Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Thu Nov 21, 2013 6:38 pm

Cults, Gangs, Dope and Intelligence

Presently I'm in the midst of reading Rick Strassman's fascinating DMT: The Spirit Molecule. In brief, the book recounts the results of a series of experiments Strassman conducted between 1990 and 1995 concerning the hallucinogen DMT, said to be the most powerful of the entheogens. As eye opening as the book is in its assessment of the spiritual aspects of entheogens there are several paragraphs relating to the funding of Strassman's DMT experiments that I can't get out of my head:

"A generous research grant from the Scottish Rite Foundation for Schizophrenia Research helped establish the earliest phases of the DMT project's scientific merit. Later, more substantial funding for the DMT and psilocybin research came from the National Institute on Drug Abuse, a division of the U.S. National Institute of Health." (pg. xii)

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Continues at: http://visupview.blogspot.com/2010/10/c ... gence.html
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Fri Nov 22, 2013 6:10 pm

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Working Title: Night Project - Gwyllm Llwydd 2013


http://earthrites.tumblr.com/post/53045 ... lwydd-2013
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Sat Nov 23, 2013 1:19 pm

Caveat Lector...

http://thedea.org/drughistory.html

In the Beginning...

It came. It was embraced. It was banned. But the final chapter has yet to be written
.


Christmas Eve, 1912: The pharmaceutical company Merck files for a patent on MDMA ('ecstasy') as a precursor to a drug that they hoped would be effective in controlling bleeding. Their patent application is granted two years later (1914.) In spite of persistent rumors, there is no evidence that they were aware it was psychoactive or intended to market it as a product.

1927: Merck researchers perform some animal experiments, noting that the substance had some similarities (in structure and effects) to adrenaline.

1953-1954: The US Army conducts animal experiments with MDMA and a number of structurally related drugs. What they hoped to discover is unclear, but the research was labeled as sensitive and not declassified until 1969. It seems likely they were seeking new non-lethal chemical weapons or interrogation tools.

1959: Merck researchers again investigate MDMA's potential use as a stimulant. There are rumors that it was investigated as a drug to keep aviators alert, but no evidence of human experiments has been found.

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Shulgin in his laboratory.

1965: Independently predicting that MDMA might be psychoactive, a chemist named Alexander Shulgin synthesizes MDMA while working at Dow Chemical, but does not try the substance. Shulgin had made Dow a tidy sum of money with his prior work on a biodegradable insecticide, and as his reward was allowed to pursue whatever field of research appealed to him. Shulgin chose to study psychoactive drugs...a decision that would eventually impact the entire world.

1967: A student at the University of California/San Francisco describes having taken MDMA to Shulgin. Eventually, Shulgin tries the new drug himself...and is amazed.

1972: MDMA is seen in Chicago by police. Use is apparently slowly spreading, but it remains a rather rare drug.

1977: A friend of Shulgin's, psychologist Leo Zeff, begins to prepare for retirement from his practice. While starting to clean out his office of memorabilia, he invites Shulgin over to see if the chemist would like any of the items. Shulgin, in turn, brings him a gift: A small vial of MDMA, and a suggestion that he might find the material worthwhile. Leo, who was experienced with psychoactive drugs and had used them in his practice for some patients, accepted the gift without committing to whether or not he might try it.

Several days later, Shulgin receives a phone call from Leo. He has tried the MDMA. He no longer wants to retire. Instead, he begins to utilize the new drug, first in his own practice, then introducing other therapists to it. The ability of MDMA to help patients overcome emotional barriers was so striking that one psychiatrist dubbed it "penicillin for the soul." When Dr. Zeff passed away years later, his widow estimated that the network of therapists using MDMA had grown to about 4,000.

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Michael Clegg

1984: All hell breaks loose. The growing networks of therapists, chemists and users, which had managed to stay largely below the radar of the government, becomes impossible to ignore when Michael Clegg begins openly selling MDMA in Texas, using advertising, a 1-800 number to place orders, and even offering shipping. A former seminary student, Clegg considered himself an 'Ecstasy missionary' (having given the drug that name himself) destined to help bring MDMA to the public. At its peak, he was delivering half a million pills a month to the Dallas area.

Responding to the crisis of people being able to get high without risking arrest, the Drug Enforcement Agency announced its intent to Emergency Schedule MDMA, placing it into Schedule 1 (the most restrictive class of drugs, such as heroin) for a year while it was decided how it should be permanently Scheduled.

Shocked and angered by the DEA's plans to completely ban access to a drug that had become an important and valued part of their practices, psychiatrists, therapists, and other scientists and doctors challenged the Scheduling, resulting in government hearings on how MDMA should be Scheduled.

1985: The hearings began. The DEA appointed Judge Francis Young to hear the case. Months of testimony and sometimes bitter argument went by as the hearings dragged on through the summer, autumn and into winter.

1986: On May 22nd, Judge Young released his decision on the laws, science, and use surrounding MDMA, declaring that MDMA was safe when used under medical supervision, did not have a high potential for addiction, and had legitimate medical use. As such, Judge Young said, it was not legal to place MDMA higher than Schedule 3. This much less restrictive category would have allowed doctors to continue to use MDMA, but would have still made sale without a prescription illegal.

Angered by these findings, the DEA condemned Judge Young as biased, shortsighted, and incorrect in his interpretation of the laws. They rejected his non-binding ruling and declared MDMA permanently Schedule 1.

Outraged by the DEA's attempts to re-write the laws and ignore the science, the groups that had first challenged the Scheduling of MDMA sued, taking the DEA to court.

1988: After several years of motions, hearings, and angry debate, the doctors and scientists appeared to have achieved victory: On January 27, the courts agreed with Justice Young's original opinion and ordered the Drug Enforcement Agency to reassess its Scheduling decision. In the meanwhile, MDMA is removed from Schedule 1, becoming briefly legal once again.

The DEA, complying with the court order, 're-evaluated' their decision. And decided that they had been right all along, and the doctors, scientists, and courts were the ones that were wrong about the science and the law. They permanently declared MDMA Schedule 1, taking effect on March 23, 1988.

Vindicated in their interpretation of the law, in the science and in court but beaten down by sheer political power, the doctors and scientists were defeated. The prohibitionist bureaucrats had lost every battle but won the war, and MDMA has remained in Schedule 1 since.

1991: Alexander Shulgin's legendary book, "PIHKAL" is published, and the world discovers what 'Sasha' has been up to in the past few decades. (The book's title is short for "Phenethylamines I Have Known And Loved", a reference to the basic chemical structure he based his work on.) The book itself is divided into two parts: The autobiographies of Alexander and his wife Ann; and a massive drug section describing the structures, dosages, effects, and synthesis of nearly 180 psychoactive drugs, most of which Shulgin had invented; many of which were new to science. (The Chemistry section is available on-line.) Within the book were also glowing descriptions of the effects of MDMA:

"I feel absolutely clean inside, and there is nothing but pure euphoria. I have never felt so great, or believed this to be possible. The cleanliness, clarity, and marvelous feeling of solid inner strength continued through the rest of the day, and evening, and into the next day. I am overcome by the profundity of the experience..."

Today, most of the psychedelic drugs that have been prohibited in America were born in Shulgin's basement laboratory, and his work continues to inspire the invention of even more new drugs.

March, 2001: Alarmed by skyrocketing use of MDMA and their own clear inability to stop it, the US government increases penalties, making the distribution of MDMA ten times more severely punished, dose for dose, than heroin. In spite of being opposed by prominent scientists and even the former head of the National Institute on Drug Abuse as irrational and a diversion of resources from the control of truly dangerous drugs, the measure passes easily.

November 2, 2001: Revenge of the Scientists. The US Food and Drug Administration gives approval for human testing of MDMA for the treatment of post-traumatic stress disorder to the Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies. MAPS, a group made up of many of the same doctors and researchers that had originally fought tooth-and-nail to keep MDMA available to doctors, is conducting the research as part of their plan to gain full FDA approval of MDMA as a prescription drug. The next two years would prove to be a long, difficult struggle to gain IRB approval (Institutional Review Board oversight is needed to conduct human research.)

September 5, 2003: The infamous MDMA researcher George Ricaurte, who's work had been the cornerstone of MDMA prohibition and anti-MDMA government ad campaigns, confesses: One of his most recent and sensational studies, claiming that a "common recreational dose" of MDMA could cause extensive brain damage and Parkinson's-like symptoms never actually happened. The monkeys used in the experiment had actually been given near-lethal doses of methamphetamine; not MDMA!

September 23, 2003: With Ricaurte disgraced, the "it'll eat holes in your brain" house of cards began to come tumbling down; MAPS was finally granted IRB approval for human research with MDMA.

April 6, 2004: The first dose of MDMA in MAPS' post-traumatic stress disorder study is administered.


To support or get more information on this ongoing research, visit MAPS on the web. MAPS also maintains a complete record of the Scheduling fight, including government documents, testimony and court rulings.



Epilogue

Today, the placement of MDMA in Schedule 1 remains one of the most blatantly anti-science and anti-reason pieces of government excess. Scheduling shows no signs of having actually reduced usage and has driven the market into the hands of criminals, while simplistic anti-drug 'education' efforts ensure that young people don't know what they need to know to stay safe when, inevitably, many of them choose to use drugs anyway.

