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@JFKLancer: Jim Douglass, author of JFK and the Unspeakable, asked me to pass this information on to you. Please take a minute... http://fb.me/2KGQwzWpw
Passing the Torch October 17-19
Special Evening Program
Deborah G. Jozwiak
320 Fisher Hall
600 Forbes Avenue
Pittsburgh, PA 15282
Email: wechtinstitute@duq.edu
Phone: 412-396-1330
Fax: 412-396-1331
Registration
Wecht Institute
Confirmed speakers as of 9/13/2013
Gary L. Aguilar, M.D.
Head, Division of Ophthalmology, Saint Francis Memorial Hospital, San Francisco; Assistant Clinical Professor of Ophthalmology, Stanford University and University of California; independent researcher
Daniel S. Alcorn, J.D.
Freedom of Information Act attorney, Washington, D.C.
Russ Baker
Author, Family of Secrets: The Bush Dynasty, America's Invisible Government and the Secret History of the Last Fifty Years; founder and editor-in-chief, WhoWhatWhy.com
Rex Bradford
President, Mary Ferrell Foundation; Vice President, Assassination Archives and Research Center; computer game and web developer and online records advocate, Ipswich, MA
Walt Brown, Ph.D.
Professor of history, Ramapo College, Mahwah, NJ; author, The People v. Lee Harvey Oswald, The Warren Omission and Treachery in Dallas; former special agent, U.S. Department of Justice
James DiEugenio
Economics and U.S. history teacher, Los Angeles; author, Destiny Betrayed and Reclaiming Parkland (forthcoming); co-editor, The Assassinations: Probe Magazine on JFK, MLK, RFK and Malcolm X
Sherry P. Fiester
Author, Enemy of Truth: Myths, Forensics, and the JFK Assassination; former senior crime scene analyst and court-certified expert, Louisiana, Mississippi and Florida
Keith Fitzgerald
Independent researcher, Concord, NH
Robert J. Groden
Author, High Treason and The Killing of the President; photographic consultant, U.S. House Select Committee on Assassinations; chief consultant, JFK; senior program consultant, The Men Who Killed Kennedy
Dan Hardway, J.D.
Private attorney, Cowen, WV; former researcher/investigator, U.S. House Select Committee on Assassinations
John Judge
Founder and executive director, Coalition on Political Assassinations; co-founder, Committee for an Open Archives
William E. Kelly
Independent researcher; founder, Committee for an Open Archive; co-founder, Coalition on Political Assassinations
Mark Lane, J.D.
Attorney, social activist and author, Rush to Judgment, A Citizen's Dissent, and The Last Word: My Indictment of the CIA in the Murder of JFK
James H. Lesar, J.D.
Freedom of Information Act attorney, Washington, D.C.; President, Assassination Archives and Research Center
Brian D. Litman
Principal, General Alchemy, San Francisco; former special media consultant/producer, KGB Veterans Association, Moscow
David W. Mantik, M.D., Ph.D.
Radiation oncologist and former professor of physics, University of Wisconsin; contributor, Assassination Science, Murder in Dealey Plaza and The Great Zapruder Film Hoax
Robert N. McClelland, M.D. (by videoconference)
Professor Emeritus, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center; former Parkland Hospital surgeon
Joan Mellen, Ph.D.
Author, A Farwell to Justice and Our Man in Haiti; professor of English, Temple University
Jefferson Morley
Author, Our Man in Mexico: Winston Scott and the Hidden History of the CIA; former correspondent and editor, The Washington Post and Center for Independent Media
Tim Nicholson
Independent researcher and software engineer
Lisa Pease
Chief Archivist, Real History Archives; Co-author/co-editor, The Assassinations: Probe Magazine on JFK, MLK, RFK and Malcolm X
Jerry Policoff
Independent researcher and journalist, Lancaster, PA; Executive director, Assassination Archives and Research Center
Larry J. Sabato, Ph.D.
Robert Kent Gooch Professor of Politics, University of Virginia and director, University of Virginia Center for Politics; author, The Kennedy Half-Century
Patrick J. Speer
Independent researcher
Oliver Stone
Director, JFK; director and narrator, Untold History of the United States
Jeffrey Sundberg, MSEE, MS
Electrical engineer, University of Arizona; independent researcher
David Talbot
Author, Brothers: The Hidden History of the Kennedy Years; Founder and Former Editor in Chief, salon.com
Robert K. Tanenbaum, J.D.
