The Red-Brown Alliance

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The Red-Brown Alliance

Postby American Dream » Fri Nov 14, 2014 8:32 am

The problem surely includes the "bad actors" described below but goes far, far beyond them:


http://tendancecoatesy.wordpress.com/20 ... own-front/

CounterPunch and the Red-Brown Front.



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Soon to be in Red and Brown?


The Pol Pot the Cambodians remember was not a tyrant, but a great patriot and nationalist, a lover of native culture and native way of life.

Israel Shamir. CounterPunch. September the 18th 2012

When Alexander Cockburn died in July there were many tributes. Serge Halimi of Le Monde Diplomatique (August) wrote of his ability to confront the most difficult topics, bravely risking contradicting the views of his own readers. Robin Blackburn in New Left Review (No. 76. July-August) attributed this streak, extending to a “defence of the civil rights of Scientologists and sex offenders”, to “honourable liberalism and contrarianism.” He was not a “crowd pleaser or a seeker after easy popularity ”and owed something to Adorno’s “hatred of cliché and cant.”

For Blackburn “Being Alexander’s friend was a wonderful thing.” But many people wonder about the friends that Cockburn’s magazine, CounterPunch, has made over the last few years. These include Israel Shamir, the convert to Russian orthodoxy who has attacked in its pages the “black legend” of Khmer Rouge genocide. The Guardian has accused him of Holocaust denial and antisemitism. In case anybody has doubts about the latter Shamir has railed incontinently against the influence of the “Jewish lobby” and “Jewish Marxists” when his attack on Pussy Riot, from the magazine, was published by the Morning Star then hastily withdrawn,with apologies, from its web site.

Shamir is not isolated in the journal Cockburn founded. CounterPunch has welcomed Gilad Atzmon, another ‘critic’ of Jewish “identity” politics branded by left-wing anti-Zionists, as anti-Jewish and a fellow-traveller of Holocaust denial. The opponent of all Western military interventions, and one time critic of post-modernist waffle, the Belgian physicist Jean Bricmont, who has associated with the ‘red-brown’ fascists of Alain Sorel, also figures.

Writers linked to a fringe of the European far-right networks, that is, the wing that calls itself nationalist, ‘anti-Zionist’ and ‘anti-imperialist’ have an established place in the “contrarian” CounterPunch. There is a crossover of authors published by the American ‘muckrakers’ and the web-pages of the holocaust denying Entre la Plume et l’enclume (Shamir) Soral’s Egalité et Réconciliation, which promotes an alliance of bet wen the ‘world of labour ‘ and the ‘values’ of the far-right, (Bricmont) to the Réseau Voltaire, best known for its director, the 9/11 ‘Truther’ Thierry Meyssan, which publishes CounterPunch regular Franklin P.Lamb.

These sites are open to those who oppose the “Americanisation” of the world, who support the “peoples” national aspirations, against “globalisation”, and the reign of la « pensée unique », neo-liberal economic orthodoxy. Alain Soral even finds in Islamism, a source of resistance, “ses valeurs sont aussi des valeurs de résistance au mondialisme » (its values also resist globalisation- here) A background theme is the wish to create a modern version of the Cercle Proudhon, a pre-Great War circle where the French far-right Monarchists of Action Française met a small layer of revolutionary syndicalists on the common ground of loathing for bourgeois democracy and cosmopolitan liberalism – perhaps what we now call liberal globalisation.

The journal now edited by Jeffery Saint Clair is undoubtedly capable of venting very different views. But it is hard not to feel that CounterPunch is up to its neck in red-brown muck they produce. A common thread is a defence of ‘free speech’ and opposition to Western military interventions, most recently threatened in Syria. Bricmont offers a defence of this position,

“..the left in the West has been almost completely persuaded by the arguments in favour of humanitarian intervention and, in fact, often criticizes Western governments for not intervening as rapidly or as often as they should. So, on the rare occasions when I protest publicly, I can do so only with those who agree to protest, who are not all on the far right, far from it (unless, of course, one defines opposition to humanitarian wars as being on the far right), but who are not on the left in the usual sense, since the bulk of the left support the policy of intervention.”


In other words, some of his allies are on the far-right. Bricmont does not regret this. He is primarily against “militarism and the imperialism of our own countries. The left does not want to have anything to do with his fight in this respect, so, “The world is far too complicated to keep a “pure” attitude, where one only meets and talks with people from “our side”. What is his Bricmont’s side? In defending Atzmon he has called for a complete opening of the vanes of public expression, so that all may express the good ideas they have about Jews and Israel, in total freedom. (Lettre à Dominque Vidal. 22nd April 2012) What could be greater fun or more libertarian? Bricomont cites Soral, by chance perhaps, as a victim on the present-day censorship. He would be a possible beneficiary. More joy indeed.

Colmáin: A Mind at the End of its Tether.

To illustrate CounterPunch’s direction we need look no further than an extraordinary piece by Gearóid ó Colmáin (September the 15th 2012). This puts a different shade on all of this. The author is concerned about the “death of free speech in France.” At this year’s Fête d’Humanité Caroline Fourest, he notes, was denied her “constitutional right to freedom of speech” (in what Constitution one wonders). The “pro-Israeli reactionary who masquerades as a “left-wing” feminist” “war mongering” “Reactionary and Islamophobic” woman faced the righteous anger of the ““Indigènes de la République” and was prevented from speaking. As a result “Fourest has been presented as a martyr of human rights, feminism and free speech “ by the “war-mongering harpies of France’s mainstream media” (Fourest is gay, and no doubt as a media figure is one of these ‘harpies’ to Colmáin).

Compare and contrast with the treatment (in this version of events) given to Bricmont!

For this author he is a genuine “anti-war” activist. The Physicist was excluded from the Fête, before the event, by the agitation of shadowy anarchists from Antifa.

“Antifa launched a campaign on Indymedia against Bricmont’s attendance at the festival, where they threatened to assault him if he spoke about humanitarian intervention. In the insane world of Antifa activism, Bricmont’s opposition to NATO-fomented terrorism in Libya and Syria makes him a “fascist”.

Antifa is just one of the international anarchist groups currently being used by the intelligence agencies of imperialist states to sow confusion and chaos among the ranks of disaffected youth, inciting them to mindless, violent acts that serve the agenda of an ever- encroaching police state. This organization, in particular, targets intellectuals who denounce Zionism as well as alternative media outlets, which expose the mechanisms and institutions that promote US imperialism throughout the world. It does all this under the guise of “anti-fascism”.”


Not satisfied with this Colmáin take a sideswipe at the rest of the left,

“The supporters of Melanchon – a demagogue who likes to prop up his left-wing credentials by pretending to support president Hugo Chavez of Venezuela and other centre-left governments in Latin America- do not seem to realize that the ALBA countries all supported Libya’s colonel Gaddafi last year and now openly declare their support for President Bachar al-Assad in his struggle against NATO, and Gulf-state funded terrorism.”


Somebody who repeatedly calls Jean-Luc Mélenchon “Melanchon” (unlikely to be a sub’s error) may not perhaps be an expert on French politics. Nor does Colmáin mention that the ‘antifas’ correctly pointed out that the Indigènes worked closely with the “l’antisémite Souhail Chichah » who had led a crowd that shouted down Fourest in Brussels a few months back. The ‘anarchists’ also state that the people at the Fête were “des racistes et des islamistes et leurs idiots utiles de complices gauchistes. » (Victoire : le pétochard Jean Bricmont chassé de la Fête de l’Humanité 17 September 2012) It is all very well condemning them. No doubt it gives Colmáin some additional pleasure to indulge his theory that the ‘anars’ are tools of the “intelligence agencies” – no doubt may more of us are too, and meet regularly at the Denver International Airport bunker.