MDMA prohibition will inevitably be overturned, not because those of us that champion research and personal freedom have a powerful political machine or even broad support. It will be overturned because we are right. The science supports us, and the truth has a power of its own. Like water and wind carving out the Grand Canyon, the truth is a force of nature that can be opposed and delayed, but never stopped. Whether in ten years or a hundred, the defeat of drug prohibition is inevitable because prohibition is not rational; prohibition is a religion built on ignorance and fear, not sound public policy. They only real question is how much money we can spend and how many lives we can destroy in the name of the dark god Prohibition before this foolishness ends.
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Sun Nov 24, 2013 2:55 pm

Operation Julie: How an LSD raid began the war on drugs

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A new book casts fresh light on an undercover operation that smashed one of the most extraordinary drug rings the world has ever seen and changed British policing forever. What was Operation Julie?


It was hardly a typical drugs bust. When police from around the country swooped before dawn one morning in 1977, dozens of the 800 officers working the case looked like unshaven, long-haired hippies plucked from the audience of a Pink Floyd gig.

And the vast LSD co-operative they were targeting was, if anything, even more unconventional.

Its leading members included doctors, scientists and university graduates - motivated, they insisted, by an evangelical drive to transform human consciousness itself.

But for all their peace-and-love ideals, their conspiracy was, at the time, the biggest drug ring the UK had ever seen and one of the world's largest. After officers seized a haul large enough for six million trips, the price of an acid tab on Britain's streets reportedly leapt from £1 to £5 overnight.

The investigation, codenamed Operation Julie, didn't just destroy one cartel.

It arguably represented the final death throes of the 1960s counterculture, conclusively shattering the idealism with which many had once viewed the drugs scene and marking the start of a harsher, more brutal era for the narcotics underworld.

In addition, its unprecedented scale and co-operation between forces changed forever the way Britain was policed and set the tone for the so-called war on drugs of the 1980s.

The inquiry led to raids on 87 homes, resulting in more than 100 arrests and 15 ringleaders being sentenced to a combined 120 years in jail.

But it began in the unlikely setting of Cambridge University's radical academic fringe, inspired by LSD pioneer Timothy Leary's belief that the drug broadened the mind and could transform society for the better.

The catalyst was David Solomon, a Californian bohemian intellectual and associate of Leary's who came to Cambridge in 1967. Two years later he was introduced to Richard Kemp, a Liverpool University chemist. Soon Kemp was meeting others in Solomon's circle and their first LSD production runs began at the American's home, a former vicarage.


Continue reading: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-14052153
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Sun Nov 24, 2013 4:23 pm

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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Sun Nov 24, 2013 4:49 pm

The causes of Syd Barrett's downfall were complex but this may help shed some light:


Syd Barrett & Pink Floyd: Dark Globe - Page 297
Julian Palacios - 2010
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Wed Nov 27, 2013 10:27 am

http://www.luminist.org/archives/lsd.htm

Dale R. Gowin

CONFESSIONS OF AN AMERIKAN LSD EATER


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This essay was written in 1991 while the author was incarcerated at Elmira Correctional Facility, a maximum-security prison in New York State. It is in the public domain and may be reposted, printed, or broadcast freely worldwide.


So here I am, locked in a cage in an ancient, crumbling dungeon, doomed to spend a decade of my life marching through these murky corridors under the watchful gaze of club wielding cops with bloated guts and beady, piggish pink eyes-- cops that will routinely open my mail, control the food I eat and the clothes I wear, examine my urine for outlaw molecules, and search my rectal cavity to make sure I’m not hiding any forbidden objects.

For companions in these corridors I have a motley crew of social misfits, some like Arlo Guthrie used to say "mother-stabbers and father-rapers," some thieves, bank robbers, muggers and con men, some revolutionary warriors and enemies of the State, and an increasing number like myself who are condemned to this fate because of a fondness for forbidden visionary vegetables.

Yes, I am one of the most despised and despicable of media monsters, that blight of corruption against morality and decency and law ‘n’ order--one who chooses to partake of consciousness-altering flowering herbs and alchemical essences-- a drug user!

Ever since my discovery in the late 1960s of the miraculous and magical mind-manifesting powers of psychedelics, I have continued to occasionally use and enjoy these heretical vegetable products. Further, I have spoken out honestly, in print and from the public stage, about my belief that these products should be legal so that those of us who choose to use them can do so without fear. It has been my opinion that the lungs, stomach, bloodstreams and brains of individual citizens are beyond the legitimate limits of government authority-- and that in a free society, people should be free to grow, prepare, use and exchange whatever vegetable products they like, without interference from the State.

BUSTED

Over the last couple of decades, I have continued to publicly oppose prohibition laws and other forms of social and political authoritarianism. This open activism caused me to come under the surveillance of the "authorities," and it came to pass that I was busted in a sting operation in the city of Syracuse, New York, late in the evening of October 17, 1990.

A "friend" who I had known and trusted for many years had decided to earn some extra income for himself (or, perhaps, exculpate himself from a legal embarrassment of his own) as a paid informant to the Thought Police. He arranged to introduce me to an undercover police agent, who expressed an interest in LSD and asked me if I could find him some.

This wolf in sheep's clothing (a skillful agent who specializes in entrapping drug heretics) wove a web of lies and deceit around me to establish his credibility. He wore his hair long and shaggy; he dressed in old, ragged jeans and motorcycle boots; he affected counter-culture mannerisms of speech and demeanor; he smoked pot with me at my house on a number of occasions. I located some LSD for him, and he came to my house to pick it up. At first he bought a few hits, and then he returned for increasingly larger quantities.

On the final occasion, he had worked his way up to a bundle of ten sheets (each sheet containing 100 doses of LSD in little squares of blotter paper). On this visit, he brought a team of heavily armed police thugs with him. They were waiting at my front door when I opened it to let him out. Suddenly I found myself looking down the barrels of six 45-caliber pistols.

I was thrown to the ground, pummeled, kicked, handcuffed and hauled back into my home for a few hours of interrogation. While two of the thugs "questioned" me (trying to convince me to turn informant so that I could "get off easy"), the rest of the team proceeded to "search" my apartment. They had a great time and did a very thorough job. They ripped up and smashed everything in sight-- pulling books down from the shelves, ripping them apart and heaping them on the floor; demolishing the shelves; tearing paintings from the walls and trampling them; hurling computers and stereo equipment across the room. Records and tapes and files of documents were strewn around like rubble. They confiscated a selection of books and documents to be used as evidence against me. In the course of the search, they found some more sheets of LSD, a small amount of marijuana, some dried mushrooms and a set of scales.

I found myself facing six felony charges and a handful of misdemeanors (including multiple counts of sales, possession with intent to sell and possession of a controlled substance). My court-appointed attorney told me that, since I had a previous drug-related indiscretion on my record, I faced a probable 25-to-life sentence, unless I was willing to switch sides and help prosecute my comrades. I spoke of challenging the charges on constitutional grounds, but I was told that this would virtually guarantee a maximum sentence. Other lawyers I sought advice from concurred, citing the prevailing political climate. (Shortly after I was busted, an undercover cop was killed during a failed cocaine sting-- unfortunately not the cop that nailed me-- and the media was filled with anti-drug hysteria that approached a lynch-mob mentality. The judge assigned to my case was evidently persuaded that my offenses exceeded in seriousness such paltry crimes as mere murder, rape or grand larceny).

After I had cooled my heels in the county jail for three months (in lieu of $50,000 bail), the D.A. evidently realized that I wasn’t going to "cooperate" with the Unholy Inquisition, and I was offered a "plea bargain" in which the original charges against me were dropped and a charge of "conspiracy" was substituted-- a handy, all-purpose charge which can have any meaning they choose to give it. At first, this deal came with a 12-to-life sentence (12 years in prison followed by life on parole), but eventually, as I continued to hold out, they dropped it down to 6-to-12, and I was told that this was the final offer-- I could take it or demand a jury trial and get the maximum 25-to-life sentence. So, swallowing my misgivings, I took the deal.

My experience was not an uncommon one. Recent statistics indicate that there are more than 1.2 million Americans currently incarcerated in jails and prisons, and that something close to 50% of us are locked up for prohibition violations.



BEHIND THE SCENES IN THE "WAR ON DRUGS"

So, here I am; a prisoner-of-war in the "war on drugs."

A look beneath the veneer of propaganda shows that this "drug war" is a deceptive and insidious attack on human freedom, waged by an ultra-rich class of corporate profiteers who have successfully subverted the American political system and are attempting to establish a stranglehold on the entire world-- a "new world order" that will ensure their global economic and political dominance. The drug prohibition laws are one element in their conspiracy, one cog in their machine of global domination.

The "drug war" is the epitome of hypocrisy. The politicians who wage this war against users of non-approved drugs are nearly all addicted to alcohol, tobacco and caffeine, which are among the deadliest drugs ever used by humans.

Tobacco alone causes over 400,000 deaths of Americans annually.

Alcohol is the direct cause of over 125,000 U.S. deaths each year, and it is responsible for many times that number of deaths because of its causal relation with traffic accidents, homicides and domestic violence.

Even caffeine, which is considered relatively innocuous and is loaded into children's candies and soft drinks, causes up to 10,000 U.S. deaths annually.

In comparison, all illegal drugs, including the most harmful, cause less than 5,000 U.S. deaths annually. And the #1 target of the "drug war," marijuana, has never caused a single death in all of history anywhere in the world, despite the fact that it has been more widely used, and more thoroughly studied, than any other mind-altering vegetable product.1

This fact was admitted by Francis L. Young, a D.E.A. administrative law judge, in an official ruling in 1988. He confirmed that there are no known deaths attributable to marijuana use, and stated that marijuana is "one of the safest therapeutically active substances known to man," and added, "In strict medical terms, marijuana is far safer than many foods we commonly consume."2

Tobacco, besides being more deadly to human health than any other legal or illegal recreational drug, is also one of the most addictive. It is often easier to kick a heroin habit than to stop smoking tobacco. Yet, the U.S. mass media is littered with seductive ads urging consumers to get hooked. These ads are prominently displayed on giant billboards in every major American city, on highways and at concerts and sporting events. They use subliminal techniques to manipulate the minds of the people. And the U.S. government subsidizes tobacco growers at taxpayers’ expense.

