The War on Women

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Re: The War on Women

Postby seemslikeadream » Sat Jun 22, 2013 7:12 pm

Evidence Shows That Illegal Female Genital Cutting Is a Growing Phenomenon in US
Up to 200,000 American girls and women are at risk, many of them sent abroad to undergo the procedure.

June 21, 2013

Female genital cutting (FGC), also known as female genital mutilation (FGM) and female circumcision, is an increasing international concern to human rights activists and feminists across the globe. An estimated 140 million girls have been subjected to the practice worldwide and it is still prevalent in at least 28 countries according to the World Health Organization Progress Report in 2011.

In Western culture, mere mention of FGM sends feminist activists up in arms, generating intense negative feelings and evoking discussion about sexism, brutality and gender-based violence. However, while FGM is mostly practiced in African and Middle Eastern countries and classified as an “off-shore problem,” many Americans are unaware of the cultural complexities embedded in the custom and the fact that it is happening right under our noses.

According to a report by the non-profit group Sanctuary for Families, the practice of FGC is on the rise in the United States. The study claims that up to 200,000 American girls and women are at risk of FGM whether at home or through what is known as "vacation cutting," in which young women in the U.S. are sent abroad to undergo the ritual.

"People in the United States think that FGM only happens to people outside of the United States, but in all actuality, people here all over the country have been through FGM. Kids that were born in this country are taken back home every summer and undergo this procedure," a 23-year-old woman from Gambia stated in the report.

The document claims that traditional practitioners are often secretly brought in from overseas to carry out the ritual on U.S. soil, where an entire group of girls may be cut in an afternoon.

Such occurrences, according to Claudia De Palma of Sanctuary for Families, are the result of family pressure from the ancestral home as well as from community and regional leaders who wish to preserve the practice for generations that are now growing up in the United States.

“We started to see that once it became illegal to conduct FGM in the United States in 1996, more and more families started sending children back home over school vacation, and it would happen there. Sometimes it was the intention of the trip to meet with grandparents—a coming of age—and sometimes it was not intended that it was going to happen, but once the girl arrived, it became clear that this was what the larger community had in mind,” she told AlterNet.

It's difficult to estimate exactly how many girls have been exposed to the practice in the United States. The procedure is heavily under-reported and shrouded in secrecy by communities and family members who are aware of the legal ramifications of revealing that they have committed FGC. According to De Palma, anecdotal evidence suggests that the figures of those at risk of FGM in the United States are a lot higher than initially indicated.

“Every year we see thousands of women who have experienced FGM or who are fearing the practice come in to see us. Some of the women we receive are community survivors, others have immigrated here based in part that they were forced to undergo FGM, and others have daughters who are U.S. citizens and are terrified their daughters will be subject to vacation cutting,” she said.

The report provides a number of case studies of victim statements, such as a 17-year-old girl who was sent from the U.S. to Angola and told she was being prepared for circumcision in order to become a woman so her husband would respect her. The girl didn’t know what the procedure involved, and could only conclude from her family’s reassurance that this was the best thing for her.

A 25-year-old woman from Ivory Coast was threatened by her parents to be sent to Africa to undergo FGM. Having moved to the United States at 13, and knowing full well the effects of FGM, she did not want to comply. However, because she was an undocumented alien, she was afraid to report the threats and her counselor failed to intervene on her behalf, as he viewed the issue a cultural problem.

Human rights activists and feminists view such examples of FGC as mutilation, a barbaric practice that violates women’s fundamental human rights—a position that is backed by international treaties, medical documentation and United Nations resolution. However, at the other end of the spectrum are hundreds of thousands of women who see such objections to FGC as ethnocentric and racist and wish to honor the custom, which has been passed down through generations.

In many cultures, it is inconceivable to think that a woman has not undergone some sort of cutting, with many women not considered “fully female” and ostracized by their communities for failing to undergo the procedure. The practice is said to pre-date religion and is linked to femininity, honor, social status and marriageability.

Cultural relativism plays an important role, as those who disagree with the ideology that FGC constitutes a human rights violation advocate for the right to cultural self-determination. While cultural relativism has shifted over time as human rights arguments gain momentum, there are a number of groups that view the international response as one-sided and ignorant of the culture complexities that underlie the practice.

The term FGC has been chosen over FGM by a number of organizations, such as Sauti Yetu, a community center for African women and families in New York. They believe it better reflects the fact that over the last decade in communications with women in the community, “mutilation” is not always the intent of the practice and thus does not apply to all cases. Their website deemed it inappropriate to label all women as mutilated, when each woman should have the right to determine the terminology which best describes their own personal experience.

Dr. Crista Johnson-Agbakwu, director of the Refugee Women’s Health Clinic in Arizona, agrees. In her experience treating immigrant patients and providing medical care to women who have undergone FGC, she found that many women actually embraced their scars after being cut and in some cases requested recutting after the scar had been opened, viewing the scar as a representation of their womanhood.

“Some women are opposed to the practice, while others view it with pride and honor. There are women who consider it part of their beauty and want to protect the practice, and other opinions that fall in between,” she told AlterNet.

Johnson-Agbakwu explained that there is a public policy debate over what we label "genital modification" in the United States. While FGC among African communities is considered a human rights violation, vaginal rejuvenation among American adult woman is viewed as a personal cosmetic choice.

“How is it that a white woman in Beverly Hills is able to have her clitoris reduced for aesthetic reasons, yet an adult women who seeks to modify her genitals for cultural reasons is considered mutilated,” she said.

When it was pointed out that the majority of girls undergoing FGC procedures are 10 to 15 years old and thus not voluntary electing to have their genitals cut, Dr. Johnson-Agbakwu was quick to distinguish such a situation described above in which an adult woman makes an informed choice about her body, from the plight of an under-aged girl who is incapable of consenting and has the procedure forced upon her against her will.

“From a human rights perspective, subjecting minors to cutting should not be allowed for either girls and boys, period. I don’t distinguish between the sexes,” she said.

Fuambai Ahmadu, a post-doctoral fellow at the University of Chicago offered similar insight, although her own story is unique. After growing up in the United States, she returned home to Sierra Leone at the age of 21 to willingly undergo FGC in an initiation ceremony.