What’s At Stake.

But there is a major difference between the treatment of Fourest and Bricmont. To put things simply : The organisers of the event disinvited Bricmont ; the opponents of Fourest physically prevented her from speaking.

Now many of us are all in favour of letting Bricmont and his friend Atzomon speak and write freely, whatever their opinions. Some may, the Tendance included, consider Fourest to be an admirable liberal-minded secularist who defends women’s rights. We, unlike the Amerian believers in freedom of speech, have discussed her views – in detail, here But above all, what CounterPunch fails to recognise is that what might seem a spat about opinions in, say, their country the USA, in Europe rapidly becomes a direct political struggle.

The Fête d’Humanité is a political event. It is not surprising that different sides in a poltiical struggle treated it as such. The swift response of the Editor of the Morning Star to criticism of Uisrael Shamir, and their publication of his article, illustrates that this rule applies in Britain.

Writing in the Weekly Worker (A Radical for All Seasons. No. 924) on Alexander Cockburn’s death Jim Creegan observed, “In an American left comprised not of parties and mass organisations with genuine heft, but mainly of journalists and professors with nothing but their own opinions, poised at various points along an axis between reformism and a radicalism of uncertain contours, Alexander Cockburn was perhaps the outstanding figure.”

Creegan went on to observe that Cockburn had some sympathy for “for the middle class lunatics of the radical right – the militia movement, advocates of the right of juries to overturn federal laws, and the Tea Party. To be sure, he rejected the retrograde social and political views of these groups, as well as the outlandish conspiracy theories that flourished in their midst (and in much of the left besides). But he seemed to believe (wrongly, in my opinion) that their anti-statism and individualism bespoke a rebellious impulse that could possibly be turned to the advantage of the left, given the correct approach.”

The same approach seems to lie behind the present turn. Marine le Pen was not a “real” fascist to Cockburn anyway (Counterpunch 3rd of May).There’s no real problem with such people, they are not some kind of Carl Schmidt ontological enemy. There are just serious disagreements. We can go further. Shamir says in his most recent CounterPunch piece (October the 2nd), that “I am rather fond of the loonies and almost-loonies: they are seeking answers, and it is not their fault that they can’t find them.” CounterPunch likes Shamir the truth-seeker too. They have extended this generosity to the European ‘anti-imperialist’ far-right. That is, a fringe that has, since the 1990s, worked towards a ‘red-brown’ alliance. Unfortunately they may be loonies, but they have a reactionary political agenda which reaches much further than a quest for free-speech and opposition to Western interventions. Maybe some day CounterPunch will take that seriously. Like the good comrades of Antifa. For now they remain in their American, oh so American, political bubble.
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Re: The Red-Brown Alliance

Postby seemslikeadream » Fri Nov 14, 2014 10:08 am

it's always about anti-semitism isn't it AD?
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: The Red-Brown Alliance

Postby coffin_dodger » Fri Nov 14, 2014 10:31 am

Actually SLaD, on a deeper level than that, It's All About AD. It's about protecting his own privileges.
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Re: The Red-Brown Alliance

Postby American Dream » Fri Nov 14, 2014 11:48 am

What do we mean by "fascism"?

"Fascism" means different things to different people. To help explain how we use the term, here is a set of quotes from Three Way Fight contributors and people who have influenced us. The quotes don't all agree with each other, and none of them should be considered an "official" position. Rather, they are intended to sketch out a general perspective and set of issues we consider important.


Definitions

Fascism is a revolutionary movement of the right against both the bourgeoisie and the left, of middle class and declassed men, that arises in zones of protracted crisis. (J. Sakai, "The Shock of Recognition")

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Fascism is a revolutionary form of right-wing populism, inspired by a totalitarian vision of collective rebirth, that challenges capitalist political and cultural power while promoting economic and social hierarchy. (Matthew Lyons, "Two Ways of Looking at Fascism")


Competing with the Left

Fascism is not a danger because it is ruling class policy or is about to be adopted as policy. Not even because it could have major influences on this policy. Nor is it a danger because of the "rahowa," racial holy war, that is advocated by some fascist factions. The policies of official capitalism carried out through the schools and the criminal justice and welfare systems are both a far greater and a more immediate threat to the health and welfare of people of color than fascist instigated racial attacks and their promotion of racialist genocide. The real danger presented by the emerging fascist movements and organizations is that they might gain a mass following among potentially insurgent workers and declassed strata through an historic default of the left. This default is more than a possibility, it is a probability, and if it happens it will cause massive damage to the potential for a liberatory anti-capitalist insurgency. (Don Hamerquist, "Fascism & Anti-Fascism")

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The left had better begin to deal with the fact that issues that are regarded a part of our movement; "globalization," working class economic demands, "green" questions, resistance to police repression etc. are now being organized by explicit fascists and others who might as well be. Nor do we have a patent on decentralized direct action. That is exactly what the fascist debate around "leaderless resistance" is about. Finally, the question of who and what, exactly, is anti-capitalist remains very much unsettled. Some of the fascists take positions that at least appear to be much more categorically oppositional than those of most of the left. (Hamerquist, "Fascism & Anti-Fascism")

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The assumption that in fighting fascism we would automatically enjoy majority support has crashed -- just look at India or Austria right now. As has the delusion that fascism built its movements solely on bigotry and violence. Even the Nazi movement not only strongly manipulated themes of social justice and restoring civic order, but built its mass base by a grassroots network of fighting squads, self-help groups and social services. What fascists did crudely in 1930 is being done in a much more sophisticated way today -- as we can see in the Muslim world. In place after place, the far right is drawing on the energy of "anti-colonialism" and anti-Western imperialism. (Sakai, "Shock of Recognition")

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We forget that fascism has always been mainly a movement of the young. That many youth in 1930s Germany viewed the Nazis as liberatory. As opposed to the German social-democrats, for example, who preached the dutiful authority of parents over children, the Hitler Youth gave rebellious children the power to keep their own hours, have an active sex and political life, smoke, drink and have groups of their own. Wilhelm Reich pointed out long ago that fascism in practice exposed every hypocrisy and internal cultural repression of the old left. (Sakai, "The Shock of Recognition")

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While it intensifies oppression and murderously attacks the left, fascism also appropriates leftist anti-elitism in distorted form. In place of a structural analysis that focuses on dismantling systems of power, fascists portray evil elites as an insidious cultural or racial threat to be purged. For example, fascism attacks bourgeois values and "parasitic" business elements (sometimes, but not always, defined as Jewish) while defending the underlying institutions of private property and class exploitation. Historically, this approach has enabled fascism to tap into real social grievances, such as those of some middle-class groups who resent the power of big business but also have a stake in class privilege and feel threatened by working-class movements or oppressed communities below. (Lyons, "Is the Bush Administration Fascist?")


Totalitarian mass politics

Fascism doesn't just terrorize and repress. It also inspires and mobilizes large masses of people around a vision of collective rebirth in a time of crisis. Building a mass movement outside traditional channels is central to fascism's bid to win state power. As a regime, fascism uses mass organizations and rituals to create a sense of participation and direct identification with the state. Fascism celebrates the nation, race, or cultural group as an organic community to which all other loyalties must be subordinated. In place of individual liberties or social justice, fascism offers its followers a culture of action, virility, heroic sacrifice, cathartic public spectacle, and being part of a vast social organism. (Lyons, "Is the Bush Administration Fascist?")