SECRET GOVERNMENT DRUG TRAFFICKING

But there is another level of "drug war" hypocrisy that is even more insidious. While the U.S. government has been prosecuting users of illegal drugs, it has been engaging in secret trafficking in heroin and cocaine, with the aid of the CIA, to finance "covert" military operations.

Many veterans returning from Vietnam in the early 1970s described how they had witnessed, or had been forced to participate in, the smuggling of tons of heroin into the U.S. from the Southeast Asian "golden triangle" during Nixon’s "secret" incursions into Laos and Cambodia. The heroin was loaded into sealed coffins supposedly containing the dismembered corpses of American soldiers.3

In the 1980s, the same type of government sponsored drug trafficking occurred with cocaine (and there are indications it continues today). The CIA arranged the importation of thousands of tons of cocaine into the U.S. from Central and South America and the Middle East, to provide covert funding for the Nicaraguan "contra" war. Details of these dealings leaked out during the Iran-Contra congressional hearings, and the story was widely reported by the newspapers of the world-- except in the U.S., where it was totally suppressed.4 The government of Costa Rica identified Oliver North, John Poindexter, and Richard Secord as conspirators in a cocaine trafficking plot, along with CIA operative John Hull, whose Costa Rican ranch was used as a trans-shipment point for drugs and arms.5

This covert government involvement in drug trafficking was designed to serve a dual political purpose.

On the international level, it provides financial support for covert military operations in the Third World, in furtherance of the strategy of "low intensity warfare" in support of U.S.-based multinational corporations.

Domestically, the proliferation of debilitating drugs is used to destabilize the oppressed populations of the inner cities, to counteract potentially revolutionary tendencies, and to provide a pretext for the militarization of domestic law enforcement and the erosion of traditionally protected civil liberties, bringing us a step closer to the monolithic police state that the corporate oligarchs have planned for America and the "new world order."

Heroin flooded the streets of U.S. cities during the late 1960s and early 1970s, plummeting in price, giving Nixon the diversion he needed to veil his major crackdown on dissidents and revolutionaries (including the FBI’s "CoIntelPro" purges and the police assassination attacks on the Black Panther Party, and the frame-up of Timothy Leary on pot charges as he was putting together his campaign for governor of California). Part of this wave of repression was the draconian anti-drug law that was sponsored in New York State by governor Nelson Rockefeller, the Butcher of Attica.

Under the Carter administration, there was a brief, partial thaw in the anti-drug rhetoric, during which some marijuana "decriminalization" bills were being passed by state legislatures, and some research was conducted on marijuana’s many medicinal properties. But with Reagan’s "October surprise" takeover of the federal government, this liberalization abruptly ended. Positive findings about marijuana’s value in medicine were suppressed. Cocaine flooded U.S. cities in unprecedented abundance, dropping rapidly in price. George Bush, former CIA director under president Ford and Reagan’s top anti-drug enforcer, toured the country making speeches about the new menace of "crack" just as it was being introduced into America’s underground markets, as if he were a soap salesman drumming up interest in a new brand of detergent.

THE ANTI-CANNABIS CONSPIRACY

Under Nixon/Ford and Reagan/Bush, the major prohibition enforcement target was the least harmful of all recreational drugs; marijuana. Why this irrational national vendetta against this harmless, healing herb?

The carefully suppressed truth is that the marijuana plant-- cannabis sativa or Indian hemp-- was once a major industrial resource that threatened the monopoly profits of the petrochemical industry and other interrelated corporate interests. Paper, textiles, plastics, paints and varnishes, medicines and thousands of other products were made from hemp. It was also a source of clean burning fuels that are viable alternatives to gasoline and coal.

Technical advances in hemp processing in the 1930s caused a resurgence in the hemp industry that could have triggered a revolutionary shift in the American economy, putting the giant petrochemical-based monopoly corporations out of business and transferring their profits to a "grass-roots" network of independent, agriculturally-based enterprises.6 Hemp products were in the public domain and could not be controlled by exclusive patents; thus they eluded the control of monopoly-based megabusiness conglomerates.

The incestuously interlocked petroleum, chemical, paper, banking and pharmaceutical corporations (DuPont, Hearst, Mellon, GM, Rockefeller, etc.) joined forces in a blatant conspiracy to destroy the hemp industry, which they couldn’t compete with in a free market. Through the control of the nation’s media, they fabricated the "reefer madness" campaign of anti-drug hysteria, and under its influence the fraudulent "Marihuana Tax Act" was pushed through congress with a minimum of debate. Before hemp prohibition began in 1938, marijuana and hashish were widely used and commonly accepted by the U.S. population with no hint of negative effects. Cannabis was listed in the U.S. Pharmacopoeia with over 100 different medical uses, and it was as popular an over-the-counter medicinal ingredient as aspirin and Tylenol are today. "Turkish smoking parlors" were open for business in all major U.S. cities, and hashish smoking concessions were a popular attraction at the Worlds’ Fairs. Hashish candy was sold openly in corner drug stores and through the Sears catalog. Yet, a few years after hemp prohibition began, all traces of cannabis and the hemp industry had vanished from the American media, school curricula, and history books, in one of the most thorough Orwellian cover-ups in modern history.7

PSYCHEDELICS: MIND-MANIFESTING MAGICAL MEDICINES

There is another reason that the State tries fanatically and fruitlessly to keep the people from using marijuana: it gets you high.

Like the other psychedelics, marijuana can expand human consciousness. This is threatening to the State, which bases its power on the ignorance and superstition of the masses.

Drugs like alcohol and tobacco, or heroin and cocaine, are useful to the State: they induce an intoxicated stupor, keep users dumb and gullible, and promote attitudes of competition and aggressiveness. They set up chain reactions of addictive cravings, insuring a steady stream of customers and profits.

Psychedelics, on the other hand, tend to awaken the mind from the hypnotic somnambulism of Amerikan consumer culture. Psychedelics are "anti-brainwashing agents," stimulating users to question the assumptions of the establishment and to break through the indoctrination and conditioning that the State uses to turn us into obedient robot consumer/worker/soldier/housewife/bureaucrats. Psychedelics can widen the horizons of the mind, awakening the creative imagination.

Besides cannabis, the major psychedelics are LSD (made from ergot, a purple fungus that grows on rye, or from the seeds of certain varieties of morning glory flowers), mescaline (from peyote, a cactus native to the deserts of the Southwestern U.S. and Mexico), and psilocybin (from "magic mushrooms"). Each of these has its own unique subtleties of effect, but they all share the same basic characteristics. They expand the scope and complexity of perception, thought, comprehension, and imagination. They amplify the brain’s access to input through all sensory channels. Previously "subconscious" and "unconscious" mental contents are brought into the spotlight of conscious awareness.

These effects were noted by early researchers. Aleister Crowley, a British poet and mystical philosopher who experimented with cannabis and mescaline, described their effects as a "loosening of the girders of the soul" in his 1907 essay, The Psychology of Hashish.8 Aldous Huxley described the effects of mescaline as an opening of "the doors of perception" and wrote that it provided access to "the antipodes of the mind."9

Psychedelics are not "hallucinogens:" this derogatory term is used in State-sponsored anti-drug propaganda, just as all illegal drugs are often included under the blanket term "narcotics"-- including cocaine, which is a powerful stimulant, the opposite of a narcotic.

The alterations of perception caused by psychedelics are not hallucinations in the strict sense of the term. Rather, they are amplifications and magnifications of perceptions and mental functions, analogous to the altered perceptions caused by looking through the lenses of a telescope or a microscope. There are some drugs which are true "hallucinogens" -- i.e., which induce a confusion of the senses in which false perceptions are mistaken for real-- such as the belladonna/jimson weed/henbane family of herbs, sources of the drugs atropine and scopolamine. These drugs are in a distinct class from the psychedelics, as unbiased scientific studies of the subject make clear.

The term "psychedelic" was coined by Dr. Humphrey Osmond in the 1950s. It is derived from the Greek words psyche, soul or mind, and delos, to manifest or make clear; thus, the meaning of the term is "mind-manifesting" or "soul-clarifying." Since the 1960s, the word has entered into popular usage to describe such varied subjects as clothing styles and techniques of musical or artistic expression, but in its original sense it remains the most accurate scientific term for the unique class of consciousness-expanding drugs.

Simply stated, psychedelics affect consciousness by triggering increased amounts of neuro-transmitters to flood the synapses of the brain, thus allowing the brain to process a larger percentage of the information streaming in through the nervous system. The effect is like switching on a bright light in a dimly lit room, or like waking up from a lifelong semi-sleep, to a higher degree of wakefulness than you’ve ever known.

LSD and the other major psychedelics were made illegal in 1966, at a time when they were having a major effect, both in the world of scientific, medical and philosophical research, and in the world of popular culture where they were triggering a worldwide renaissance in music, art, literature and fashion that was affecting human society in innumerable ways.

Research with LSD showed that it had tremendous value as an aid to psychotherapy and in the treatment of alcoholism. LSD therapy was found to provide more permanent recovery from alcohol addiction than any other method, before or since. Other studies showed that a few LSD sessions could cause a major drop in recidivism among prison inmates convicted for violent crimes, and that LSD could ease the fear of death in terminal cancer patients. Yet, despite these and many other positive discoveries, all research with psychedelics was curtailed when prohibition was enacted.