“My experience is rare," she told AlterNet. "My parents were African immigrants and interested in preserving our culture and traditions whilst providing me with an education in the United States. When I returned to Sierra Leone, I was greeted by a supportive, embracing feminist society of women in my community. The practice was celebrated and girls were pampered and spoiled prior to the cutting. It was an opportunity for me to join a larger movement and I wanted to go through this experience because of the notion of empowerment.“

When asked her opinion on the consent issue, Ahmadu said, "Why do African girls have to give consent, when males circumcised at birth do not? Why are we singling out and stigmatizing African girls? I have a problem with the fact that we are treating these girls differently in a negative way. As a result, these girls are internalizing this negativity and believing that they are inadequate whereas once before, this procedure marked their sexuality and empowered them sexually. The standard of consent should be applied equally across the board and not just to Africans."

Ahmadu’s perspective rarely rears its head in human rights discussions, as we generally only hear about girls who are subjected to FGC against their wishes or who suffer irreparable harm. Her story highlights the need for more empirical data specific to particular ethnic groups and regions in order to obtain a better understanding of the procedure and more accurate representation of the groups exposed to FGC.

Still, the severe physical pain some young girls experience while undergoing FGC, specifically when enduring Type III FGC, cannot be denied. This category, called infibulation, involves the removal of all the external female genitalia and the sealing or narrowing of the vaginal opening, with a small hole left for urination and menstruation. Often performed with glass or razor blades in extreme cases, many women experience acute physical, sexual and psychological complications as a result.

So how do we protect girls in the U.S. and abroad who may be at risk of a similar fate? In January 2013, President Obama introduced legislation criminalizing the transport of girls abroad to undergo FGM, which finally brought the United States in line with international standards to end the practice. However, U.S. policy has focused largely on prohibitive legislation rather than enforcement, with no prosecutions under federal laws and only one criminal case under state law.

Perhaps the answer lies in working with local community groups that have a clearer understanding of the cultural complexities and are better equipped to challenge questionable FGC practices by engaging with women affected by the practice. Such efforts would assist in working toward the protection of human rights for women and girls both in our own country and abroad.
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: The War on Women

Postby seemslikeadream » Tue Jun 25, 2013 10:16 am

TX State Rep thinks rape kits are like abortions



Texas abortion bill sponsor doesn’t know what a rape kit is
Jodie Laubenberg thinks rape kits are the same thing as abortions, says they allow women to "get cleaned out"
BY KATIE MCDONOUGH


Texas Rep. Jodie Laubenberg, R-Parker
Leaflets printed with Bible verses littered the desks of Texas lawmakers early Monday as House Republicans voted to approve a sweeping abortion measure that, if passed, would shutter 37 of the state’s 42 abortion clinics.

Senate bill 5 aims to ban abortion after 20 weeks, force clinic doctors to hold admitting privileges at nearby hospitals and restrict abortions to surgical centers, measures that opponents say will virtually outlaw the procedure in the state and deny thousands of women vital medical care.

“If this passes, abortion would be virtually banned in the state of Texas, and many women could be forced to resort to dangerous and unsafe measures,” Cecile Richards, president of Planned Parenthood Action Fund, said in a statement. The Texas Medical Association, the Texas Hospital Association and the American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists also oppose the measure.

Hundreds of protesters filled the Capitol building on Sunday to voice their opposition to the measure, while House Democrats tried to delay the vote by drawing out the debate and adding amendments to alter the bill.
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: The War on Women

Postby seemslikeadream » Thu Jun 27, 2013 3:16 pm

Texas' Perry tries mansplaining abortion to Wendy Davis
By Steve Benen - Thu Jun 27, 2013 12:38 PM EDT

Just yesterday, Texas Gov. Rick Perry (R) called for a second special session of the Texas Legislature, specifically in the hopes of passing sweeping and legally dubious new restrictions on abortion rights. The Republican governor said such a move is necessary because "Texans value life." (Perry's administration executed a 52-year-old woman a few hours later.)

This morning, Perry followed up the move with a speech at the National Right To Life conference, where he chose to discuss state Sen. Wendy Davis' (D) personal background. Igor Volsky posted this remarkable clip:


For those who can't watch clips online, the Texas governor said, in reference to Davis:

"[E]ven the woman who filibustered the Senate the other day was born into difficult circumstances. She was the daughter of a single woman, she was a teenage mother herself. She managed to eventually graduate from Harvard Law School and serve in the Texas senate. It's just unfortunate that she hasn't learned from her own example that every life must be given a chance to realize its full potential and that every life matters."

In the same remarks, Perry added, "The louder they scream, the more we know that we are getting something done."

The Washington Post's James Downie summarized the problem well this morning, noting, "I don't care what your stance on abortion is. Using an opponent's teen pregnancy in any debate is unbelievably vile."

I'll confess that when I saw some emails about Perry's comments, I thought someone must have made a mistake. The Texas governor is out there, but is he really that far gone?

Alas, the quotes are real. This really is Perry's character on full display.

How's that outreach initiative going, Reince?

Update: Wendy Davis responded to Perry's comments with the following statement: "Rick Perry's statement is without dignity and tarnishes the high office he holds. They are small words that reflect a dark and negative point of view. Our governor should reflect our Texas values. Sadly, Gov. Perry fails that test."
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: The War on Women

Postby seemslikeadream » Fri Jun 28, 2013 9:15 am

Image

PULL UP THAT LADDER BEHIND YOU 2:00 PM JUNE 24, 2013
GOP SEEKS WOMEN SOLDIERS FOR WAR ON WOMEN
by DDM
Hey ladies. Have you been patronized today? Have national Republicans belittled your tiny mind and puny ambition yet this week? Well, they might have, but would you have even noticed between all the housework and childcare and womanly duties? Probably not, so take yourself a little break from watching The View or prettifying yourself for your man, and let this mommyblog help you out.


From Roll Call:

House Republicans are putting the first touches on what they hope will be a formal program to recruit more female candidates for the 2014 midterm elections.

Maybe you want to trade in that vacuum cleaner for a seat in the House of Representatives! Did you even know that you were allowed to run for office, or even vote (and not necessarily the same way as your husband)? Have no fear, because Freshman Rep. Ann Wagner (R-MO) is here to help:

“Women need to be asked,” said Wagner, who helped create a similar recruitment program as Republican National Committee co-chairwoman in 2001. “They have to be told of the opportunity and be encouraged to run.”