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I think many people look at fascism and say, "What a load of crap. How could anyone really believe that stuff?" Even many antifascists look at the fascist movement as a joke, violent, but a joke. No doubt the fascist movements have their share of the knuckle-draggers, idiots, and the politically inept, but don’t all movements have these types? I would actually say that in a real fascist movement, the more inept and foolish would be eliminated from the ranks. Fascism prides itself on ability, commitment, and sacrifice.


Fascist movements of the past were popular because they offered a total ideology with accompanying programs for action. Millions embraced fascism not because these people were stupid but because fascism provided a vision for social transformation amidst a time of international crisis. Fascism was able to mobilize masses of people.


I think this is important. The perspective I hold essentially sees fascism as a real movement of ideas that can draw people in and motivate them. It is an ideology and world view we are gonna have to compete with on more than a physical or military level. (Interview from Beating Fascism: Anarchist anti-fascism in theory and practice)


Revolution

By "revolutionary" the left has always meant overthrowing capitalism and building a socialist or communal or anarchist society. Fascism is not revolutionary in that sense, although it may use those words. Fascism is revolutionary in a simpler use of the word. It intends to seize State power for itself. Not simply to sit atop the old pile, but in order to violently reorder society in a new class rule. One cannot read "The Turner Diaries" seriously or understand Timothy McVeigh's politics (he was slaughtering the federal government not the Black Radical Caucus) without facing this. The old left propaganda that fascism is "a tool of the ruling class" is today just a quaint idea. (Sakai, "Shock of Recognition")

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Fascism overthrows old political elites and sweeps away established forms of political rule. It posits society as an organic hierarchy and rejects the Enlightenment principles of pluralism, equality, and individual rights. In the name of a fascist cultural revolution, it tries to reshape all institutions to embody a unified ideology imposed from above. Some kinds of fascism go further and revolutionize the socioeconomic order, too, as when German Nazism restructured the industrial heart of Europe with a system of exploitation based largely on plunder, slave labor, and genocidally working people to death. (Lyons, "Is the Bush Administration Fascist?")


People of color and the global south

Two points: First, there is a real potential for working relationships and alliances between white fascist movements and various nationalist and religious tendencies among oppressed peoples. In no way does this potential involve the denial of the reality of white supremacy and racial and national oppression. It only means that the left cannot count on the responses to this pattern of oppression, privilege and domination fitting into its neat and comfortable categories.

Second, there is no reason to view fascism as necessarily white just because there are white supremacist fascists. To the contrary there is every reason to believe that fascist potentials exist throughout the global capitalist system. African, Asian, and Latin American fascist organizations can develop that are independent of, and to some extent competitive with Euro-American "white" fascism. (Hamerquist, "Fascism & Anti-Fascism")

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[T]he critical turning point now for fascism is not just in Europe. With the failure of State socialism and national liberation parties in the capitalist periphery, in the Third World, the far right including fascism is grasping at the leadership of mass anti-colonialism. (Sakai, "Shock of Recognition")

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Mass movements based in religious fundamentalism and various types of warlordism exist everywhere in the third world. They often have anti-capitalist features and frequently these have a quasi-fascist aspect. This should not be surprising. The crumbling structures of the national liberation states and the fragmented and demoralized elements of the communist movements in these areas are more likely to be fertile grounds for fascist development rather than a force against it. The foreign control of capital, labor, and commodity markets distorts the development of parliamentary and trade union traditions. The form of global capitalism that dominates in the periphery of the world capitalist system is not healthy terrain for the reformist leftism that predominates in capital’s historic center. (Hamerquist "Fascism & Anti-Fascism")


Men and women

[Fascism] exults in the violent military experience that is said to be "natural" for men, while scorning the soft cowardly life of the bourgeois businessmen and intellectuals and politicians….

It was early 18th century euro-capitalism itself that first redefined women not as free citizens and "not as patriarchal property of individual men, but as a natural resource of the nation-State". Fascism exalts this, and makes of women a semi-slave resource of the State restricted to the margins of an essentially male society.

One part of this discussion is whether political movements or social phenomenon can be said to have gender. Yes, fascism appeals to women as well as men. Yes, Nazism owed much to German women, no matter how unwilling feminists now are to admit that. But we have said "men" so often when discussing fascism because we are being literal. It is a male movement, both in its composition and most importantly in its inner worldview. This is beyond discrimination or sexism, really. Fascism is nakedly a world of men. This is one of the sources of its cultural appeal. (Sakai, "Shock of Recognition")

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In an emerging fascist culture, the traditional forms of oppressing women become exaggerated beyond the point of recognition. The patriarchal nature of fascism places women in a particular class, or sub-class. Women become mere property, dominated and exploited by a male authority.

But herein lies the contradiction…. A fascist movement will draw its strength from both men and women. Hitler's rise to power wasn’t merely the work of stormtroopers in the streets, it was made possible by the mass support of women. Hitler promised the creation of a cultural value system in which the contributions of "Aryan" women to the fascist German society would simply be child rearing and care of the home and hearth. A new proletarian slave class of gypsies, Jews and North Africans -- made up of men, women and children -- would handle the work previously done by "Aryan" women. All sexual elements outside of conceiving for the master race would be handled by state-promoted brothels. (Xtn, "Introduction" to Confronting Fascism: Discussion Documents for a Militant Movement)

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While all far-right movements are male supremacist, they embody a range of doctrines and policies on women and gender issues -- including some drawn from the left and even feminism. (Lyons, "Notes on Women and Right-Wing Movements")


Capitalism

Fascism grows out of the masses of men from classes that are abandoned on the sidelines of history. By transforming men from these classes and criminal elements into a distorted type of radical force, fascism changes the balance of power. It intervenes to try and seize capitalist State power -- not to save the old bourgeois order or even the generals, but to gut and violently reorganize society for itself as new parasitic State classes. Capitalism is restabilized but the bourgeoisie pays the price of temporarily no longer ruling the capitalist State. That is, there is a capitalist state but bourgeois rule is interrupted. (Sakai, "Shock of Recognition")

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The new fascism is, in effect, "anti-imperialist" right now. It is opposed to the big imperialist bourgeoisie (unlike Mussolini and Hitler earlier, who wanted even stronger, bigger Western imperialism), to the transnational corporations and banks, and their world-spanning "multicultural" bourgeois culture. Fascism really wants to bring down the World Bank, WTO and NATO, and even America the Superpower. As in destroy. That is, it is anti-bourgeois but not anti-capitalist. Because it is based on fundamentally pro-capitalist classes.

Fascism, in this slowly accelerating global crisis of transformation, believes in what we might call basic capitalism, o.g. capitalism. It is the would-be champion of local male classes vs. the new transnational classes. Enemy of emigrant Third World labor and the modern supra-imperialist State alike, fascism draws on the old weakening national classes of the lower-middle strata, local capitalists and the layers of declassed men. To the increasing mass of rootless men fallen or ripped out of productive classes -- whether it be the peasantry or the salariat -- it offers not mere working class jobs but the vision of payback. Of a land for real men, where they and not the bourgeois will be the one's giving orders at gunpoint and living off of others. (Sakai, "Shock of Recognition")

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In or out of power, fascism is not a capitalist puppet but an autonomous force, whose agenda sometimes clashes with capitalist interests in important ways. Business support was crucial to both Italian and German fascists in their drives for power, and they in turn aided big business by smashing the labor movement, imposing top-down stability, and promoting centralization of capital. But as these fascist regimes consolidated themselves, big business increasingly lost political control: it lost the power to determine the main direction of state policy. In Germany, the Nazi program of conquest and genocide simply overrode capitalist priorities -- such as exploiting scarce skilled workers instead of slaughtering them -- even if big industrialists made millions along the way. (Lyons, "Is the Bush Administration Fascist?")