Passage of laws against psychedelics was supported by a proliferation of distorted and fabricated propaganda in the mass media, in a replay of the successful anti-marijuana campaign of the 1930s. Popular myths remain today among the majority of the public that is unaware of the scientific literature on the subject; that LSD causes chromosome damage, for instance-- news stories correcting this fallacy were buried on the back pages of the daily papers and had little effect on the impressions made by the banner headlines that had originally proclaimed the scare stories.



FREEDOM OF RELIGION

Millions of us who sampled the psychedelics in the 1960s experienced profound, life-changing spiritual and philosophical revelations that were of incomparable personal value.

These experiences paralleled discoveries made with the aid of sacramental vegetable products by indigenous peoples from all parts of the world since ancient times-- discoveries that are enshrined in the sacred scriptures and spiritual traditions of many of the world’s religions.

The "legal" prosecution of those of us who freely choose to follow this ancient and honorable spiritual path-- the yoga of light-containing herbs-- is ethically indistinguishable from the medieval persecution of witches and heretics. Whether or not the use of sacramental vegetables meets with the approval of the civil authorities (or anyone else), it is a personal matter that clearly deserves the protection of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which promises that the "free exercise of religion" will not be abridged.

In my own experience, the vistas opened up by LSD and the other psychedelics were among the most interesting and important events of my life. Under the spell of these elixirs of light, I was filled with a sudden, overwhelming reawakening of the quality of consciousness that I remembered experiencing as a young child-- yet with the addition of a mature, fully functioning rational intellect. The fundamental questions of philosophy suddenly emerged from the dusty academic realm and assumed a living immediacy: who am I? what is this reality, this thing we call "life?" how did this universe come to be? And following on the heels of these questions came answers, flooding forth from within me and from everywhere I looked in the world around me. A transcendental understanding flowered in ecstasy; the scales fell from my eyes and the mysteries of nature were revealed like an unsealed book in the light of the awakened gnosis. The insights of Eastern philosophy and Western mysticism, of William Blake and Vincent Van Gogh, were unlocked with a spontaneous revelation of their relevance to the collective inner human condition. I felt renewed, reborn in the purging brilliance of the revelation.

This power lies latent within us, locked in the cells of our bodies, in the molecules of the matter that makes up the matrix of reality, awaiting the chemical keys that will release it into conscious awareness. This is not to say that the use of psychedelics is the only way to release this transcendental understanding. But is certainly is one way-- a way that works.

REPEAL PROHIBITION NOW

Prohibition laws are an encroachment by government into the most sacred areas of individual liberty and personal privacy.

Prohibition enforcement relies on the basest malignancies of human nature, rewarding the treachery and deceit of paid informants and the lies and deceptions of undercover agents, encouraging children to spy on their parents and citizens on their neighbors, turning public life into a miasma of hypocrisy and paranoia.

Already, prohibition is bringing American society closer to a total police state, with mandatory urine testing at our places of employment, police roadblocks on our highways, and the maintenance of detailed secret police files on every citizen.

Thomas Jefferson ("life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness") and Patrick Henry ("give me liberty or give me death") must be squirming and writhing in their graves as they look back on their progeny of two centuries.

I appeal to all who read these words: the use and exchange of visionary vegetable products is not a crime!

Demand an immediate end to all prohibition laws.

Demand that all prisoners of prohibition be freed under a general amnesty, and that reparations be paid for their lost property and disrupted lives.

Organize and act to stop this mad Juggernaut of misguided government, before it succeeds in crushing out the flame of liberty from the face of the Earth!

So mote it be!
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Wed Nov 27, 2013 11:33 am

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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Wed Nov 27, 2013 1:25 pm

LSD and the corruption of medicine (Part III): Naming names

Some names

Here are some names of individuals and organizations:

Dr Sidney Gottlieb headed the MK-ULTRA program.

Charles Geschickter, a Georgetown doctor served both as researcher and funding conduit[2]. He tested drugs on mentally disturbed patients at Georgetown University Hospital in Washington[4]. For his own research he received $655,000 in CIA funds[5] (about $7 million at 2008 value). The CIA and MK-ULTRA provided secret funding for the construction of a wing of Georgetown University Hospital in the 1950s[2] to carry out clinical testing of LSD and other agents. The Geschickter Fund for Medical Research served as funding fronts for MKULTRA financing of academics.

Professors Harold Wolff and Lawrence Hinkle of Cornell University fronted the "The Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology"[5], a C.I.A organization used to channel money for MK-ULTRA research. In 1961 The Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology was reorganized as the Human Ecology Fund and operations of this front organization shifted to Cornell University’s Medical School[6]. James L. Monroe and later David Rhodes directed the fund[6]. Also on the Human Ecology board were Leonard Carmichael, head of the Smithsonian Institution, Barnaby Keeney president of Brown University, and George A. Kelly, at Ohio State University[5].

Many prominent names were funded through The Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology, including:[6] B. F. Skinner, Carl Rogers, Carolyn and Musafer Sherif, Margaret Mead, Charles Osgood, Hans Eysenck, Martin Orne and Gregory Bateson.

One of the first MK-ULTRA funded studies was carried out at the National Institute for Mental Health-Lexington Rehabilitation Center in Kentucky[7]. Addicts were injected with hallucinogenic drugs including LSD, and as a reward were then supplied with their drug of addiction[7]. Dr. Harris Isbell a member of the FDA's Advisory Committee on the Abuse of Depressant and Stimulant Drugs was on the CIA payroll. He carried out extensive CIA funded studies without consent on inmates at the Addiction Research Center of the US Public Health Service Hospital in Lexington[5,7]. CIA documents describe experiments conducted by Isbell in patients (nearly all black) who were given LSD for more than seventy-five consecutive days[8].

Dr. Paul Hoch[9,10,11] and Carney Landis at the New York State Psychiatric Institute

Dr. Henry Murray[12,13] at Harvard University

Harold Abramson at Mount Sinai Hospital[5]

Carl Pfeiffer at the University of Illinois Medical School[5]. An MKSEARCH project provided about $20,000 per year to Pfeiffer, an internationally renowned pharmacologist. His CIA connection started in 1951, when he headed the Pharmacology Department at the University of Illinois Medical School[5]. He then moved to Emory University and tested LSD at the Federal penitentiary in Atlanta[5]. Later he conducted experiments on prisoners at the Bordentown reformatory in New Jersey[5].

Henry Beecher at Harvard University and Massachusetts General Hospital[5]

Charles Savage at the Naval Medical Research Institute[5]

Louis Jolyon West at the University of Oklahoma[5]

Harold Hodge at the University of Rochester[5]

Amedeo Marrazzi at the University of Minnesota and Missouri Institute of Psychiatry[5]. Other work at the University of Minnesota (perhaps involving hypnosis with or without drugs) was carried out by a PhD student Alden Sears. Sears later moved the CIA project to the University of Denver, and declined to do "the terminal experiments"[5]. He wrote that that the experiments that needed to be done "could not be handled in the University situation". He became a Methodist minister and refused to talk about his work[5].

James Dille at the University of Washington[5]

Gerald Klee at University of Maryland Medical School[5]. "Unwitting" drug tests appear to have been carried out at the University of Maryland[4].

Neil Burch at Baylor University[5]

Lincoln Clark tested LSD for the Army at Massachusetts General Hospital[5]

Letterman General Hospital San Francisco[2]

Medical Research Laboratory at Fort Knox[2]

Bob Hyde and colleagues at Boston Psychopathic Hospital[4,5]. The CIA funded the hospital's LSD program from 1952 at $40,000 a year. Hyde also advised the CIA on using LSD in covert operations[5]. Boston Psychopathic later changed its name to Massachusetts Mental Health Center.

Iowa State Hospital[4]

University of Indiana[4]

Wallace Chan and others at Stanford University[4]

Dr. L. Wilson Green[14] scientific director of the Chemical and Radiological Laboratories at the Army Chemical Center (named in public testimony)

Dr. Robert G. Heath[14] of Tulane Medical University (named in public testimony)

Dr. James Hamilton[14] (named in public testimony)

Dr Harold Abramson[7].

Albert D. Biderman of the Bureau of Social Science Research and Herbert Zimmer of University of Georgia edited a book on torture based on MK-ULTRA and related research[15,16]. The Bureau of Social Science Research was a conduit for funds from the U.S. Air Force. The authors included Robert Rogers Blake of the University of Texas, R. C. Davis of Indiana University, Louis Gottschalk of Cincinnati General Hospital, Lawrence Hinkle of Cornell Medical Center, Philip Kubzansky of Boston City Hospital, Malcolm Meltzer of the District of Columbia General Hospital, Jane Mouton of the University of Texas, and Martin Orne of Harvard University. Several of the papers in the book acknowledge the support of The Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology, a front organization for MK-ULTRA and the CIA.

http://scientific-misconduct.blogspot.c ... t-iii.html
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Wed Nov 27, 2013 7:53 pm

American Dream » Thu Nov 21, 2013 5:38 pm wrote:Cults, Gangs, Dope and Intelligence

Presently I'm in the midst of reading Rick Strassman's fascinating DMT: The Spirit Molecule. In brief, the book recounts the results of a series of experiments Strassman conducted between 1990 and 1995 concerning the hallucinogen DMT, said to be the most powerful of the entheogens. As eye opening as the book is in its assessment of the spiritual aspects of entheogens there are several paragraphs relating to the funding of Strassman's DMT experiments that I can't get out of my head:

"A generous research grant from the Scottish Rite Foundation for Schizophrenia Research helped establish the earliest phases of the DMT project's scientific merit. Later, more substantial funding for the DMT and psilocybin research came from the National Institute on Drug Abuse, a division of the U.S. National Institute of Health." (pg. xii)

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Continues at: http://visupview.blogspot.com/2010/10/c ... gence.html


Bimbo's Initiation

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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Fri Nov 29, 2013 4:48 pm

http://www.businessinsider.com/timothy- ... son-2013-7

The Heartbreaking Story Of A Harmless Deadhead Sentenced To Die In Prison

ERIN FUCHS

JUL. 29, 2013



Image
Timothy Tyler's sister took this picture in her West Hartford, Conn. apartment when he was a teenager, around the time he went to his first Grateful Dead show.