Apparently you ladies need to be asked to run. Are you too busy with the hygiene products and the gossip about what Heidi was wearing on Project Runway to know that you, too, can run for Congress? Well don’t worry, because the Republicans want to tell you about this exciting opportunity! They will even encourage you, because they know you are frail and not confident like men-folks, who have no problem running for Congress and talking about things they know nothing about like masturbating fetuses or science or facts.

Conservative women often play the more traditional role as caregivers to their children, and running for and serving in Congress often prohibits them from carrying out those roles, said Angela Faulkner, a GOP direct-mail consultant.

Faulkner suggested the recruitment program should devote a significant amount of resources to help create child care options. It must also allow women to have more flexible schedules to take care of their families and the responsibilities of being an elected official.

What are you talking about, providing child care opportunities? You mean that sometimes it is difficult for working women to have a job and care for children? Is this why the GOP budgets regularly seek to cut funding for child care? Is it only conservative women who run for Congress who need this so-called “child care”? For the rest of you women out there, you are on your own. If you want child care, look into running for Congress on the GOP ticket, because then it is ok and stuff.

What about the Democrats? Aren’t they having an outreach strategy, too?

Rep. Steve Israel of New York, chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, said he’s never had to formally recruit women to run.

“The essential difference is that Republicans have to recruit women. All I have to do is answer the phone,” Israel said.

Women make up a much greater portion, one-third, of the House Democratic Caucus compared with the Republican Conference. Women make up 8 percent of the House GOP majority.

Apparently the demon-crat womyns know about opportunities to run for Congress, probably because they send out notices in the Gay/Lesbian Agenda Weekly. And they are bold hussies who just call Steve Israel and say, “Hey man, I wanna run for Congress, so once I get done with my high-powered job let’s go have a drink and talk about it, because I have a progressive partner at home who realizes that child care can be a shared responsibility because I don’t live in 19-fucking-50.”

One has to wonder why the Democrats have an easier time attracting candidates… let’s list a few of the possible reasons, shall we?

The GOP regularly tries to defund Planned Parenthood, which provides millions of women with affordable health care for things like cancer screening and contraception;
The GOP is all for individual liberty, except for women’s bodies, which need to be legislated to the Nth degree;
The GOP majority in the House has regularly voted against things like the Paycheck Fairness Act, Violence Against Women Act, and other bills that try to help and protect women;
The GOP led the effort to kill a bill on forced child marriage, a situation where girls as young as eight or nine are married off to men oftentimes three times their age; and
The GOP says that gee whiz, sometimes boys will be boys and be rapey to women in the military, what are ya gonna do?
So it really is a mystery as to why the GOP has trouble attracting women to run for office. With a track record like this, perhaps women are more content to deal with the drooling, screaming brats they have at home, rather than the drooling screaming brats in the House.
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: The War on Women

Postby seemslikeadream » Tue Jul 02, 2013 8:22 am

Kasich signs Ohio budget with abortion restrictions, tax cuts
Ohio will have some of most restrictive abortion laws in country



Image
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: The War on Women

Postby seemslikeadream » Fri Jul 05, 2013 10:59 am

Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: The War on Women

Postby Allegro » Tue Jul 23, 2013 12:34 am

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Art will be the last bastion when all else fades away.
~ Timothy White (b 1952), American rock music journalist
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Re: The War on Women

Postby JackRiddler » Sun Jul 28, 2013 11:13 pm

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We meet at the borders of our being, we dream something of each others reality. - Harvey of R.I.

To Justice my maker from on high did incline:
I am by virtue of its might divine,
The highest Wisdom and the first Love.

TopSecret WallSt. Iraq & more
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Re: The War on Women

Postby Pele'sDaughter » Tue Jul 30, 2013 1:02 pm

http://www.trendingcentral.com/police-f ... t-lecture/
Police force university to cancel Muslim feminist lecture

A scheduled lecture by an Islamic scholar from the United States was forcibly cancelled by police who cited possible law and order problems in view of opposition by Muslim groups.

Amina Wadud, an Islamic feminist, was due to deliver a lecture on ‘Gender and Reform in Islam’ at the University of Madras in Chennai, India, when she was informed by the unversity’s vice chancellor that local police had informed him to cancel the event. It has been reported that the news was delivered to the vice chancellor via a text message that read, “Police cannot allow this (the lecture) considering law and order (sic). Please take action to suspend / cancel the programme.”

A senior police officer said the decision to stop the lecture was taken at “a higher level.”

Abdul Rahiman, the head of the Centre for Islamic Studies at the university said it was frustrating to be “dictated” by people from outside. “This has set a wrong precedent of police interfering in university programmes. We’ve lost an opportunity to host an internationally renowned scholar,” said Rahiman. Wadud’s books are part of the Islamic Centre’s curriculum.

Ms. Wadud is author of “Qur’an and Woman: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective,” and “Inside the Gender Jihad: Women’s Reform in Islam.” In her writings, she argues against patriarchal interpretations of the Quran and has lectured in other Indian cities including Delhi and Calicut, according to Mr. Rahiman.

“Instead of asking the university to cancel [the event] the police should have provided security,” Mr. Rahiman said.

Wadud, 60, was born to an Afro-American Methodist family in Maryland, and embraced Islam at 20. She is one of the founding members of Sisters in Islam, a women group for gender equality and justice.

Wadud tweeted her reaction to the university’s decision, stating: “I have announced my intention to leave India for good as soon as I have completed some commitments in the region already scheduled.” She also posted on Facebook: “I will also NOT give any lectures, discussion, consultations, interviews or anything about Islam here. I will SAVE my breath for people of love and spirit and I am NOT really finding that sufficiently here so I give up. I am leaving India and returning to America shortly.”
Don't believe anything they say.
And at the same time,
Don't believe that they say anything without a reason.
---Immanuel Kant
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Re: The War on Women

Postby seemslikeadream » Mon Aug 05, 2013 7:40 am

Robin Thicke's Blurred Vision: A Critique of a Rape Anthem in Two Parts
Sunday, 04 August 2013 09:52
By Jimmy Johnson, Truthout | Opinion