Transforming class society

While usual classes are engaged in economic production and distribution, fascism to support its heightened parasitism is driven to develop a lumpen-capitalist economy more focused on criminality, war, looting and enslavement. In its highest development, as in Nazi Germany, fascism eliminates the dangerous class contradiction of the old working class by socially dispersing & wiping it out as a class, replacing its labor with a new unfree proletariat of women, colonial prisoners and slaves. The "extraordinary" culture of the developed fascist State is like a nightmare vision of extreme capitalism, but the big bourgeoisie themselves do not have it under control. That is its unique characteristic. (Sakai, "Shock of Recognition")

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Fascism de-proletarianized Aryan society. Or to put it more precisely: it created an Aryan society that had never existed before by de-proletarianizing and genociding the former German society. The Nazis pursued Adolf Hitler's evolving strategy, which was to simultaneously promote both techno-industrial development and the Aryan re-organization of classes. If it is the superior race man's destiny to be both a fierce soldier and ruler over others -- as the Nazis held in a core belief -- then how can this superior race man at the same time be packing groceries for housewives at the supermarket or bucking production on the assembly line?…. By the millions, newly Aryanized men were shifted into military & police service and into being supervisors, office workers, foremen, straw bosses and minor bureaucrats of every sort. The new proletariat that started emerging was heavily made up of involuntary foreign & slave laborers, retirees, and -- despite Nazi ideology about women's "natural" place in the kitchen and nursery -- women. (Sakai, "Shock of Recognition")

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The German left communist, Alfred Sohn-Rethel… thought that the German fascist state and society were developing features that foreshadowed a new "transcapitalist" exploitative social order. The most important of these features was fascist labor policy where, in significant areas of the economy the distinctively capitalist difference between labor and other factors of production was obliterated. Labor, not just labor power, was consumed in the process of production just like raw materials and fixed capital. The implications are barbaric and genocidal and genocide was what occurred. But this was not the genocidal aspect of continuing primitive accumulation that is a part of "normal" capitalist development. That type of genocide is directed mainly against pre-capitalist populations and against the social formations that obstruct the creation of a modern working class and the development of a reservoir of surplus labor. The German policy was the genocidal obliteration of already developed sections of the European working classes and the deliberate disruption of the social reproduction of labor in those sectors -- all in the interests of a racialist demand for "living space." (Hamerquist, "Fascism & Anti-Fascism")


Classical versus neo-fascism

Classical fascism took shape in an era of European industrialization and nation-building, competing colonial empires, and an international Communist movement inspired by the recent Bolshevik Revolution. Now both old-style colonialism and state socialism have almost vanished, while corporate globalization is shifting industries across the world and reshaping nation-states. Far-right movements are responding to these changes in various ways. They promote nostalgia for old empires but also right-wing anti-imperialism, old-style nationalisms but also internationalist and decentralized versions of authoritarian politics. They tap into a backlash against the left but also grow where the left’s weakness has opened space for other kinds of insurgent movements. And they promote different versions of anti-elitism, often targeting U.S. or multinational capital but sometimes focusing more on local elites. (Lyons, "Two Ways of Looking at Fascism")


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"If you don't stand for something, you will fall for anything."
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in memory of

Postby IanEye » Fri Nov 14, 2014 12:11 pm

American Dream » Fri Nov 14, 2014 8:32 am wrote:
CounterPunch and the Red-Brown Front.


Shamir is not isolated in the journal Cockburn founded. CounterPunch has welcomed Gilad Atzmon, another ‘critic’ of Jewish “identity” politics branded by left-wing anti-Zionists, as anti-Jewish and a fellow-traveller of Holocaust denial.



Gilad Atzmon on sax

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Re: The Red-Brown Alliance

Postby seemslikeadream » Fri Nov 14, 2014 12:15 pm

:naughty:

don't you know there is only one person here that can post that name....if I am wrong about that I would really like a correction from a mod
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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this thing we do

Postby IanEye » Fri Nov 14, 2014 12:18 pm

we bitch & we fight
etc....
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survive

Postby seemslikeadream » Fri Nov 14, 2014 12:25 pm

i and i Survive

Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: The Red-Brown Alliance

Postby American Dream » Fri Nov 14, 2014 12:36 pm

It's way beyond any single issue or struggle:


http://en.qantara.de/content/the-syrian ... -for-syria

Image

The Syrian conflict


A red-brown alliance for Syria

Neo-Nazis, Stalinists, Catholic fundamentalists and pacifists may seem like strange political bedfellows, but they have found common ground in a diffuse brand of anti-imperialism. This left-wing/right-wing alliance's online campaigning and its active support for the Assad regime have led to a lack of solidarity with the Syrian people not only in Italy but elsewhere in Europe too. By Germano Monti

Almost exactly a year ago, the Piazza Venezia in the centre of Rome, where Benito Mussolini once addressed the crowds, became the scene of a very strange demonstration: outside the gates of the Syrian embassy, a few dozen people held up portraits of the Syrian president, Bashar al-Assad, and waved Syrian flags. Speakers took turns at the microphone, and finally, when the Syrian national anthem blasted out from the loudspeakers, some of the protesters raised their right arms in a Hitler salute, while the rest raised their clenched fists. This first "red-brown" demonstration was soon followed by others.

In the meantime, a movement known as the European Solidarity Front for Syria has become active. It unites numerous extreme right-wing groups from across Europe under the flag of the Assad regime. This brown solidarity front organises pro-Assad demonstrations and has already sent several delegations to Damascus, each of which has been received by the Syrian government in the national parliament.

One of these delegations paid the regime a visit shortly after the chemical weapon attacks in September 2012. Led by Ouday Ramadan, it also included Stefano de Simone and Giovanni Feola, leaders of the neo-fascist movement CasaPound, as well as Fernando Rossi, an ex-senator from the Italian Communist Party, who sought to close ranks with the radical right wing because of his support for Gaddafi and subsequently for Assad. This "poison gas delegation" was officially welcomed by the Syrian head of parliament Jihad Allaham, Prime Minister Wael al-Halqui, Information Minister Omar al-Zoubi and Deputy Foreign Minister Faisal Mekdad.

Fascist tradition

The reason for these fascist organisations' support for the Assad regime is partly historical. In 1954, Fascists such as Alois Brunner, leader of the SS special unit for the "final solution to the Jewish question" and Eichmann's closest associate, found a safe haven in Damascus. Hafez al-Assad, the current dictator's father, tasked Brunner with reorganising the Syrian secret service along Gestapo and SS lines.



Image
The founder of Italy's extreme right-wing Forza Nuova Party Roberto Fiore (right) and the granddaughter of the Italian dictator Benito Mussolini, Alessanda Mussolini (left), after a press conference in Rome

Since the beginning of the people's uprising in Syria three years ago, there has once again been a remarkable mobilisation of radical right-wing groups. Bashar al-Assad's adepts are primarily of Italian, French and Greek origin, but they also come from Germany, Spain, Belgium, the UK, Poland, Serbia, the Czech Republic and Romania. They are a rather heterogeneous bunch: from Marine Le Pen's French Front National, to the Polish Catholic Falanga, which called for the citizenship of all Polish Jews to be revoked in June 2013, to the Russian Alexander Dugin's Eurasian Vision and the Greek national-socialist group Mavros Krinos, which has prided itself on providing Assad with several militias.