Timothy Tyler was 25 when he was sentenced to die in prison.

Tyler, a Grateful Dead fan with no history of violence, got life without the possibility of parole for selling LSD to a police informant.

He'd never gone to prison before.

But a judge was forced to give him life because of two prior drug convictions — even though both those convictions resulted in probation.

At 45, Tyler has been in prison for more than 20 years and will likely spend the rest of his life there. He got the same life sentence as rapist and kidnapper Ariel Castro because of federal mandatory minimum sententence guidelines.

'Three strikes and you're out' no matter the charge

Congress enacted mandatory minimums — also known as "three strikes and you're out" laws — in response to the 1980s crack epidemic, and many states followed suit with similar laws. These laws force judges to impose strict sentences based on the amount of drugs sold without regard for mitigating factors like drug addiction.

Tyler, for his part, had a history of psychosis and bipolar disorder. He did break the law, though. He sold acid to friends for less than dollar a hit, and he was arrested twice for drug offenses. Then he got arrested a third time after selling larger quantities of the drug to a friend who turned out to be an informant.

"I wouldn't do it again," Tyler told Business Insider on the phone from the federal prison in Waymart, Penn. "I wouldn't have done it if I had known I could have gotten this kind of time."

To be clear, Tyler got busted for selling a lot of acid — 13,045 hits, according to a pre-sentence memorandum. But that memo doesn't make him and the guys he got busted with look like career criminals, either.

Tyler only netted about $3,000 from "a very loosely woven conspiracy" that involved selling acid to "friends, family and business acquaintances," according to the memo prepared by his probation officer. He also made the government's job easier by pleading guilty.

"He explained to the probation officer that he is psychotic," the memo read, "and that his condition is complicated by his substance abuse problems." Under the section of the memo titled "Victim Impact," it read, "There is no specifically identifiable victim."

A history of abuse

Tyler is not the only casualty of mandatory minimum sentences, but his case has always troubled Julie Stewart, the president and founder of Families Against Mandatory Minimums.

She's known about Tyler since he was sentenced in 1994.

"He was a kid. He was following the Grateful Dead. I'm not condoning it, but it was a pretty harmless lifestyle Timothy was leading," Stewart told me. "It always seemed really absurd to me that this non-violent guy who was 24 years old, that the government could write off his life. Bingo. You're gone."

Tyler grew up in Terryville and Wolcott, Conn., with his single mother and his sister Carrie, who's 11 months younger and still considers him her best friend. Their mother, Lura Morris, worked as a waitress and later went to the University of Connecticut and became a social worker.

The kids were happy when they were small, but life got difficult after Morris married a man named Sal when Tyler was about 7. Sal stayed home with the kids while Morris worked full-time. Morris told me in an email message she noticed mania (hyper, impulsive behavior) and depression in both Timothy and his sister Carrie when they were kids. She found out later her then-husband terrorized her son.

"We had the worst stepfather in the world," Carrie Tyler-Stoafer told me. "He would just beat my brother, beat his head against the wall, and I would say leave him alone — and he would come after me."

He was his sister's protector, their mom told me. Tyler, who's now a vegetarian, was also a lover of animals who became very attached to "each, consecutive family pet," his mother said.

Finding happiness as a Deadhead

Image
Rock and Roll fans, known as "Deadheads," dance to the music of The Grateful Dead band during a reunion performance at the Alpine Valley Music Center in East Troy, Wisconsin, late August 3, 2002

When he was about 17, Tyler went to his first Dead show and attached himself to the loving hippies he met there. They all did a lot of acid.
"He felt at home at the dead shows, and he just wanted to go all the time," his sister said. "He didn't have a job. He just traveled around to the Grateful Dead shows."

During his early 20s, Tyler had several psychotic episodes. His mother told me that once he stood on a highway in Arizona naked, trying to build a dam, which landed him in a psych ward. He saw Jerry Garcia as God during his more psychotic moments.

He continued having delusions and acting recklessly in his early 20s, doing acid and selling it to his friends at Dead shows.

"He didn't hurt anybody. He's not a violent person," Tyler-Stoafer said of her brother. "He was just kind of reckless. He was doing things without thinking of the consequences."

Tyler's 'strike out' drug deal

In May of 1992, Tyler sold pot and LSD to a longtime friend who was really a police informant. His father, who was also named Timothy and had a fireworks business in Florida, helped out with the deal and was charged along with his son.

The younger Tyler got life. His father, who had a prior pot charge from 1969, got 10 years, Tyler-Stoafer told me. He had heart trouble and died in prison when he was 53, after serving 8 years in prison.

Their sentences were devastating for Tyler-Stoafer, who wishes her brother had been given a stint in prison to help him straighten out before that third arrest.

"He didn't have a time of being clean and sober to think about the damage he was doing to his life," she said. "The fact they gave him so much time — forever — now he has no chance."

His last hope

Tyler will die in prison unless Congress does away with mandatory minimums. In that case, his case may be reviewed again. There's legislation pending that would give more judges flexibility in sentencing, and Julie Stewart of Families against Mandatory Minimums is hopeful that sentencing reform will come.

"The three-strikes-and-you're-out drug law from the '80s is not going to stay around forever," Stewart says. "With the budget crisis, the Bureau of Prisons is taking 25% of every dollar the Justice Department has."

In the meantime, Tyler does what he can to pass his days behind bars. He plays handball, listens to the Grateful Dead on an MP3 player he was just able to get last year, and corresponds regularly with his sister, who lives in Las Vegas.

Tyler — who dated women before prison including his sister's best friend — also started having sex with other men in prison because he craved affection. This romance provides a mental escape from the four walls around him.

"I'm here but I'm not in here," Tyler told me, referring to the psychological escape that sex provides. "I just live. This is the only life I have."
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Sat Nov 30, 2013 10:33 am

http://www.counterpunch.org/2010/06/25/ ... -drug-war/

Douglas Valentine's "Strength of the Pack"

The System and the Drug War

by ADAM ENGEL


“Drugs were not Kissinger’s priority,” Jim Ludlum explained. “Drugs were a no-win situation.”
--The Strength of the Pack by Douglas Valentine


Relentless is the pack in search of prey, relentless are the wolves.

Meticulous is the disclosure of truth about the real “war on drugs,” as chronicled by Douglas Valentine in THE STRENGTH OF THE PACK (“PACK”). There may be other historians out there with Valentine’s attention to detail and access to solid resources, including interviews with agents themselves, but if there are, I haven’t read them.

This isn’t the standard “history,” it’s not about a series of splashy drug busts or heroism, though those elements are there; mainly, it’s about inner and outer dynamics, where inner workings interact with outer forces. PACK is a complex book, as complex as the interlocking systems that define it. It is Valentine’s thorough examination of how the gears mesh.

The "wolf pack," which distinguishes “PACK” from Valentine’s previous book, THE STRENGTH OF THE WOLF, is the multitude of agencies, and the agents and bureaucrats within them, that comprise “The System” (not only of Federal Law Enforcement, but U.S. adventures abroad).

Once, The Wolf, the lone Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN) agent, last of the noir cowboys, hard-boiled and streetwise, stalked his prey: Mafiosi, drug dealers both national and international (the French Connection), the occasional street junky, many of whom were useful as informants, and other ne’er’do-wells. But the rise of the American Superpower in the fifties and early sixties, saw the Lone Wolf FBN replaced by a bureaucratic system more suitable to Empire: The Pack. The wolf pack includes the FBI, Customs, BNDD, numerous other agencies with acronyms too numerous to mention, and eventually, the DEA, created specifically for the purpose of "winning the war on drugs."

Or was it?

“During his presidency, Bush sought over $8 billion dollars to fund the drug wars. Between 1989 and 1992, over 20 million Americans used illegal drugs, and around thirty-percent of Bush’s budget went to treatment and prevention. Ten-percent of the federal “drug supply reduction” budget went to the DEA while the military got the lion’s share, with nineteen-percent (twice what the DEA got) going to the Coast Guard alone. Instead of leaving drug law enforcement in the hands of trained professionals, Bush politicized and militarized it in ways Gordon Liddy never dreamed possible.” (pg. 391)

The “war on drugs” like the “war on terror” is about politics and political booty, stuffing deep pockets, creating bureaucracies for the deliberate purpose of obfuscation, and funding various paramilitary groups the State Department and/or CIA deems favorable to “national security.”

The buzz words, “national security,” allow the CIA and other sub-systems to get away with murder, literally.