Robin Thicke in Boston, July 12, 2013. (Photo: Chad Batka / The New York Times)
Shortly after the late March release of Robin Thicke's chart-topping single "Blurred Lines," Lisa Huyne asked on her Feminist in L.A. blog, "Has anyone heard Robin Thicke's new rape song?" This was the first return volley in a fairly low-profile public discussion about rape and "Blurred Lines," the first shots being the song itself and two accompanying music videos. The most prominent rape-related criticism came in mid-June with Tricia Romano's piece in The Daily Beast, followed shortly after by coverage in The Independent and The Huffington Post. Thicke dismissed these criticisms as "ridiculous" in a July 8, 2013, interview with the BBC. And indeed, neither the song nor video is much more, to use Romano's term, "rapey" than average. Both fall within what American society currently deems an acceptable level of rape. Herein lies the problem.
Before examining "Blurred Lines," its videos and Thicke's thick response, let's look at the context in which this is all happening, rape culture. What is rape culture? Mohadesa Najumi offers a good primer on The Feminist Wire. She writes, "Rape culture is the condoning and normalizing of physical, emotional and sexual terrorism against women and girls and marginalized subjects. It is the production and maintenance of an environment where sexual assault is so normative that people ultimately believe that rape is inevitable." At least some rapes are prosecutable in all US jurisdictions which, at first glance, doesn't sound very "condoning" or "normalizing." But according to the Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network, fewer than one-fifth of reported rapes - more than half of all rapes are not reported - are prosecuted, and only three of every 100 rapes lead to jail time for rapists. That only nine of every 100 are even prosecuted is, at best, tacit complicity (incarceration passing for accountability in the US despite better alternatives). This lack of accountability suggests the condoning and normalizing identified by Najumi.
In late 2011, McClatchy newspapers reported that only one in four reported rapes in the US military were prosecuted and just less than half of those resulted in any convictions (about one in eight of total reported rapes) and slightly more than half of those were convictions for "serious crimes" (about one in 16 of total reported rapes). This despite the "military's conviction rate for all crimes [being] more than 90 percent." Yet the article, published by the United States' third-largest newspaper chain, was framed as a story of one person falsely accused of rape being harmed by an overly aggressive prosecutorial system. Numerous lawyers and high-ranking military personnel asserted prosecutors were under too much pressure to prosecute rapists leading to a bunch of "bogus" charges. This coverage of a "justice system […] tilted unfairly in favor of the accuser" was a year and a half before this year's publicizing of a military rape epidemic. In just one week in May, the leader of the Air Force’s Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office was arrested for sexual assault and the Pentagon released a report estimating that 70 sexual assaults are committed daily in the military, less than 1 percent of which end up in courts martial. In summary, the military rape epidemic has gone on for years. And despite statistics showing a gross lack of rapist accountability, military prosecutors were portrayed as overly ambitious in their efforts toward accountability.
Conservative Missouri Senator Claire McCaskill shared the outrage of many after the revelations about mass military rape. She noted this concern during nomination hearings for Lt. Gen. Susan Helms because Helms had reduced a sexual assault conviction to one of an "indecent act." For not supporting Helms's nomination, Wall Street Journal columnist James Taranto called McCaskill "more than a little histrionic," accused her of conducting a "war on men," warned against "an effort to criminalize male sexuality," and reduced the sexual assault in question to some "hanky-panky" that was "her word against his." Implied is that sexual assault is male sexuality, probably not the conclusion he was going for, but a good paraphrasing of Najumi's point about rape culture's normative, inevitable rape. Rape culture is Taranto's "spirited defense" of someone convicted of sexual assault. Rape culture is the military's rape epidemic and the mainstream press' headlines warning that the "Military's newly aggressive rape prosecution has pitfalls." Rape culture is Taranto imagining sexual assault as 'he said-she said' debates and castigating those pushing for a measure of rapist accountability. Rape culture is the humiliation and shaming of survivors as sluts who wanted it, asked for it or deserved it. Rape culture is Rick Ross celebrating rape in rhyme. Rape culture is me not pointing out until this sentence that the above discussion of military rape doesn't include military personnel and local allies raping Iraqi, Afghan, Okinawan and other women, men and children or how rape intersects with racist, colonialist and capitalist oppression. Rape culture is the police, inside interrogation rooms and on police procedurals, threatening people with a rape waiting for them in prison to coerce confessions and snitching or, alternately put, using rape as a coercive tool of state power. Rape culture is men flooding columnist Lindy West with rape threats last month after she suggested mild caution to comedians aspiring to make rape jokes. Rape culture is the media taking the side of the rapists in Steubenville. Rape culture is the world into which Robin Thicke brought "Blurred Lines."
Where "Blurred Lines" Fits In
According to a June GQ interview, "Blurred Lines" came from Thicke and Pharell Williams deciding to put together a party track. The result is an infectious neo-discobeat, a near-perfect summer groove. But the beat is where the party ends. The lyrics, per Thicke, are inspired by and intend to reproduce men objectifying female passers-by. "We started acting like we were two old men on a porch hollering at girls like, 'Hey, where you going, girl? Come over here!' " This is also the genesis of the "old man dances" in the videos, the best of which is T.I.'s "You hear that Elizabeth? I'm coming to join you!" There are two versions of the video directed by Diane Martel. Both feature Thicke, Williams and T.I. alongside models Elle Evans, Jessi M'Bengue and Emily Ratajkowski. The only substantial differences between the two are that Evans, M'Bengue and Ratajkowski are mostly bare-breasted in one version while the other features a clumsy Remy Martin product placement. That Thicke and T.I. offer largely vacuous lyrics cautions against over-analysis. But the Bluest-Eyed soul singer offers some context in interviews by which we can engage what substantive content is there.