Attorney, expert and legal commentator, Los Angeles; author, Echoes of My Soul, Tragic and Corruption of Blood; former deputy chief counsel, U.S. House Select Committee on Assassinations
Donald Thomas, Ph.D.
Author, Hear No Evil and Acoustical Evidence in the Kennedy Assassination Revisited; U.S. Government research scientist; graduate faculty member, University of Texas, Pan-American
Josiah Thompson, Ph.D.
Private Investigator; author, Six Seconds in Dallas: A Micro-Study of the Kennedy Assassination
Cyril H. Wecht, M.D., J.D.
Forensic pathology consultant, author and lecturer; Member, Forensic Pathology Panel, U.S. House Select Committee on Assassinations; Consultant, JFK
We are fast approaching November 22, 2013, the 50th anniversary of the assassination of John Fitzgerald Kennedy.
At this critical moment, we are prepared to create the definitive graphic adaptation about JFK, his legacy, and the reasons behind his assassination. It is a powerful and transforming story.
In his book, JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters, author James W. Douglass tells the story of how John F. Kennedy gradually turned from being a Cold Warrior toward trying to make peace with “the enemy”. With the JFK Records Act triggering the declassification of hundreds of thousands of documents, we now have overwhelming evidence that Kennedy’s policies so upset the military industrial complex that he was branded a traitor and marked for assassination.
In time, Sinatra stopped calling it the Clan. It was too evocative of that other Klan, and he discouraged writers from using the term. It was politically incorrect: Senator John F. Kennedy, Peter Lawford's brother-in-law, the kid old Joe Kennedy's money had made, had his eye on the presidential nomination. Sinatra, who had lusted to rub against any power greater than his own, threw himself fully into Kennedy's campaign. Reverting to the Bogart days, the Clan became the Rat Pack, the sideshow of Kennedy's privileged Democratic dream. Kennedy was a glamour boy. He enjoyed being around celebrities, as Sinatra enjoyed being around power. The two of them waxed dreamy eyed around each other.
Dean and Jack Kennedy, who was barely two weeks older than him, had first met back in the winter of 1947-48. Martin and Lewis had been playing the Chez Paree in Chicago, staying at the Ambassador East Hotel. Kennedy, then in Congress, had been in town to give a speech at the Executives Club, and who also stayed at the Ambassador East. Jerry and Kennedy had gotten on well together. But the young congressman from Massachusetts had made no impression on Dean. His father had given him a country to play with the way other fathers gave their sons toy trains. The dirty greed of the world had glimmered in the father's eyes; in the son's, there was only women, ambition and the idealism that came from growing up rich and protected. He was just a Lord Fauntleroy version of Pinky Nolan gone big-time.
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Even Kennedy himself showed up at ringside one night. Sinatra introduced him from the stage. Dean came out: "What did you say his name was?" Then Dean picked up little Sammy (Davis Jnr.) and held him out to Sinatra: "Here. This award just came for you from the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People." Later, Kennedy joined the Rat Pack upstairs for drinks. Lawford took Davis aside and whispered to him:
"If you want to see what a million dollars in cash looks like, go into the next room; there's a brown leather satchel in the closet. It's a gift from the hotel owners for Jack's campaign."
There were broads that night as well: blowjobs on the house, all around, for the New Frontiersmen and his Democratic crew. One of the women Sinatra introduced to Kennedy was a 25 year old would-be starlet named Judith Campbell. Sinatra had been fucking her for a while. So had Johnny Roselli, the West Coast's lord of darkness. Now Campbell would begin a 2 year affair with Kennedy. Sinatra liked the idea: the two men bonding their friendship through a woman.
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Jack Kennedy's kid brother Bobby, a worse spoiled brat than he, was chief counsel to the McClellan Senate committee's investigations into labor racketeering. Bobby's holy war against Jimmy Hoffa and the Teamsters had stirred trouble far and wide. It seemed that the little rabbit mouthed irlandese was out to crucify not only the new head of the Teamsters but every wop in America along with him.
One of those who had been called before the committee in 1959 was Sam Giancana, boss of the Chicago mob, whom both Dean and Sinatra knew from his earliest days of power following the death of Charlie Fischetti. Wearing sunglasses and a cheap hair piece, Sam had sat there holding a 3x5 inch card bearing the words of the 5th Amendment, whose protection he invoked in response to every question Kennedy put forth. The heat had not diminished, and it came to be believed that the only way to get Bobby Kennedy's nose out of everybody's business was through Jack. Through Giancana, a large donation to Kennedy's presidential campaign was drawn from the Teamster's pension fund and passed to Jack beneath the blind eyes of his brother Bobby, who took time out from his wop hunting to serve as Jack's campaign manager.