“There is a famous photo of Donald Rumsfeld smiling broadly and pumping Saddam Hussein’s hand on December 20, 1983, knowing full well ‘the brutal dictator’ was pouring chemical weapons on the Kurds. At almost the same moment, Bush was meeting with another brutal dictator, Manuel Noriega, to seal an equally devious deal. … [Colonel Oliver] North was so pleased with Noriega’s assistance that he suggested that the CIA’s Office of Public Diplomacy ‘help clean up his image’ and lift the ban on arms sales to the Panamanian Defense Force. He did this knowing that Noriega was cutting side deals with the Colombian cartels.” (pgs. 393-394)

Nothing is as it seems, at least not as it seems to us, for the information “We the People” receive is filtered through a compliant (and often complicit) media. According to the Mainstream Media fairy tale, the scenario described above is preposterous. “We” invaded Panama because Noriega was a “bad man” abusing power, inflicting woe upon his fellow Panamanians, or some such nonsense.

Valentine is concerned not only with systems, but the living, breathing human beings who give them energy and power; the people who define these systems and infuse them with life. All humans are flawed. But a flawed system corrupts all dependent and interdependent systems (and the human beings within) from the top down.

“Corruption becomes an unsolvable issue within the DEA when CIA officers suborn agents and get them to do their dirty work. Some idealistic agents think they are serving God and country by secretly working for the CIA; others see it in more practical terms, as career advancement. All fall into the abyss.” (pg. 346)

At the top are the State Department, the CIA, the Department of Justice, The Department of Defense. Essentially, the largest subsystems within The System.

Valentine finds boxes within boxes within boxes. Reporting on Operation Intercept, a botched attempt to subjugate Mexico to U.S. Drug policy, Valentine writes,

“Behind the scenes, the State Department viewed Intercept as a huge failure in foreign relations. It also prompted Henry Kissinger to involve the National Security Council more deeply in White House drug war policies, largely through his deputy General Alexander Haig, as well as through NSC narcotics advisors Arthur Downey and Arnold Nachmanoff and their staff. But Nixon was willing to pay the price, because Operation Intercept proved he was ‘tough on crime.’” ( pg. 41)

Some of the players we know very well: Nixon, Kissinger, Reagan, the Bushes, J. Edgar Hoover, the Kennedys. But most are as obscure to most Americans as the acronyms by which the particular sub-systems from which they receive their paychecks are labeled.

“In October, 1975, the USA convened a grand jury and sought DEACON I intelligence regarding several drug busts. However, intelligence the CIA provides to the DEA cannot be used in prosecuting drug offenders; and because the CIA would not reveal the identity of its assets, or even to confirm the fact of its cooperation with the DEA in court, prosecutions were ‘nolle prossed’ on National Security Grounds. All were Latin American cases, many involving exile Cuban CIA ‘assets’ who trafficked in narcotics and engaged in terrorism; and ultimately they worked for Oliver North resupplying the Contras, as North Documented in his telltale diary. The line between the DEA investigations and CIA smuggling and terrorism, would continue to blur.”( pg. 306)

Valentine explains loudly and clearly that “We the People” haven’t the faintest clue as to "what’s going on." Then again, it’s difficult to believe that anyone outside the highest echelons of power (State Department, CIA) really does know what’s going on, as PACK chronicles the many ways the mission keeps veering off course. For instance, in one case, heads of DEA and CIA decide DEA is so corrupt they have to infiltrate CIA agents in as "secret" inspectors to root out wrong-doing DEA agents – but actually the CIA uses the "secret" inspection to mount truly secret operations.

“…the public got its first peek into the CIA’s corrupting influence on federal drug enforcement agents in 1975 when the Rockefeller Commission reported that the CIA, through its MKULTRA program, had tested LSD on unwitting persons, and that one had died as a result. … the CIA had tested a whole range of powerful drugs on unwitting persons; used electronic and photographic equipment to record their behavior at FBN safe houses … One MKULTRA subproject involved keeping seven criminals high on LSD for 77 days straight. Another used poisonous mushrooms; another used instruments that administered drugs through the skin without detection, as part of an ‘Executive Action’ assassination program. Perhaps most disturbing of all, one CIA document, dated February 10, 1954, described using hypnosis to create unsuspecting assassins.” (pg. 346)

Hence reality trumps fiction as the CIA tried to create its own “Manchurian Candidate.”

The "war on drugs," is the war on drug-dealers who are not aligned with US interests. If you pass muster with the CIA you can deal all the drugs you want. Whatever is made contraband to control its use is probably something people want and will do much to attain. As soon as a system is set up in which contraband materials (for which people demand and will pay dearly) are supplied by "underground" characters and blocked by agents whose jobs were created for the sole purpose of blocking supply, you have an unwinnable, internecine “war” on human greed, desire, ego, etc.

“Congresswoman Bella Abzug at the House Subcommittee on Government Information and Individual Rights was investigating [another narcotics case]. She submitted questions to DCI George H.W. Bush. As advised by Seymour Bolten, Bush explained in writing that the cover-up was legal under a 1954 agreement between the CIA and the Justice Department, giving the CIA the right to block prosecution or keep its crimes secret in the name of national security. In its report, the Abzug Committee stated: ‘It was ironic that the CIA should be given responsibility of narcotic intelligence, particularly since they are supporting the prime movers.’”(pg. 319)

Despite the fog and mirrors of the “war on drugs” as portrayed in the media, and the alleged powers of the neutered DEA, U.S. Policy, as conducted by the CIA and State Department, is to use drugs as a vehicle for cash and influence in support of “friendly” terrorists, such as the Contras and groups worldwide too numerous to mention. Drug-dealing, with full knowledge that the drugs will enter the veins and noses of U.S. Citizens, is U.S. Policy, and the CIA are indeed “supporting the prime movers.”

“In the early seventies, when Cuban exile Alberto Sicilia Falcon, a major Latin American cocaine supplier also began to deal in sophisticated weaponry, supplied by CIA contacts, ‘the war on drugs’ entered both a more violent and sophisticated stage, with drug traffickers armed with automatic weapons, as well as being linked to CIA counter-revolutionary activities in Mexico and South America. Falcon admitted working for the CIA, ‘to set up a network exchanging Mexican heroin and marijuana for weapons.’ The guns were sent to guerrillas in hopes that besieged governments in Latin America would petition for US military aide. As recounted in UNDERGROUND EMPIRE, Peter Bensinger thought Falcon was a double agent for the Soviets, while several DEA agents thought he was a CIA informant reporting on Mexican revolutionaries in exchange for free passage. The CIA’s motive, naturally, was to destabilize the Mexican government, so US corporations could more easily manipulate Mexico’s competitive oil industry.” (pg. 311)

Valentine is as concerned with the CIA and U.S. involvement abroad as he is about drug enforcement within our borders, and rightfully so. How do the drugs get into our borders if we have a multi-billion dollar intelligence and enforcement apparatus in place?

The Wolves who serve U.S. foreign policy use drugs as currency to support causes they support, and destroy the drugs, or rather, the drug dealers, of enemies: communists, rebellious former allies, hapless nations sitting on valuable resources (Iraq) and other entities that allegedly threaten “National Security.”

Then again, what can you expect? You have a huge demand for something that is more valuable than gold, and of COURSE the Players in Power are going to use it to support black ops. Where else are they gonna get the money? Congress? Not without "compromising National Security." It’s not the fact that the CIA deals drugs, or that the DEA is a puppet of Republican power brokers, not to mention the CIA, that’s so disconcerting. It’s the willful ignorance of the American public. Sure there are "rumors" about the CIA creating the crack epidemic, though given the CIA’s dealings with the drug pushers of Afghanistan and South America, it’s not a far stretch, but Valentine shows us concrete proof of many verifiable abuses large and small.

You cannot come away from reading PACK with your naivety intact. In addition to following the paper trail, Valentine actually interviewed many of the operatives, which lends further credence to the fact that people deep within The System "know what’s going on," and the rest of us, or most of us, are in the dark, believing the CIA are the ‘good spies,’ the movies tell us they are.

The mad wolves are out of control. Systems break apart and the protagonists within those systems become antagonists to other systems, the nation they are allegedly serving, and life on the planet itself (all life now falling under the general rubric of “collateral damage.”).

The ease with which those who “go with the Program” (as developed by the CIA) attain money and prestige (doing right by the State Department and CIA never hurt anyone’s career) can corrupt even the most straight-laced agent. Perhaps more significantly, those who do not follow the pack in search of career advancement and booty receive the same treatment as the NYPD once doled out to Frank Serpico:

“Whistle-blowers who revealed the Reagan Administration’s covert actions in Central America — especially its complicity in drug trafficking — were investigated, rather than officials like Oliver North who were involved in the trafficking. By aiding and abetting the Reagan Administration in this regard, senior DEA officials played a central and largely unreported role in the Iran-Contra cover-up.” ( pg. 374)

By the time of the Reagan era, when the White House’s overt policy was to fund anti-communist reactionary forces abroad (think: Iran-Contra scandal; think: Afghanistan and “former” CIA asset Ossama Bin Laden).