The BBC asked Thicke what the lyrics mean. He replied, "For me it was about blurring the lines between - two things - one between men and women and how much we're the same. Like my wife, she's as strong as I am, as smart - if not smarter, stronger and she's an animal too and she doesn't need a man to define her or to define her existence. So the song was really about women are everything a man is and can do anything a man can do. And then there's the other side of it which is the blurred lines between a good girl and bad girl which, you know, even very good girls have a little bad side to them. You know you just have to know how to pull it out of them." The interviewer followed up asking about criticism of his song as a rape anthem. Thicke answered, "Yeah I think they should all - I mean, I can't dignify that with a response, that's ridiculous."
Given the chorus - "I hate these blurred lines" - it's hard to decipher Thicke's interview. His hatred of the blurred lines means he greatly prefers clear gender lines and hates his wife's strength and smarts. Alternately, Thicke wrote lyrics meaning the opposite of his intent and doesn't know it. Alternately again, Thicke wrote lyrics that fairly represented his intent which he misrepresented to the BBC. One of these has to be true.
Image
Robin Thicke "pulling the bad girl" out of Jessi M'Bengue in the "Blurred Lines" video.
GQ noted that the "catcalling old man vibe definitely comes through in the video" to which Thicke replied, "That's what I wanted to create." Thicke thus sees catcalling - gender-based public harassment - inclusive in his goal of making "music with more humor and lightheartedness." Thicke further commented, "We tried to do everything that was taboo. Bestiality, drug injections and everything that is completely derogatory toward women. Because all three of us are happily married with children, we were like, 'We're the perfect guys to make fun of this.' People say, 'Hey, do you think this is degrading to women?' I'm like, 'Of course it is. What a pleasure it is to degrade a woman. I've never gotten to do that before. I've always respected women.' So we just wanted to turn it over on its head and make people go, 'Women and their bodies are beautiful. Men are always gonna want to follow them around.'" He remarked on the balloons arranged to say "Robin Thicke has a big dick" that it "wasn't my idea! […] The whole point was to go over the top, knock down the ceiling, jump over the wall and say, we're gonna do things everyone is afraid to do, as brash and fearless as possible." All that said...
There is no discernible overturning of sexism in "Blurred Lines." The genders Thicke asserted to be indistinguishable are clearly marked in the videos. The females gaze at the camera while the males ogle the females' bodies. The males have vocabularies; a lone female meows. Most notably, the males are fully clothed; the females are not. All of this – the penis-size joke, subordinate roles for women, women as objects of the male gaze, models with specific body types, etc. – is depressingly normal, not challenging and certainly not "brash and fearless." Unless that brashness is masculine aggression directed at feminism - in which case it does make sense. The only (minor and common) deviations are that Evans, M'Bengue and Ratajkowski generally do not strut in normative sexy ways but instead do goofy or outlandish faux-sexy poses and walks, and that one of the sex objects – those bodies that "Men are always gonna want to follow […] around" – is black.
The lyrics are a series of misogynistic tropes. Both Thicke and T.I. embrace the gendered slur "bitch." They do so in different ways, but both are problematic, as when Thicke shouts "You the hottest bitch in this place!" at Evans and Ratajkowski. Perhaps worst is the repetition (18 times) of that most common of male imaginings of women's desires - no matter their actual preferences –- "I know you want it." Katie Russell of the U.K. organization Rape Crisis noted that, "certain lyrics are explicitly sexually violent and appear to reinforce victim-blaming rape myths, for example about women giving 'mixed signals' through their dress or behavior, saying 'no' when they really mean 'yes' and so on."
Russell's concerns apply to the segment just before Thicke sings "I hate these blurred lines." Ratajkowski appears propped on her elbows with an upset expression, then with a stop sign over her bare ass.
Image
(Screen grab of "Blurred Lines" via YouTube)
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(Screen grab of "Blurred Lines" via YouTube)
It takes an extraordinary imagination to read this as something other than the 'blurred lines' of 'no' means 'yes.' This is amplified when paired with T.I.'s offer to "give you something big enough to tear your ass in two." In a different song, this could be an unimaginative, braggadocio metaphor for vigorous, consensual anal sex. In the context of a (unintended though it may be) rape anthem based on catcalling released into rape culture, offering to tear a woman's ass in two carries an entirely different meaning.
Thicke defended himself to the BBC, saying, "I've always been a gentleman. I've been in love with the same woman since I was a teenager." This brings up a basic problem: Thicke deciding that a group of men can define what constitutes violations of female bodies because they all have families, which makes them "genntlemen." He's also positioning himself in a way analogous to "I'm not racist, I have black friends!" Thicke also acknowledges sexism is a problem and says he wants to turn it upside-down. But his attempt is simply a faithful reproduction of his target and, to the significant degree that he embraces rape symbols, language and apologia, an amplification even. His certainty that his views on gendered violence are adequate are another part of patriarchy, male privilege. His voice, no matter his (absent) expertise, is adequate to define the boundaries of legitimate discourse whereas he dismisses an actual expert on gendered violence, Russell from Rape Crisis, as "ridiculous" and not deserving of a response.
Were it only "Blurred Lines" in question – or just popular music (see "Baby It's Cold Outside" for a widely beloved rape song) – the problem would be easily surmountable. But rape culture pervades society; so transforming it must as well. It's necessary to bring feminist, anti-rape practices and messages into all parts of our lives.
INCITE! Women of Color Against Violence offers a tremendous intersectional toolbox for organizing against gendered violence and towards "safer, more liberatory communities." Its approach starts with those most targeted by gendered violence - black, brown and colonized women and gender minorities. There's no better place to start destroying rape culture and transforming ourselves to a society where hot beats, women comically strutting with whatever level of clothing they prefer and old man dances have nothing to do with rape.
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Re: The War on Women

