, Turkey had resisted the war option at first, but was quick to forgive and forget and eventually recognized and supported its political outcome. Thanks to the war, Libya is now in a permanent state of bedlam.
Erdogan’s victory speech in June 2011 attempted to paint a new picture of reality, future prospects and Turkey’s proposed role in all of this. “I greet with affection the peoples of Baghdad, Damascus, Beirut, Amman, Cairo, Tunis, Sarajevo, Skopje, Baku, Nicosia and all other friends and brother peoples who are following the news out of Turkey with great excitement,” Erdogan said. “Today, the Middle East, the Caucasus and the Balkans have won as much as Turkey.”
But that ‘win’ was short-lived. The euphoria of change created many blind spots, one of which is that conflicts of sectarian and ethnic nature – as in Syria – don’t get resolved overnight; that foreign military intervention, direct or by proxy, can only espouse protracted conflict. Indeed, it was in Syria that Turkey’s vision truly fumbled. It was obvious that many were salivating over the outcome of a Syrian war between a brutal regime and a self-serving, divided opposition, each faction espousing one foreign agenda or another. Suddenly, Turkey’s regional and global ambitions of justice and morality grew ever more provisional because of fear of chaos spilling over to its border areas, the tragic rise of the number of Syrian refugees at Turkey’s borders and the fear of a strong Kurdish presence in northern Syria.
Not even capable Turkish politicians could hide the confusion in which they found themselves. Responding to Israel’s bombing of Gaza last November, which killed and wounded hundreds of Palestinians, Erdogan described Israel as a ‘terrorist state.’ “Those who turn a blind eye to discrimination toward Muslims in their own countries, are also closing their eyes to the savage massacre of innocent children in Gaza. … Therefore, I say Israel is a terrorist state.”
But even then, discussions were underway regarding the text of an Israeli apology to Turkey over the Mavi Marmara attack. That apology had finally arrived as an undeserved gift to US President Barack Obama, who visited Israel in March with a message of total support for Israel.
“In light of Israel’s investigation into the incident which pointed to a number of operational mistakes, the Prime Minister expressed Israel’s apology to the Turkish people for any mistakes that might have led to the loss of life or injury and agreed to conclude an agreement on compensation/non-liability,” Netanyahu’s apology read. No commitment regarding Gaza was made. Erdogan’s office responded: “Erdogan told Binyamin Netanyahu that he valued centuries-long strong friendship and cooperation between the Turkish and Jewish nations.” According to Netanyahu, the apology over the ‘operational mistakes’ had everything to do with the need to share intelligence over Syria between both of the countries’ militaries. To balance out Turkey’s hurried retreat to its old political foreign policy, Erdogan is reportedly planning to visit Gaza in April.
“We will take on a more effective role. We will call, as we have, for rights in our region, for justice, for the rule of law, for freedom and democracy,” were the resounded words of Erdogan following his party’s elections victory last year.
It is likely that Ankara will try to maintain a balanced position, but, as Erdogan himself knows, in issues of morality and justice, middle stances are simply untenable.
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