Italy is the hub of this red-brown pro-Assad alliance because it can count on open support from organisations such as Forza Nuova (Catholic neo-fascists) and CasaPound (who also refer to themselves as the "fascists for the third millennium"). The alliance also includes several smaller groups that consider themselves "socialist" and vaunt their links with nationalist and Stalinist parties and movements all over the world – from Russia to Venezuela and North Korea.

All of these organisations have networks and links to parts of a confused anti-imperialist and dogmatic left wing. Rooted in Stalinist thought, this branch of the left is convinced to this day that the world is mired in a constant conflict between Western imperialism (represented by the USA, the European Union and their allies) and the resistance of "sovereign states" such as Russia, China and Iran.

A "red-brown army" to serve Assad

In the name of this crude brand of anti-imperialism and an Islamophobia that varies in intensity from group to group, the fascist right, the Catholic fundamentalists and the Stalinists have spawned a small, but active "red-brown army".

To avoid any misunderstandings, it must be stressed that CasaPound and Forza Nuova have relatively few active followers: only of a few thousand members. Both groups failed miserably in recent polls. Nonetheless, they exercise an influence over young Italians that is not to be underestimated. In student elections at a few secondary schools in Rome they even won the majority of votes, which meant that the European Solidarity Front for Syria was allowed to hold speeches at these schools and elsewhere.

While Forza Nuova focuses on the defence of the traditional family and the fight against abortion, CasaPound is more involved in the social sphere: its members occupy vacant buildings and organise campaigns for people with disabilities – as long as they are Italian. Both groups share a fundamentally racist and xenophobic outlook and a categorical rejection of "mondializzazione" (globalisation), which they perceive as a rapid loss of national sovereignty.

Image
According to Germano Monti, members of the European alliance that supports Bashar al-Assad are a rather heterogeneous bunch: from Marine Le Pen's French Front National, to the Polish Catholic Falanga, to the Russian Alexander Dugin's Eurasian Vision and the Greek national-socialist group Mavros Krinos. Pictured here: members of the neo-fascist CasaPound movement in Italy

This network of well-known political and cultural representatives is important for the support of the Assad regime. These representatives see the Syrian dictatorship as both a desirable societal model and a protective barrier against Israeli Zionism and Islamic fundamentalism.

Fear of Islam is playing an increasingly significant role in the politics of the right wing. In the run-up to this year's European elections, the leaders of various European extreme right-wing groups have met on a number of occasions – in Spain last November, for example, and in Rome in February 2014. Jens Pühse of the German NPD attended the Spanish meeting, as did members of the Syrian National Socialist Party (SSNP).

Syria's National Socialists

The SSNP is a close ally of Assad's ruling Baath party and has two members in the Syrian cabinet: the deputy prime minister and another minister. The party deploys its own units to fight side-by-side with the regime and the Lebanese Hezbollah militias against the Syrian rebels. The ideology of the SSNP, which was founded in 1932 in Beirut, as well as its symbolism are obviously modelled on that of German National Socialism: a raised right arm is used as a salute, and the emblem emblazoned on the flag closely resembles a swastika. The SSNP's Italian representative is the aforementioned Ouday Ramadan, who is in charge of organising support for the Assad regime in Italy.

The rapprochement between neo-Nazis, Catholic fundamentalists, Stalinists and pacifists under the banner of anti-imperialism is a crucial factor in the lack of solidarity with the Syrian people, particularly in left-wing circles. This small "red-brown army" is extraordinarily active on the Internet, with websites and blogs that initially seem to be left wing. Over the past three years, this army has managed to paralyse the Italian solidarity and peace movement for Syria by relentlessly invoking the spectre of a supposed NATO attack on Syria and a Zionist-Salafist plot against the Assad clan's "secular, anti-imperialist and socialist" regime.

Only in recent months have the mainstream media in Italy become aware of this phenomenon. Since then, they have reported on the activities of this dubious pro-Assad alliance. Furthermore, calls for democracy and humanitarian aid for Syrian citizens are increasingly being heard from the most influential peace organisations. Whether this is enough to diminish popular support for this ideological melting pot remains highly questionable.

Germano Monti



Translated from the German by Jennifer Taylor

Editor: Aingeal Flanagan/Qantara.de


Germano Monti is a freelance journalist living in Rome. He is one of the co-ordinators of the Freedom Flotilla Italia and has taken part in a number of international peace and solidarity missions in Gaza, the West Bank and in several Palestinian camps in Lebanon and Egypt. He is also one of the founders of the Italian Committee for Solidarity with Syria.
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Re: The Red-Brown Alliance

Postby seemslikeadream » Fri Nov 14, 2014 1:25 pm

Can't a brother get yellow man?


Just for like, two months
Or something?
God damn !




Let me just back up slowly
With critical analysis
Of those who control me
It used to be we
Just had a screen in the crib
On the TV
But now we carry screens
When we leave see
Laptops, smart phones,
Now we're never alone
A new affliction
I call it media dome



Designed to smear
Freedom don't succumb
To this culture of fear
(Fear fear fear)
Don't succumb
To this culture of fear
(Fear fear fear)
Don't succumb
To this culture of fear
(Fear fear fear !)
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: The Red-Brown Alliance

Postby stillrobertpaulsen » Fri Nov 14, 2014 2:07 pm



Well, I fin’ly started thinkin’ straight
When I run outa things to investigate
Couldn’t imagine doin’ anything else
So now I’m sittin’ home investigatin’ myself!
Hope I don’t find out anything . . . hmm, great God!
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Re: The Red-Brown Alliance

Postby American Dream » Fri Nov 14, 2014 8:05 pm

Sunday, March 24, 2013

Far rightists divided over Hugo Chávez

Far rightists are of two minds about the legacy of Hugo Chávez, who died on March 5th after leading Venezuela’s “Bolivarian Revolution” for over fourteen years. Chávez was a left populist whose “anti-imperialist” friends and allies included not just Fidel Castro and Evo Morales but also Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Bashar al-Assad, Vladimir Putin, and Belarus’s neo-stalinist president Alexander Lukashenko. Some far rightists applaud this kind of left-right alliance, others don’t.

(For more on Chávez’s deeply flawed politics, see Bill Weinberg’s “Contradictory legacy of Hugo Chávez,” and Bromma’s “Notes on XXIst Century Socialism.”)

“Reasons to like Chavez”

Attitudes toward Chávez on a recent discussion thread on Stxrmfrxnt, a leading neo-nazi discussion forum, were mostly but not entirely positive. The thread began with a 2010 video clip in which Chávez claimed that Israel was funding the Venezuelan opposition and that Mossad agents were trying to kill him. A Stxrmfrxnt forum member favorably quoted several mainstream articles accusing Chávez of antisemitism (see note below), and offered the following “reasons to like Chavez”:

“-He increased the living standards of his countries poor brown masses, meaning less of them emigrating to Western nations.

-He cut into the profits of the big Jew banks by encouraging barter trade… This was seen especially in his trade with Russia.

-He undermined the crypto-Jews that control Venezuela greatly.

-He was against Zionism, and helped those who also opposed Zionism. He also spoke out against the Jewish Power Structure.

-He was a nationalist. Nationalist’s should support one another in this globalist Jew world, as long as interests do not conflict, irrespective of brand or race.