Postby seemslikeadream » Wed Aug 07, 2013 11:35 am

Image

ImageImage
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Hanna Rosin | New data on the rise of women

Postby Allegro » Sun Aug 18, 2013 2:47 pm

Allegro » Thu Aug 18, 2011 9:38 pm wrote:Hanna Rosin | New data on the rise of women
TED dot com | December 2010; Washington DC



[TED NOTES.] Hanna Rosin is the sort of journalist who dares to articulate what people are thinking—only they hadn’t realized it yet. Born in Israel and raised in Queens, the co-founder of women’s site DoubleX (an offshoot of Slate) and contributing editor at the Atlantic Monthly is probably best known for the furor raised by her article titled (not by her) “The End of Men”—which asserts that the era of male dominance has come to an end as women gain power in the postindustrial economy. A similar furor greeted her well-researched piece “The Case Against Breastfeeding,” which questioned the degree to which scientific evidence supports breast-feeding’s touted benefits.

Rosin has covered religion and politics for the Washington Post and contributes to such publications as the New Yorker and the New Republic. Her book God’s Harvard: A Christian College on a Mission to Save America peers into the inner workings of Patrick Henry College, a seven-year school for evangelical Christians aspiring to political and cultural influence.

    Rosin makes her most powerful argument when she looks, not at the current workforce, but at what is happening on America’s college and university campuses. There, she explains, “we can see with absolute clarity that in the coming decades the middle class will be dominated by women.”
    AlbertMohler.com
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— Bonus —

Hanna Rosin is interviewed on NPR | Patrick Henry College
EDUCATION | Harvard for the Home-Schooled, Christian Crowd
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Re: The War on Women

Postby parel » Wed Sep 04, 2013 8:03 pm

Think I'll go gloat on Facebook about this since it was the site of several arguments over whether Femen were on the real.

The man who made Femen: New film outs Victor Svyatski as the mastermind behind the protest group and its breast-baring stunts


It’s the Ukranian feminist group that embarrassed President Putin. Its activists have staged many protests against sexual and political repression by stripping to their waists in carefully choreographed media stunts.

“Our mission is protest, our weapons are bare breasts,” runs their slogan. Now, a new documentary screening at the Venice Film Festival has revealed that Femen was founded and is controlled by a man.

Ukraine is not a Brothel, directed by 28-year-old Australian film-maker Kitty Green, has “outed” Victor Svyatski as the mastermind behind the group. Mr Syvatski is known as a “consultant” to the movement. According to the Femen website, he was badly beaten up by the secret services in Ukraine earlier this summer because of his activities on behalf of the group.

However, Ms Green reveals that Svyatski is not simply a supporter of Femen but its founder and éminence grise. “It’s his movement and he hand-picked the girls. He hand-picked the prettiest girls because the prettiest girls sell more papers. The prettiest girls get on the front page... that became their image, that became the way they sold the brand,” she says.

Today, several of the original members of Femen – among them its best known campaigner Inna Shevchenko – are due in Venice for the launch of Ms Green’s documentary. In recent days some of its original members have moved abroad to escape persecution in their home country, claiming that they have been “systematically harassed, severely beaten, kidnapped, and repeatedly received threats” from the authorities, while in June two French and one German member were jailed following a topless protest in Tunisia.

Until now, the full extent of Mr Svyatski’s influence over Femen has not been realised. The film claims it was he who sent Femen activists on one of their most terrifying missions to Belarus where (according to testimony in the film) they were arrested by secret service agents, stripped, humiliated and abandoned in a forest close to the Ukranian border.

Ms Green accompanied them on this trip. She told The Independent that her footage was stolen by the KGB and that she was abducted, “kept in confinement for about eight hours,” and then deported to Lithuania.

In the documentary, Ms Green pays tribute to Mr Svyatski’s organisational abilities and charisma but questions his influence over the group.

“He can be really horrible but he is fiercely intelligent,” she said of Mr Svyatski, who is interviewed on camera in her film. Ms Green spent a year living in a tiny apartment in Kiev with four of the Femen members and filming their stunts. “I would shoot their protests and they would take them and put them on their website,” she said.

Only gradually did she become aware that Mr Svyatski was pulling the strings behind the scenes. “Once I was in the inner circle, you can’t not know him. He is Femen.”

Initially, Mr Svyatski refused to allow Ms Green to film him but she was determined that he should feature. “It was a big moral thing for me because I realised how this organisation was run. He was quite horrible with the girls. He would scream at them and call them bitches.”

When the Femen founder finally spoke to Ms Green, he sought to justify his role within the organisation and acknowledged the paradox of being a “patriarch” running a feminist protest group. “These girls are weak,” he says in the film.

“They don’t have the strength of character. They don’t even have the desire to be strong. Instead, they show submissiveness, spinelessness, lack of punctuality, and many other factors which prevent them from becoming political activists. These are qualities which it was essential to teach them.”

Mr Svyatski insists to Ms Green that his influence on the group is positive. However, when he is asked directly whether he started Femen “to get girls”, he replies: “Perhaps yes, somewhere in my deep subconscious.”

One of the Femen campaigners talks of the relationship between the women and the movement’s founder as being akin to “Stockholm syndrome”, in which hostages feel sympathy for their captors.

“We are psychologically dependent on him and even if we know and understand that we could do this by ourselves without his help, it’s psychological dependence,” she says.

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One-fifth of female veterans from Iraq, Afghanistan

Postby Allegro » Sun Sep 08, 2013 10:19 pm


^ Horse therapy aids military sexual trauma victim, Jessie de Leon, Army veteran

Highlights mine.

_________________
One-fifth of female veterans from Iraq, Afghanistan show signs of sexual trauma
Many women aren’t comfortable with the VA, and don’t seek treatment
Center for Public Integrity, Caitlin Cruz, Asha Anchan | 6:00 am, September 5, 2013

    At least one in five female veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan has screened positive for military sexual trauma (MST) once back home, Department of Veterans Affairs records show. And this may understate the crisis, experts say, because this number only counts women who go to the VA for help.

    Young female veterans — those returning from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan — often don’t show up for their first VA appointments, if they show up at all, said Ann LeFevre, MST coordinator at the VA Palo Alto Health Care System in California. “They think they’re alone and they don’t want to talk about it,” LeFevre said. “Especially with new returners, it takes a lot to get them on the VA campus. It can remind them of their base where the assault occurred.”

    The assault itself defies the discipline and values of the armed forces, but the problem is exacerbated, experts say, when victims report an assault and their allegations are met with skepticism and possible retaliation.

    Even after their military service is over, many sexual assault victims are reluctant to approach the VA, a system intertwined with the military and perceived at times as prescribing drugs instead of meeting their treatment needs.

    “There’s a disconnect between what survivors believe they need and the educated treatment community as to what is necessary and helpful,” said Mylea Charvat, a fellow in clinical neuroscience with the Stanford School of Medicine.

    Charvat, who worked in the VA system for about 10 years, starting shortly after 9/11, described the department as “slow to respond” to the broad needs of women. “Historically, it’s not a highly responsive system. It’s huge, it’s bureaucratic,” she said. “I can understand women being hesitant to seek care, and frankly, a lot of men, too.”

    In 2012, the Department of Defense’s Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office estimated that 26,000 cases of “unwanted sexual contact” occurred. Of these, only about 13 percent of service members reported their assault
    .

    Now, Charvat is working to develop a new model for effectively treating military sexual trauma and the resulting post-traumatic stress disorder with the Artemis Rising Invisible War Recovery Program, a treatment program inspired by the documentary “The Invisible War.”

    “We need to attack this on a multi-faceted approach,” she said. “It’s a complex problem.”