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Meanwhile, Judith Campbell, who had gone from the beds of Frank Sinatra and Johnny Roselli to those of John F. Kennedy and Sam Giancana, had taken a job working for Jerry Lewis at Paramount. In early 1961, Jerry was informed that he was about to be named as a respondent in a divorce suit filed by the husband of a young starlet named Judy Meredith. Judy Meredith, it seemed, got around every bit as much as Judy Campbell. Otash had gathered evidence of her adulterous affairs with several other famous men. Jerry's ex partner, Dean, was among those men. So were Sinatra and John F. Kennedy.
"One of the great cunt men of all time," Lewis would say of Kennedy, "Except for me."
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Marilyn Monroe came to Cal-Neva on both occasions. On the first, she overdosed on pills and booze. On the second, wandering around in a ghostly stupor, she spoke to Skinny D'Amato of things of which, as he told her, people ought not to speak. Dean knew what was wrong with her, beyond the pills, beyond the booze, beyond the whole endless lost-little-girl thing: She just could not handle the dirty knowledge into which she had wandered, the black forest of Sam Giancana and Johnny Roselli and her darling scumbag Kennedys, that world that lay past the dreamland she had shared with those who paid to see her. She wanted back into the fairytale, but there really was no way back. Dean knew things that people would not believe, things about the government sucking up to men such as Roselli and Giancana, dealing with them in death, while others in government persecuted them: things about the black knights and the white knights fucking the same broads, drinking from the same bottle, and sharing the same spoils and murderous plots. Marilyn had glimpsed these things through her own errant innocence, and they had terrified her. The great temptress had finally encountered a few wisps of what really lay in the garden of temptation. Dean could see it: She was not long for this world. If she did not shut her mouth, she would not even need the pills to take her where she was going.
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On August 16th, J. Edgar Hoover sent a personal memorandum to Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy. It conveyed information Hoover had received from the F.B.I. field office in Tampa: "Before the last presidential election. Joseph P. Kennedy had been visited by many gangsters with gambling interests and a deal was made which resulted in Peter Lawford, Frank Sinatra, Dean Martin and others obtaining a lucrative gambling establishment, the Cal-Neva Hotel, at Lake Tahoe. These gangsters reportedly met with Joseph Kennedy at the Cal-Neva, where Kennedy was staying at the time." Hoover's implication was that old Joe Kennedy had arranged the deal whereby Sam Giancana, Skinny D'Amato, and the others took over the Cal-Neva in exchange for their support of his son Jack's presidential bid.
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The 60s supposedly had been a baptism of liberation for America. Free love and free speech had sold well. But after all the Day-Glow debris, swami shit, and dead flowers were swept away, the Puritan ethos emerged unvanquished. Beneath her new tie-dyed skirt, her whiter than white cotton panties remained undefiled. Now, however, her prudish tyranny governed not in the name of God and morality but in the name of sensitivity and liberty. That was the true legacy of the 60s ideological boutique: censorship in the name of freedom. Just as other publicity hound Baptist ministers, crying Satan, had tried to ban Elvis, so the Reverend Jesse Jackson, crying racism, would try to ban the Rolling Stones. Even the Ku Klux Klan was careful not to offend: "Every klansperson in Texas is invited," one Klan titan announced, eschewing sexism. Forced to tread gently among the myriad delicate whining isms of New Age sensitivity, the American language at last began to fulfill its promise as the world-voice of post-literate mediocrity.
The 60s supposedly had been a baptism of liberation for America. Free love and free speech had sold well. But after all the Day-Glow debris, swami shit, and dead flowers were swept away, the Puritan ethos emerged unvanquished. Beneath her new tie-dyed skirt, her whiter than white cotton panties remained undefiled. Now, however, her prudish tyranny governed not in the name of God and morality but in the name of sensitivity and liberty. That was the true legacy of the 60s ideological boutique: censorship in the name of freedom. Just as other publicity hound Baptist ministers, crying Satan, had tried to ban Elvis, so the Reverend Jesse Jackson, crying racism, would try to ban the Rolling Stones. Even the Ku Klux Klan was careful not to offend: "Every klansperson in Texas is invited," one Klan titan announced, eschewing sexism. Forced to tread gently among the myriad delicate whining isms of New Age sensitivity, the American language at last began to fulfill its promise as the world-voice of post-literate mediocrity.
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