Continues at: http://threewayfight.blogspot.com/2013/ ... havez.html
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Re: The Red-Brown Alliance

Postby American Dream » Sat Nov 15, 2014 8:00 pm

http://louisproyect.org/2014/05/09/nati ... des-again/

May 9, 2014
National Bolshevism rides again

Image

Karl Radek, the father of National Bolshevism



As accustomed as I have become to the convergence between the anti-imperialist left and the ultraright on the geopolitical chess game, nothing prepared me for Golden Dawn’s statement that could have appeared on the Counterfire website:

Ukraine is Washington’s pretext for a conflict with Russia. The threat of conflict is evident from the flood of propaganda in the Zionist media. Putin is demonized daily as Saddam Hussein and Qaddafi were earlier, while known Zionist newspapers like the Washington Post and New York Times, present daily ‘evidence’ Russian troops are ready to invade Ukraine. The only things missing are the weapons of mass destruction in order to have a complete repeat.

The events in Ukraine demonstrate clearly that American imperialism has launched a strategy, the first unsuccessful steps which were Syria and Iran, weakening and elimination of Russia as a Great Power. Russia is the most serious obstacle to the American imperialism to assert its hegemony in the Middle East, East Mediterranean, and Eurasia.


For those unfamiliar with the British left, Counterfire is a split from the Socialist Workers Party led by John Rees and Lindsay German that also plays a major role in the Stop the War Coalition that arose in the early days of Bush’s “war on terror”. John Meadway, one of its supporters and a staff economist for a radical think-tank, tried to explain away the affinity with Golden Dawn by comparing it with the British National Party’s opposition to the war in Iraq.

Maybe Meadway has a point. There are rightwingers who oppose American imperialist interventions. Antiwar.com is a website that was launched by a libertarian named Justin Raimondo. It was the emergence of figures like Raimondo and Rand Paul that convinced some on the left that a left-right coalition might make sense.

But I think there is something else going on with the Golden Dawn statement. It is not simply against war. It is closely related to admiration for Vladimir Putin based on his anti-homosexual laws, his Great Russian nationalism, his disregard for democratic rights, his get-tough attitude toward liberals, and above all his wars on Chechnya and Syria in the name of “fighting terrorism”. In other words, the policies that Bush pursued in Iraq and that Obama pursues in the tribal areas of Afghanistan would be opposed by Golden Dawn and Counterfire become acceptable when they are carried out by the Kremlin in Chechnya and Syria.

There are few signs that anybody on the left has any sympathy for Putin’s anti-homosexual laws. On the other hand, there are obvious signs of “critical support” for the Kremlin as a kind of anti-imperialist challenge to the USA and its European allies. The BRICS, and Russia especially, become benefactors of smaller and weaker nations trying to stave off the White House, NATO, and the IMF, et al. In an article titled “The Putin Charisma”, world systems theorist Immanuel Wallerstein believes that “If a neutral referee were to assign points for Putin’s actions on some scale of positive/negative consequences for Russia, I think a fair observer would have to say that Putin has done well as a geopolitical player.” Roger Annis, a veteran of the Trotskyist movement in Canada, practically sees the Kremlin playing the same role it once did under official Communism: “Russia’s independence, and that of other, rising capitalist powers such as China and Brazil, is of considerable political consequence for the international working class. The frictions and conflicts between competing capitalist blocs create political and economic fissures through which peoples and countries can assert and defend their independent interests.” It would seem that a strong Russia is best for the world even if it is not that great for Ukrainians, Crimean Tatars, sacrilegious punk rockers, homosexuals, bloggers and print journalists who go too far, and disgruntled Muslims.

How much further can such affinities go? One doubts that Counterfire and the British National Party will be cosponsoring rallies any time soon but it would be useful for the left to understand that Communists did at one time find progressive aspects to fascism. Under the banner of National Bolshevism, some Marxists made the mistake of assuming that because the fascists fought liberals and social democrats in the name of “socialism” the two movements had something in common.

I got my first exposure to the German left’s poor grasp of the fascist movement while researching an article on the role of “Zinovievism” on the defeat of the German revolution. I wrote:

Karl Radek did not help matters unfortunately. He interpreted the Treaty of Rapallo [a treaty between German and the beleaguered USSR] as a go-ahead to support the German bourgeoisie against the dominant European capitalisms, especially France. Germany was forced to sign a punitive reparations agreement after WWI and was not able to satisfy the Entente powers. France then marched into the Ruhr in order to seize control of the mines and steel mills. The German capitalist class screamed bloody murder and proto-fascist armed detachments marched into the Ruhr to confront the French troops.

Radek interpreted these German right-wing counter-measures as a sign of progressive nationalism and argued that a bloc of all classes was necessary to confront Anglo-French imperialism. At the height of the anti-French armed struggle in the Ruhr, the German Communist Party took Radek’s cue and began to issue feelers to the right-wing nationalists.

On June 20, 1922 Radek went completely overboard and made a speech proposing a de facto alliance between the Communists and the Fascists. This, needless to say, was in his capacity as official Comintern representative to the German party. It was at a time when Trotsky was still in good graces in the Soviet Union. Nobody seemed to raise an eyebrow when Radek urged that the Communists commemorate the death of Albert Schlageter, a Freikorps figher who died in the Ruhr and was regarded as a martyr of the right-wing, a German Timothy McVeigh so to speak. Radek’s stated that “…we believe that the great majority of nationalist minded masses belong not to the camp of the capitalists but to the camp of the Workers.”

Radek’s lunacy struck a chord with the German Communist ultraleftists who went even further in their enthusiasm for the right-wing fighters. Ruth Fischer gave a speech at a gathering of right-wing students where she echoed fascist themes:

Whoever cries out against Jewish capital…is already a fighter for his class, even though he may not know it. You are against the stock market jobbers. Fine. Trample the Jewish capitalists down, hang them from the lampposts…But…how do you feel about the big capitalists, the Stinnes, Klockner?…Only in alliance with Russia, Gentlemen of the “folkish” side, can the German people expel French capitalism from the Ruhr region.


Having read just now what I wrote originally about 15 years ago, it strikes me how little has changed in some ways. Note how easy it was for Radek to slide from defense of the USSR into support for the German bourgeoisie that was regarded as relatively progressive in its confrontation with the more dominant European powers. Once that link was made, it was almost inevitable that its shock troops—the ultranationalists and fascists—would also have progressive aspects.

In an interesting article for the April 1951 “The Review of Politics”, Klemens von Klemperer used the words “sweeping equation” to describe the slippery slope from Bolshevism to fascism: “anti-West equals anti-capitalism equals pro-East equals pro-Bolshevism.” That rings a bell, doesn’t it?

Klemperer provides some useful insights into the mixed character of the Freikorps that became the object of Radek’s admiration. Originally sent to Russia to fight on the side of the Whites, many of the troops began to find their enemy’s decisiveness to their liking even as they were aiming their rifles at its troops. Klemperer writes:

Bolshevik Russia, which in the course of the civil war became more and more a political reality, began to attract the imagination of the young Freikorps fighter. Ernst von Salomon, while engaged in fighting the Bolsheviks in Riga, thus became fascinated by the “tremendous new force in the making” in the East. “Beyond the border,” he admitted, “arises an amorphous but growing power, standing in our way, which we half admire and half hate.” Bolshevik Russia gradually emerged as a potential ally in the war against “the three times spit out phrases of the French Revolution.”


Although Bukharin was intrigued by the idea of National Bolshevism, Lenin dismissed it in “Ultraleftism: an Infantile Disorder”:

It is not enough, under the present conditions of the international proletarian revolution, to repudiate the preposterous absurdities of “National Bolshevism” (Laufenberg and others), which has gone to the length of advocating a bloc with the German bourgeoisie for a war against the Entente.