“In the early 1980’s, Latin American drug traffickers were visiting terrible violence upon politicians they viewed as collaborating with the US government. Reagan, in a reversal of Carter’s Human Rights approach to foreign policy, responded with greater violence. He declared drug trafficking a threat to national security and the age of narco-terrorism began, dove-tailing neatly with Reagan’s lawless imperial ambitions. To neutralize the threat to US security posed by Nicaragua’s Sandinista government, Reagan’s Director of Central Intelligence, William Casey, put Vice President George Bush (with that lean and hungry look) in charge of a secret operation to organize an insurgent group dubbed the Contras. To skirt Congress, Casey, Bush, and Bush’s national security advisor Donald Gregg formed and operated a ‘counter-terror network’ of right-wing ideologues whose secret purpose was to illegally arm the Contras. Among them was former DEACON I asset Felix Rodriguez, who had served as Gregg’s ‘counter-terror team’ advisor in Vietnam. Assigned as an advisor to the Salvadoran Army’s Civil Affairs department, Rodriguez managed the CIA’s pacification effort in El Salvador and Guatemala, applying the same technique he had refined in Vietnam. General Paul Gorman, who commanded US forces in Central America in the mid-1980’s, defined this type of counter-terrorism as ‘a form of warfare repugnant to Americans … in which non-combatant casualties may be an explicit object.’” (pg. 376)

Gradually DEA agents realized, along with the rest of the country, that they had no choice but to adapt to the whims of the “leaders of the pack.”

“DEA operations were now indistinguishable from White House political actions, comparable to General de Gaulle’s Service d’Action Civique. [Former DEA Operations Chief, David Westrate] rationalized the situation as follows: “DEA has always had a tremendous stable of sources overseas as you know, so it is not surprising that we developed information about the hostages. This continues today in the war on terror over and over again. We have always been a community player.” (pg. 378)

Let’s not forget that “We the People” are paying for this, not only with our tax money, but with our future. Again, it’s not the drugs that are the problem, but the people who use them – not typical users who imbibe drugs to get high, but the controllers, for whom drugs are currency to buy power, influence, weapons and promote US interests abroad.

Valentine does what all honest historians and journalists must do: find the truth and document it, though words of truth face stiff competition against the 24/7 barrage of television, videos, movies and other audio-visual media on all screens big and small. Of course, you’ll never find this kind of information on any screen — except a few “alternative” web sites; hence Valentine fires events, scenes, corroborations at the reader much like the TV news blasts its viewers nightly with a parade of horrifying images that numb and pacify. Valentine does anything but “numb and pacify.” He poses serious questions with his exposé, yet wisely refuses to answer them.

There is no answer for The System, as it stands, but inertia. Inevitable collapse and decay. What will replace it? Who knows. But Valentine is gracefully impartial in his treatment of the flawed human beings who comprise each sub-system within The System. There are a few truly evil characters along the lines of George H. W. Bush, Nixon and other miscreants, and there are a few straight-arrows, but the mass of agents, operatives, officials, bureaucrats etc. are products of the particular sub-systems — DEA, FBI, CIA — they happen to be working for. Though the CIA is nefarious above and beyond the call of duty in its recruitment of sadists and murderers, most agencies are comprised of people who think they are doing “the right thing,” and dedicate and risk their lives to “doing the right thing,” however wrong it may be when viewed “objectively” outside The System.

The System is relentless, and thus the book must be relentless if it is to be true. But again, it is his treatment of the living beings caught in and often ground under the machinery of The System and its various sub-systems that makes THE STRENGTH OF THE PACK a most “human” of books. Valentine has compassion for the players within The System, nearly all of whom believe, somewhat ridiculously, that they possess “free will.”


ADAM ENGEL is author of TOPIARY: a NOVEL (under the name, A. Stephen Engel), published by Oliver Arts & Open Press, and the forthcoming collection of essays, I HOPE MY CORPSE GIVES YOU THE PLAGUE: LIFE DURING THE BUSH-ERA OF GHOSTS, also by Oliver (http://www.oliveropenpress.com).
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Sun Dec 01, 2013 12:55 pm

http://ukcpsychedelics.co.uk/resources/ ... n-de-rios/

BOOK REVIEW: THE PSYCHEDELIC JOURNEY OF MARLENE DOBKIN DE RIOS

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Marlene Dobkin de Rios (2009)

The Psychedelic Journey of Marlene Dobkin de Rios

BOOK REVIEW by Zevic Mishor


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Author: Marlene Dobkin de Rios, Ph.D.

Year: 2009

Title: The Psychedelic Journey of Marlene Dobkin de Rios. 45 Years with Shamans, Ayahuasqueros, and Ethnobotanists

Publisher: Park Street Press

Printed in: United States

ISBN: 978-1-59477-313-6







“… there is one contribution that is consistently expunged from the record: that of the untold millions of men and women, old and young, who willingly and with delight have lain prostrate before the gates of awe, having taken one of these remarkable magic plants”

(pXV, Foreword by anthropologist, biologist and ethnobotanist Wade Davis)




In this well-written and stimulating book, de Rios charts almost half a century of comprehensive work in a field that could be labelled “psychedelic anthropology” – the cross-cultural study of consciousness-modifying drugs and the non-ordinary states they facilitate. The book is divided into two parts; Part One is autobiographical, covering in some detail de Rios’s professional career and her rise as a well-respected figure in the academy. Part Two is ethnographical, bringing together information from diverse sources to paint a picture of psychedelic plant use across a variety of indigenous cultures. This section of her book also discusses broader topics, including psychedelics and healing; psychedelics and art, music and creativity; and drug tourism.




De Rios grew up in a Russian Jewish household in New York, entering Queens College at the young age of fifteen, and majoring in psychology with a heavy emphasis on psychoanalytic theory. Several years after her graduation she enrolled in New York University for a course in social work, but her interests were quickly captured by the discipline of anthropology. Her first foray into the field came in 1967, when a grant from the Institute of Social Psychiatry in Lima supported the production of a brief ethnography of the rural community of Salas (the “Capital of Witchcraft”) in Peru. De Rios’s autobiography in Part One is arranged more or less by decades, beginning with this ethnographical work in Salas, and also her research in the Belen slum in the city of Iquitos. These first chapters are especially interesting to the beginning anthropologist, for the author gives details of her experiences, adventures and misadventures in the course of her field research. She describes, for example, her packing of no less than twenty-three cartons of books, dishes, stationery, bed linen and towels for Iquitos, a decision that would later haunt her. She also recalls her having to abandon, after several attempts to ride it, a motorcycle she procured, due to a continually flooding carburettor. Her recollections of these early periods are replete with humorous detail, bringing the situation alive for the reader and providing insight into the field-working life of a budding anthropologist.



In Belen, de Rios became an accomplished and locally-recognised naipes (fortune-telling card) reader. She calls the naipes an “ethno-projective device”, similar to other Western psychotherapeutic techniques such as the Thematic Appreciation Test (TAT) and the Rorschach. This is because the cards contain culturally neutral symbols and meanings that are relevant to both healer and patient, thereby constituting a point of entry into the patient’s private world. De Rios’s first contact with psychedelic practices was her participation, as an observer, in healing ceremonies conducted in Salas that employed the mescaline-containing cactus San Pedro (Trichocereus pachanoi). Her first personal psychedelic experience was facilitated by LSD in 1968, followed closely by the dimethyltryptamine (DMT) and harmala alkaloid-containing brew ayahuasca. From thereon the majority of her research focused on the cross-cultural use of plant psychedelics for achieving non-ordinary states of consciousness. Interestingly, during an eighteen-month stint in the early 1980s as a health-science administrator at the United States National Institute of Mental Health, de Rios writes that her background in plant psychedelics was rarely discussed amongst colleagues; she needed instead to focus on blending in as a bureaucrat in Washington D.C..



In the 1970s de Rios quickly rose to prominence in the academic world, teaching at various institutions, organising symposia, and conducting and publishing anthropological research. She received her PhD from the University of California, Riverside, in 1972, and also tenure at Cal State Fullerton, where she would largely remain based for the next thirty years. In 1972 de Rios also gave birth to a baby girl, Gabriela. In the 1980s her academic activity intensified, involving a number of senior teaching positions, research, roles in the university hierarchy, collaborations, and reading grants. She emphasises, however, that closest to her heart was always the practice of teaching. In the course of her varied activities de Rios came into contact with some well-known figures from the academic psychedelic landscape, including Albert Hofmann, Stanislav Grof, Christian Rätsch, Charles Grob, and Michael Winkelman.



Envious of those others who were healers, versus those like herself who only studied healing, de Rios completed a second masters degree in clinical psychology at the beginning of the 1980s. This set her on a path that defined her work until the present day; an attempt to bring and apply knowledge from indigenous psychedelic plant traditions to Western patients and settings. In attempting to explain the efficacy of these indigenous methods of healing, a central theme running through her work is that of hypersuggestibility. Often a defining property of drug-induced non-ordinary states, hypersuggestibility is crucial to the healing process. This idea ties closely with the hypnotherapeutic approach (perhaps, the “Western” version of the same healing process) that de Rios employed for decades as a therapist.



Turning to culture, her book goes on to discuss how these hypersuggestible states were utilised by indigenous groups in initiations, socialising young people into their proper roles as emerging adults, and thereby contributing to the long-term survival of a group. Such transitional initiation rituals were usually managed by elders, within a socially sanctioned and often revered framework. In stark contrast, de Rios points out, there is a lack of such initiatory processes and managerial wisdom in the modern Western world today, and likewise the West grapples with issues regarding the legality of drugs, a concept largely foreign to indigenous cultures.



Although she does not explicitly state it, de Rios’s functional hypothesis regarding psychedelics as a means to socialise young adults implies support for the idea of cultural group selection. This hypothesis emphasises the truly anthropological nature of much of her work, and certainly the admirable emphasis in this book, of interest especially to any scholar of the social sciences, on analysis from a cultural perspective. Another example of such analysis is de Rios’s observation that as societies become more complex, the use of psychedelics becomes increasingly controlled by the powers-that-be. Thus, the drugs become less available, restricted to an elite, or simply made illegal. One of the main reasons, de Rios suggests, for this correlation between social complexity and drug prohibition is the fear that psychedelics, through the power they are traditionally believed to endow, might be used to bewitch state rulers. This is a plausible explanation, but there may be more fundamental motivations for the hierarchical control of consciousness-expanding drugs, motivations that fuelled the modern social backlash against the psychedelic/hippie counterculture at the end of the 1960s. For such drugs, through the novel perceptual and conceptual vistas they reveal to the individual, tend to challenge established social traditions, assumptions, and power structures. They promise the tantalising possibility of a Turnerian “spontaneous communitas” extended into a permanent way of life. As such, these substances threaten the basic power hierarchies of society, and society will do all that it can to control them.