    The burden of the problem falls on the Department of Defense — which consistently states it has a zero-tolerance policy for sexual assault — and on the VA — which has been charged since 1992 with addressing the failures of that policy. In 2010, the VA spent $872 million on sexual-assault-related healthcare, records show.

    But many veterans feel lost in the void between these two large bureaucracies.

    Women like Jessie de Leon and Corey Barrows are veterans who feel the military failed them — not only because the assaults occurred, but also because of what they consider inadequate responses once they returned from their deployments. As a result, they sought their own means of treatment.

    “For a while it’s just like I was numb to the world. Just fake happiness, drug-induced happiness,” said de Leon, who was raped while serving as an Army medic in Bamberg, Germany, from 2007 to 2009. “I didn’t realize that this process was going to be more hindering to me in trying to recover from it than it was helping me.”

    As a medic, she examined soldiers and their families at the health clinic in Germany and prepared soldiers to be deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan. She also comforted families who lost soldiers in the war.

    But back home in Florida, de Leon found no comfort with therapists at the West Palm Beach VA. They didn’t seem to understand the impact of her rape. Their recommended treatment consisted of prescription drugs for sleeping, anxiety and depression.

    Harvard psychologist Paula Caplan has talked with hundreds of veterans, many of whom told her the VA pushed prescription drugs instead of examining the impact of the assaults.

    “Women already, so often, feel that they don’t belong in the military, either they’re not wanted or they have to prove to other people or themselves that they deserve to be there,” Caplan said. “When you are traumatized and you’re devastated ... then you think, ‘But I have military training, I’m supposed to be tough, I’m supposed to be resilient.’ ”

    De Leon had a young son, she was going to nursing school and she decided to leave the VA. Eventually, de Leon ended up at Healing Horse Therapy Center with other female veterans, located in Loxahatchee, Fla., 15 minutes from her home.

    “No one was forcing you to talk, nobody was saying you had to do anything,” de Leon said of the therapy center. “I didn’t realize you could gain so much confidence, gain so much self-motivation, get back your self-esteem, just by working with a horse, who never said a word to you.”

    In October, she will graduate from nursing school and she and her 5-year-old son will move to North Carolina to be with her fiance.

    “From going through years of a lot of people not caring about what you went through and how you felt about things, and to finally come to a place where you felt safe, it was, it was very wonderful,” she said. “It validates your pain.”

    The VA defines military sexual trauma, or MST, as the “psychological trauma, which in the judgment of a VA mental health professional, resulted from a physical assault of a sexual nature, battery of a sexual nature, or sexual harassment which occurred while the veteran was serving on active duty or active duty for training.”

    Veterans can seek a disability compensation rating for MST and the related effects. According to the VA, the necessary documentation has been reduced. Despite this, Amanda Schroeder, a union president for employees of the Veterans Benefits Administration in Portland, Ore., said MST claims are complicated and time-consuming to complete because many people do not report their assault.

    Men and women alike are already completely disabused, disempowered and often completely disenfranchised by the time they get to us and so a lot of times the sexual trauma cases take a lot of time because we have to seek so much additional evidence and it’s not all maintained in one place,” Schroeder said.

    Because of this, Rep. Chellie Pingree, D-Maine, introduced the 2013 Ruth Moore Act, which aims to make it easier for service members to receive benefits for military-related sexual assaults.

    Most people are just shocked to think that we would ask someone to serve in the military and they would be more likely to be sexually assaulted than blown up by an IED (improvised explosive device),” she said.

    Pingree said her bill, which passed the House and is pending in the Senate, is needed because of the difficulty she’s seen when victims try to prove they were sexual assaulted. “You can’t just say to someone, ‘Come serve your country, and oh, by the way, you might get raped if you do and we’re not going to do anything about it,’ ” Pingree said. “It’s just unthinkable.”

    In January, Army Gen. Martin Dempsey, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said he believes sexual assault and harassment continue “because we’ve had separate classes of military personnel.” Identifying men as “warriors” and women as “something else” breeds an environment that can lead to sexual crimes, he said.

    A 2013 Institute of Medicine report found a link between MST and long-term poor mental and physical health. Moreover, the Independent Budget, a policy evaluation created by various veteran service organizations about, but independent of, the VA, found that women with MST had a 59 percent higher risk for mental health problems.

    Common conditions linked to MST range from PTSD and anxiety to eating disorders, hypervigilance and insomnia. More specifically, LaFevre said the women she works with often show signs of stomach problems, experience weight gain — “They don’t want to get attention from men in any way, so they emotionally eat” — and have a hard time maintaining a job, leading to homelessness. The Independent Budget reported that of homeless female veterans using VA healthcare, 39 percent screened positive for MST.

    These side effects remain wide-ranging and lifelong and the resources for treatment vary across the country.

    “The assault itself is very traumatizing,” said Jennifer Norris, an advocate with the Military Rape Crisis Center who was assaulted while serving with the Air Force and Air National Guard. “That trauma, you’re going to have it no matter what, for the rest of your life.”

    Marine Corps veteran Corey Barrows was raped by a fellow service member while off-post in September 2006, near Marine Corps Air Station Cherry Point, N.C. When she reported her assault, her master sergeant told her she must have been too drunk — even though she doesn’t drink. “Nobody believed me,” she said.

    She deployed in July 2007 to Iraq, where she was coping with her trauma — until her old unit, which included friends of her attacker, deployed to the same installation. Barrows, unable to manage the stress, took a handful of Percocet in an attempt to kill herself.

    “We talk so much about unit cohesion being critically important in the military, just how well people work together when they’re serving, and it’s hard to imagine that anything does more damage to that than a sexual assault within a unit,” said Pingree, the congresswoman from Maine. “It’s not good policy to let it happen.”

    Barrows was honorably discharged in November 2008. After enrolling in VA healthcare in early 2009, she was prescribed numerous medications for anxiety and depression. She then went to a civilian therapist because she had lost faith in the VA system. Her therapist suggested activities such as yoga and talking with other survivors to aid Barrows’s recovery. Barrows now uses fewer medications.

    After her husband was discharged from the Marine Corps, they moved to his hometown of Bozeman, Mont.