Eventually Radek was superseded as National Bolshevik leader by one Ernst Niekisch, a one-time conventional Social Democrat. Niekisch became an advocate of an “anti-Western” variant that would be familiar to those reading Counterfire or Global Research today. This took shape as the National Bolshevik Resistance Movement whose slogan was “Sparta-Potsdam-Moscow” and whose emblem shown below was made up of a Prussian eagle, a sword, a hammer and a sickle. This sounds rather like something that would be hoisted on a banner by one of these mobs seizing government buildings in east Ukraine, doesn’t it?

Image


National Bolshevism never gained a foothold in Germany. By the time that Hitler came to power, any leftist tendencies in his own movement as expressed by the Strasserite wing would soon be sacrificed to the old elites in the Night of the Long Knives.

Image

Eduard Limonov


In today’s world, the only place it seems to have any traction is post-Communist Russia. In 1991 Eduard Limonov founded the National Bolshevik Party that despite its failure to amount to anything (it was eventually banned) anticipated much of the program of the Russian ultraright today.

Limonov went into exile from the USSR in 1974 and took up residence in New York where he became drawn to the punk underground and the Socialist Workers Party of all things. A fascinating profile on Limonov appeared in the March 2, 2008 NY Times Sunday Magazine:

Limonov arrived in New York in 1975, at the dawn of punk. He discovered CBGB, fell for Patti Smith and Richard Hell and knew everyone from Steve Rubell to the local members of the Socialist Workers Party. “Edichka” [a reference to the character based on the author in the novel “It’s Me, Eddie”] oozes with bodily fluids — the hero, abandoned by his wife, Elena, goes on “nocturnal rambles on the West Side” that feature serial sexual encounters with homeless black men. The thin plot lines, however, thread two dominant leitmotifs: self-indulgence and condescension.


Oh, well. Exposure to the Socialist Workers Party does strange things to people. I never ran into Limonov but can easily imagine someone like him evolving into a fascist. It would not be the first time.

The more famous example is Lyndon Larouche whose website—quelle surprise—makes arguments familiar to those with Counterfire:

Ukraine, WW3 & Extinction – Lyndon LaRouche & Alex Jones
Thursday, February 20, 2014 8:50

(Before It’s News)

Lyndon LaRouche joins Alex Jones for an interview about the unfolding situation in the Ukraine that could quickly devolve into World War 3 and thermo-nuclear annihilation for most of the world. Using such words as ‘extinction’, LaRouche warns that every day of a Barack Obama presidency puts us moments away from the extincition of the human race, an extinction that according to LaRouche could occur in the next few days, next week or next month.
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Re: The Red-Brown Alliance

Postby American Dream » Sun Nov 16, 2014 8:40 am

An American National Bolshevik

by Loren Goldner

Review of:
Kevin Coogan. Dreamer of the Day. Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International. Autonomedia. New York, 1999. 642 p. $16.95.



"Provincial patriotism of the nineteenth- century type can evoke no response. The unity of the West which the barbarian has always recognized is recognized at the last hour by the West itself."

"Western policy has the duty of encouraging in its education of the youth its manifestation of strong character, self-discipline, honor, ambition, renunciation of weakness, striving after perfection, superiority, leadership--in a word--Race."

Francis Yockey, Imperium, (1948).


Fascism in every country, until 1945, almost always conjured up archaic, pre-capitalist, pre-Enlightenment national myth for its symbolism: Mussolini and the Roman Empire, Franco and the Falange, Hitler and the Thousand-Year Reich. In the United States, the task was made more difficult by the absence, for the radical right, of a "usable" pre-capitalist past; for stone white supremacists, the Iroquois Nation or Yoruba culture would hardly do.

Fascism, two world wars, the genocide of the Jews and gypsies, and the weakening of the nation-state through exhaustion cast a cloud over nationalist archaisms in the advanced capitalist world after 1945 (the emerging Third World was of course another story). For these reasons, and because of an important internationalization of capitalism through U.S. world hegemony, it was inevitable that the radical right in the advanced capitalist countries would turn to archaic symbols connected to the West as a whole. Thus, throughout Europe and to some extent in the U.S., "Aryans" (the word having acquired a bad odor) were rebaptized Indo-Europeans, and highbrow intellectuals such as Martin Heidegger, Mircea Eliade, Marija Gimbutas, and Julius Evola created the high road for the rehabilitation of the old ideas, followed on lower roads by Atlantis buffs, occultists, Celtic tree-worshipers, fake Tibetologists, Wagner freaks, Holocaust deniers and Teutonic rune scholars.

Today, in Europe, including Russia, and to some extent in the United States, important factions of the radical right have quietly buried the old biological racism and the nationalist chauvinism of pre-1945 fascism. The most sophisticated figures, such as Alain de Benoist, freely quote from Antonio Gramsci (for which Gramsi is of course not to be blamed), argue that the old categories of "left" and "right" are dead(1), and insist that their desire to expel immigrants and Jews from Europe has nothing to do with "grandpa's fascism", but rather because they see such groups invariably as bearers of "other cultures", not inferior, mind you, but "different". These theorists have their own version of post-modern cultural relativism, and say that Jews, blacks and Arabs are fine-- just as long as they stay in their own countries, or return there, the sooner the better. The European radical right supported Iraq in the Gulf War, a type of "Third Worldism" that was marginal in Western interwar fascism (but not entirely absent, as we shall see).

What fascism hates above all is universalism, and it hates the Jews for having, through the monotheism they passed to Christianity, supposedly inflicted the "slave morality" (Nietzsche) of universalism on the "strong", "young", "nature-loving" "blond beasts", the Indo-Europeans and other pagans, and for having, through the ban on image-making, destroyed such peoples' pagan nature-worship and myth. Capitalism for the fascists mostly means finance capital, Jews and money; the link between monotheism and abstraction on one hand and commodity production and wage labor on the other is beyond their ken. Behind the hatred of universalism is the hatred of the idea of humanity, or what Marx called "species- being"; fascism sooner or later, and usually sooner, identifies some group, whether whites, or Teutons, or an aristocratic cultural elite, the "Uebermenschen" (supermen) as destined to dominate, or expel, or annihilate the "Untermenschen" (inferior beings), or, more up to date, those who are ineffably "different". The trendy post-modern left supports "difference" and argues for relativistic tolerance (which extends to tolerance of barbaric archaisms, such as cliterodectomy, among "subaltern peoples"), the hard radical right supports it to advocate (at least in its politer forms) removal, but both currents find themselves in profound agreement on the fundamental issue of the denial of humanity as a meaningful reality. Like their predecessors, the early 19th century enemies of the Enlightenment and the universalism of the French revolution, they "know Frenchmen, Germans, Italians and Greeks", but consider "man" a meaningless abstraction.

Thus the contemporary right-wing publicist Armin Mohler is not wrong to say that today's post-modernists are the bastard progeny of the Conservative Revolution of the 1920's (about which latter more below).

It is fairly well known that Hitler and the Nazis always insisted that they had learned a great deal from America, and in particular from the American eugenics movement, which preceded their own Social Darwinism, racial laws and ban on interracial marriage, doctrines of blood purity, and medical experiments on "Untermenschen", by decades.