Addressing the long-standing debate regarding appropriate terminology for consciousness-modifying plants and compounds, de Rios prefers the term “psychedelic”, or, somewhat surprisingly, “hallucinogen”. The latter, deriving primarily from the medical discourse, is surprising because it connotes a judgement regarding the ontological status of the experiences it denotes. It is unlikely, however, considering her decades-long work in this field and her approach to it, that de Rios would be intending to pass such a judgement. She has clarified this point with the understandable explanation that when publishing in medical and psychiatric journals, one must use their lingo. In contrast, de Rios does explicitly criticise the more recently coined term “entheogen”, meaning “creating [the one] God within”. In traditional societies where visionary plants are utilised, there are often numerous sources of spiritual power. Monotheism is a very late arrival in human prehistory, and the term “entheogen”, therefore, may not be appropriate for describing psychedelic plants utilised within these societies.



Over the years de Rios gathered written information from diverse sources regarding cultures that employed psychedelic drugs in traditional settings, and she presents summaries of some of these ethnographies in her book. They include the Australian Aboriginal use of pituri (Duboisia hopwoodii), Psilocybe and Boletus mushroom consumption in the New Guinean highlands, utilisation of the powerful iboga (Tabernanthe iboga) amongst the Fang people of northwestern equatorial Africa (in the present-day Democratic Republic of the Congo), and psychedelic drug use by the Aztecs and Incas in the pre-Columbian Americas. The Aztecs used plants including the mescaline-containing peyote, psychoactive mushrooms, species from the Datura genus, and morning glory seeds (Ipomoea violacea). Ritual psychedelic plant use by in the Incas included utilisation of San Pedro, coca, the nightshade (Solanaceae) family, and DMT-containing snuffs. De Rios makes the important point that post-Columbus, Christianity sought to wipe these practices out, for according to its worldview an individual’s connection to the spiritual world should be mediated only by priests, and only when sanctioned by the prevailing social powers-that-be.



Other themes discussed by the author in her book include women and psychedelics, and psychedelics in the archaeological record. In regards to the former, de Rios suggests that in hunter-gatherer societies psychedelic ingestion was closely related to hunting magic. Women, due to the odours associated with menstrual blood, lactation, and other reproductive olfactory factors, were largely excluded from the hunt. Therefore, ingestion of psychedelic plants by women in prehistoric times was apparently a sporadic affair, and generally not deemed an appropriate practice. Whilst in indigenous settings today female curanderas do exist (one of the most famous in the West being the Mexican Mazatec healer María Sabina, who was key to the modern world’s discovery of psychedelic Psilocybe mushrooms in the 1950s), overall, consciousness-modifying plants are still consumed mostly by men. The chapter on archaeology, delving into the Moche, Nazca and Maya cultures, illustrates the importance of accurate and critical discourse on questions regarding the antiquity of psychedelic plant use. One often hears sweeping and unfounded statements made by psychonauts stating that cultures across the globe have used these substances for millennia and more. In order to do justice to what can truly be a profound experience, facilitated by unique compounds and plants, such statements should be more restrained and fact-based, and this is just what de Rios tries to do. A similar approach, for example, is taken by Andy Letcher, in his excellent social history of the psilocybin mushroom entitled Shroom – A Cultural History of the Magic Mushroom.



A key topic finally covered by de Rios, and one that she has become an acknowledged authority on, is that of “drug tourism”. The term refers to the practice of Westerners travelling to countries such as Peru and Brazil in order to consume psychedelic preparations that are either illegal or not easily available in their home countries. Many, although not all, drug tourists have some interest in the ritual and spiritual aspects of the practice; in other words, they come seeking not only the drugs, but also a shaman or shaman-like figure who will administer them in a traditional setting. Two common psychedelics thus sought are the DMT-containing ayahuasca, and the mescaline-containing San Pedro.



From early on in her book, starting with an account relating how her interest in the practice of drug tourism began with the story in 1992 of a woman from the United States who was taking ayahuasca in Peru almost daily, it is clear that de Rios’s view of this practice is largely critical and negative. Most of her criticisms are directed towards “charlatan” shamans who have little or no concern for their clients’ welfare, and are interested exclusively in the making of money. Yet de Rios’s attitude towards this practice as a whole is a little surprising. Regarding the aforementioned ayahuasca drinker, when that woman described herself as “merging with the universe”, a well-known and well-described phenomenon that may occur in the course of intense psychedelic states, de Rios dismisses this phenomenological experience as “clearly a psychotic state!”. She goes on to compare drug tourism to narcotics trafficking, describes the phenomenon as part of the “dark side of globalization”, and emphasises that ayahuasca contains the drug DMT, pointing out that it falls under Schedule 1 of the United States 1970 Controlled Substances Act. Yet DMT, along with the harmala alkaloids contained in the brew, is the very compound that facilitates the profound effects of ayahuasca, effects that de Rios has been studying for decades. Furthermore, the book does not make mention that DMT is found throughout nature, including within the bodies of every mammal (as well as humans) studied to date.



In some ways, de Rios’s concerns regarding the wellbeing of drug tourists and the effects the industry has had on local communities is justified, and as is apparent in her writing, she has the exposure and wealth of experience to back her claims up. She stresses (separately from this book) that her main concern relates to the neo-shamans themselves; the lack of any kind of official regulation of their work, and the fact that they will sometimes utilise poisonous plants (traditionally used for witchcraft) as additives in psychedelic brews, just for providing extra “kicks” and making more money. Also justified is de Rios’s recognition that anthropologists have inadvertently played a major role in diffusing esoteric knowledge to the general public and thereby, to some extent, encouraging this practice.



However, her disparaging approach to the practice of drug tourism as a whole is somewhat unjustified. Many tourists do come in search of spiritual development, not just to “get high”, and indeed, many connect with just such spiritual and life-changing experiences. These experiences have led to the formation of secretive (for legal reasons) ayahuasca circles in Western countries, including the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, Israel, and parts of Europe. Even in regards to those tourists seeking to “get high”, we must ask ourselves, from what basic human needs and desires does such a seeking arise? Is it, perhaps, just a baser expression (relative to “spiritual” seeking) of a universal aspiration to connect to something more profound and greater than our ego-bound selves? And in some ways, are these not the same fundamental factors motivating the ethnographer to go out into the field and conduct their research? Whilst drug-tourism practices have the potential to be harmful, they also have the potential, when carried out with integrity and good intentions, to bring positive change both individually and collectively. And whilst the ethnopharmacological technologies involved (such as ayahuasca) are without doubt the intellectual property and birth-rights of the indigenous groups themselves, nobody should have a monopoly on the rights of human beings to modify and expand their own consciousness.



In conclusion, The Psychedelic Journey of Marlene Dobkin de Rios is a lucid and fact-filled book, giving the reader insight into the rich life of the author, and conveying an understanding of the intricate themes and nuances associated with the ritual utilisation of psychedelic plants. Its specifically anthropological approach – analysing these phenomena from a cross-cultural perspective – is especially informative and interesting, and this book is highly recommended to anthropologists and non-anthropologists alike. De Rios’s life’s work has been “… a search for information on these magical plants and how they have contributed to human survival”. Maintaining a critical and scholarly approach, however, without embracing, in her own words, Terrence McKenna-like ideas of astrology, mythic figures, interspecies communication or alien abductions (not to imply that the author of this review is opposed to such ideas), de Rios nonetheless recognises and actively promotes the immense potential these plants hold for positive change in the world. She writes, “There is a real need for the countervailing presence of these wisdom traditions, in light of the tremendous and powerful negative influences of the commercialization of all human values regnant in the world today”. With forty-five years of experience behind her, few are as qualified to make such a declaration, and few are able to express the reasons behind it, as clearly and lucidly as she does.



De Rios and her husband, a Peruvian visionary artist, are both currently involved with a Peruvian mystical order called the Septrionismo, and in the years to come plan to translate and promulgate the doctrines of this group. Her next book, chronicling the work she did in the l960s with the naipes fortune-telling cards and incorporating the Septrionic group’s concept of destiny, is due out in March 2011. She has also recently published a book with Praeger Press, co-authored with Roger Rumrrill, titled “A Hallucinogenic Tea Laced with Controversy: Ayahuasca in the Amazon and the United States”. The book is based on interviews conducted with twenty-six neo-shamans, and is an in-depth exploration of the drug-tourism phenomenon.



Zevic Mishor has a background in both neuroscience and anthropology, and is currently pursuing a PhD, studying Shipibo shamanism in the north Peruvian Amazon. He has a strong interest in psychedelics, non-ordinary states of consciousness, and the deep philosophical questions raised thereby. He is soon to publish a book chapter, co-authored with Dennis McKenna and Jace Callaway, about the historical, phenomenological, pharmacological, and ethnographic aspects of the powerful psychedelic drug dimethyltryptamine (DMT).
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Re: Tantra-Induced Delusional Syndrome ("TIDS")

Postby American Dream » Sun Dec 01, 2013 11:25 pm

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