    “It’s just therapeutic out here. I’m out of the military bubble,” she said. “I still have horrible anxiety, especially with crowds, but in Montana you tend to have less of that.”
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sexual assaults on women serving in Iraq and Afghanistan

Postby Allegro » Sun Sep 08, 2013 10:21 pm

An extract from an article written by Chalmers Johnson. The original, recently posted article is at the link just below.
Allegro » Sun Sep 01, 2013 1:25 am wrote: < extract begin >

3. We Need to End the Secret Shame of Our Empire of Bases

In March, New York Times op-ed columnist Bob Herbert noted, “Rape and other forms of sexual assault against women is the great shame of the U.S. armed forces, and there is no evidence that this ghastly problem, kept out of sight as much as possible, is diminishing.” He continued:

    “New data released by the Pentagon showed an almost 9 percent increase in the number of sexual assaults—2,923—and a 25 percent increase in such assaults reported by women serving in Iraq and Afghanistan [over the past year]. Try to imagine how bizarre it is that women in American uniforms who are enduring all the stresses related to serving in a combat zone have to also worry about defending themselves against rapists wearing the same uniform and lining up in formation right beside them.”

The problem is exacerbated by having our troops garrisoned in overseas bases located cheek-by-jowl next to civilian populations and often preying on them like foreign conquerors. For example, sexual violence against women and girls by American GIs has been out of control in Okinawa, Japan’s poorest prefecture, ever since it was permanently occupied by our soldiers, Marines, and airmen some 64 years ago.

That island was the scene of the largest anti-American demonstrations since the end of World War II after the 1995 kidnapping, rape, and attempted murder of a 12-year-old schoolgirl by two Marines and a sailor. The problem of rape has been ubiquitous around all of our bases on every continent and has probably contributed as much to our being loathed abroad as the policies of the Bush administration or our economic exploitation of poverty-stricken countries whose raw materials we covet.

The military itself has done next to nothing to protect its own female soldiers or to defend the rights of innocent bystanders forced to live next to our often racially biased and predatory troops. “The military’s record of prosecuting rapists is not just lousy, it’s atrocious,” writes Herbert. In territories occupied by American military forces, the high command and the State Department make strenuous efforts to enact so-called “Status of Forces Agreements” (SOFAs) that will prevent host governments from gaining jurisdiction over our troops who commit crimes overseas. The SOFAs also make it easier for our military to spirit culprits out of a country before they can be apprehended by local authorities.

This issue was well illustrated by the case of an Australian teacher, a long-time resident of Japan, who in April 2002 was raped by a sailor from the aircraft carrier USS Kitty Hawk, then based at the big naval base at Yokosuka. She identified her assailant and reported him to both Japanese and U.S. authorities. Instead of his being arrested and effectively prosecuted, the victim herself was harassed and humiliated by the local Japanese police. Meanwhile, the U.S. discharged the suspect from the Navy but allowed him to escape Japanese law by returning him to the U.S., where he lives today.

In the course of trying to obtain justice, the Australian teacher discovered that almost fifty years earlier, in October 1953, the Japanese and American governments signed a secret “understanding” as part of their SOFA in which Japan agreed to waive its jurisdiction if the crime was not of “national importance to Japan.” The U.S. argued strenuously for this codicil because it feared that otherwise it would face the likelihood of some 350 servicemen per year being sent to Japanese jails for sex crimes.

Since that time the U.S. has negotiated similar wording in SOFAs with Canada, Ireland, Italy, and Denmark. According to the Handbook of the Law of Visiting Forces (2001), the Japanese practice has become the norm for SOFAs throughout the world, with predictable results. In Japan, of 3,184 U.S. military personnel who committed crimes between 2001 and 2008, 83% were not prosecuted. In Iraq, we have just signed a SOFA that bears a strong resemblance to the first postwar one we had with Japan: namely, military personnel and military contractors accused of off-duty crimes will remain in U.S. custody while Iraqis investigate. This is, of course, a perfect opportunity to spirit the culprits out of the country before they can be charged.

Within the military itself, the journalist Dahr Jamail, author of Beyond the Green Zone: Dispatches from an Unembedded Journalist in Occupied Iraq (Haymarket Books, 2007), speaks of the “culture of unpunished sexual assaults” and the “shockingly low numbers of courts martial” for rapes and other forms of sexual attacks. Helen Benedict, author of The Lonely Soldier: The Private War of Women Serving in Iraq (Beacon Press, 2009), quotes this figure in a 2009 Pentagon report on military sexual assaults: 90% of the rapes in the military are never reported at all and, when they are, the consequences for the perpetrator are negligible.

It is fair to say that the U.S. military has created a worldwide sexual playground for its personnel and protected them to a large extent from the consequences of their behavior. I believe a better solution would be to radically reduce the size of our standing army, and bring the troops home from countries where they do not understand their environments and have been taught to think of the inhabitants as inferior to themselves.

< extract end >
_________________
Chalmers Johnson was the author of Blowback (2000), The Sorrows of Empire (2004), and Nemesis: The Last Days of the American Republic (2006), and editor of Okinawa: Cold War Island (1999). His final book was Dismantling the Empire: America’s Last Best Hope (2010).

[Note on further reading on the matter of sexual violence in and around our overseas bases and rapes in the military: On the response to the 1995 Okinawa rape, see Chalmers Johnson, Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire, chapter 2. On related subjects, see David McNeil, “Justice for Some. Crime, Victims, and the US-Japan SOFA,” Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 8-1-09, March 15, 2009; “Bilateral Secret Agreement Is Preventing U.S. Servicemen Committing Crimes in Japan from Being Prosecuted,” Japan Press Weekly, May 23, 2009; Dieter Fleck, ed., The Handbook of the Law of Visiting Forces, Oxford University Press, 2001; Minoru Matsutani, “‘53 Secret Japan-US Deal Waived GI Prosecutions,” Japan Times, October 24, 2008; “Crime Without Punishment in Japan,” the Economist, December 10, 2008; “Japan: Declassified Document Reveals Agreement to Relinquish Jurisdiction Over U.S. Forces,” Akahata, October 30, 2008; “Government’s Decision First Case in Japan,” Ryukyu Shimpo, May 20, 2008; Dahr Jamail, “Culture of Unpunished Sexual Assault in Military,” Antiwar.com, May 1, 2009; and Helen Benedict, “The Plight of Women Soldiers,” the Nation, May 5, 2009.]

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Copyright 2010 Chalmers Johnson
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