What is less well known is that an American fascist theoretician, Francis Parker Yockey (1917-1960), himself marginal in the American radical right even today, is actually a theoretical pioneer of the contemporary international fascist revival with its new cultural politics, and is recognized as such from France to Russia's contemporary "red-brown" ferment. (Yockey is promoted in the U.S., and somewhat disingenuously, mainly by Willis Carto and the Liberty Lobby.(2)) Contemporary fascism, internationally, finds it a largely losing battle to conjure up the old biological racism and master-race theories: they can chip away at the still-powerful association of such biological determinism with the concentration camps, but they have found a far more fertile path in circumventing such questions with a whole new battle over "culture". And once this is recognized, the centrality of Francis Yockey, the subject of the excellent book by Kevin Coogan under consideration here, and who spelled this out in his 1948 book Imperium, looms into view.

Yockey, in in his youth, in the depths of the depression, was briefly sympathetic to Marxism, but quickly abandoned it for fascism. Subsequently, in late 1930's Chicago, he jostled different far-right groups such as pro-Hitler German Bundists, anti-labor vigilantes, Silver Shirts and the Father Coughlin movement. But Yockey himself was no storefront fascist. Possibly the decisive ideological influence in his life had been the reading, in 1934, of Oswald Spengler's Decline of the West (a world-wide best seller in the 1920's). Through Spengler (including his later works Years of Decision and Prussianism and Socialism) Yockey stepped into the ferment of 1890-1933 Germany known as the "Conservative Revolution", and such other (sometimes brilliant) reactionary theorists as Carl Schmitt, Karl Haushofer, Ernst Niekisch, Ernst Juenger, Moeller van den Bruck, not to mention the highly ambiguous earlier figure of Friedrich Nietzsche. For most of these intellectuals, Hitler and the Nazis were vulgar guttersnipes and their "voelkisch" (i.e. populist) ideology merely one more version of the mass society the Conservative Revolutionaries despised. What mainly characterized the Conservative Revolution were variants of an aristocratic radicalism that imagined a regeneration of decadent bourgeois society from the throes of materialism, democracy, socialism and feminism by a "hard" cultural elite of "supermen", men such as those tempered in the trench warfare of World War I and the "storms of steel" (the title of Juenger's 1920's best-selling novel) of the modern technological battlefield. Spengler, in his major work, had defined "universalism" as the passage from "culture" to "civilization" in an organic rise and fall; this phase emerged when the old culture-bearing elite was sinking into effete aestheticism, and prepared the way for Caesarism (an anticipation of the coming of Hitler).

Aside from Spengler himself, two figures of the Conservative Revolution in particular stand out as decisive influences on Yockey: Carl Schmitt and Karl Haushofer. As a student at Georgetown University in the mid-1930's, Yockey encountered Schmitt as the leading international Catholic jurist of the period. Schmitt's relationship to Hitler and the Nazis was complex, but hardly (to put it mildly) a hostile one. Schmitt's sophisticated legal theory was little short of state-idolatry, and presented a distinction between "enemy" and "foe" which passed easily into fascist political and legal thought. An "enemy" for Schmitt was an opponent of the moment, with whom there was temporary conflict and disagreement, but a "foe" was an irreconcilable opponent against whom the struggle was potentially total and lethal. Schmitt ridiculed Western parliamentarism and democracy, and developed ideas about the inevitability of extra-parliamentary activity -- i.e. activity in the streets -- which also influenced the German New Left in the 1960's (Schmitt was among other things an admirer of Lenin). This in turn shaped Schmitt's idea of Ernstfall or "ultimate confrontation" in which normal legality had to be suspended. (Schmitt provided the legal cover for the 1934 "Night of the Long Knives" in which Hitler eliminated the "red fascist" wing of the Nazi Party around the Strasser brothers).

Last but not least (for Yockey) was Schmitt's idea of "Grossraumordnung", literally "great space order" but more concretely a "geographical zone dominated by a political idea" (a concept beyond the nation-state), which after 1945 was taken over into Yockey's call for an "Imperium of the West", a European super-state capable of resisting both the Soviet Union and the United States (though Yockey considered the U.S. the greater danger)(3).

But if Schmitt was one of the more brilliant theorists (along with the Italian philosopher Gentile) of fascism's well-known mystique of the state, the figure of Karl Haushofer leads us into some of the most unusual, and important, aspects of Yockey's later development. Haushofer was the leading German exponent of "geopolitics", a theory of international power politics developed by the German Ratzel and the Englishman Mackinder. Based ultimately on a Social Darwinist idea of struggle for "space", geopolitics was a theory of the struggle for world empire, essentially the pre-1914 struggle between then-dominant Britain and ascendant Germany. The basic idea of geopolitics was that the world power which controls the perimeter of Russia controls the world, thus making it the theory of the "great game" among the world powers from the Baltic to China and Japan, via Iran and Tibet. Haushofer spoke Far Eastern languages (Japanese, Chinese, Korean) as well as Russian fluently, and spent years in Japan as a German military attach(c), in the wake of Japan's stunning defeat of Russia in 1905. The Russo-Japanese war was of particular significance since it was the first time that a "white" nation had been defeated with modern weapons by a "non-white" nation, and it was a kind of "wake-up call" to emergent anti-colonial struggles everywhere. (Because it also led to the 1905-06 mass strike wave, a dress rehearsal for the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, it also set down the association, with a brilliant future ahead of it, whereby colonial peoples came to see 1917 primarily as a national and not as a proletarian revolution.) Haushofer knew a great deal about esoteric schools of Japanese Buddhism (and was rumored to belong to one), and later distinguished himself as an officer in the German army during World War I. But the most important idea which Yockey took from Haushofer was the latter's advocacy of German support for anti-colonial peoples in their struggles against the British and French empires, as well as Haushofer's rejection of white supremacist reticence about such support, at a time when ideas of the "yellow peril" and the rising challenge to "white" world supremacy were common coin throughout the West. Haushofer is often cited as the inspiration of the lucid passages treating foreign policy in Hitler's Mein Kampf, but, as Coogan points out, Hitler and Haushofer parted ways over race. Hitler preferred an India under white (i.e. British) rule to Indian independence, however much the latter might weaken the British empire. This Hauhofer link to Yockey emerges after 1945 in Yockey's sympathy for Third World liberation struggles, including those of the Palestinians, Nasser's Egypt and Castro's Cuba.

The real key to Yockey, however, is summed up in the term "National Bolshevik", a somewhat obscure yet very important strand of the 1920's Conservative Revolution, and one which is increasingly important today. The term "National Bolshevik" refers to an ambiguous minority current that appeared in the revolutionary wave in Europe immediately following World War I. The term was first used by Bela Kun, head of the short-lived Communist government in Hungary in 1919, and cropped up in some statements of Karl Radek, the Communist revolutionary who conducted Comintern business from his prison cell in Berlin in the same year, meeting with members of the German business(4) and military elite as well as with the German radical left. (He also laid the foundation for Russia's commercial treaty with Attaturk in 1920, concluded even as Attaturk was murdering leading members of the Turkish Communist Party.) In 1923, the German CP undertook the brief "Schlageter turn"(5) of several months during which it worked with the Nazis in a campaign against the Versailles Treaty, staging rallies and sharing podiums from which Ruth Fischer attacked "Jewish capital" in a way sometimes difficult to distinguish from fascist rhetoric(6). Already in 1922, Germany had signed the Rapallo treaty with the Soviet Union, allowing the defeated German army to to use the Ukraine for secret training and maneuvers banned under the Versailles Treaty. Because of Germany's central position in continental Europe, the possibility of a German- Russian rapprochement against the West often hovered over European power politics, posing a direct threat to Britain and France, and much of the foreign policy of the two major world empires was aimed at preventing just such an alliance. Germany since 1870 had been the "new power" threatening British and French hegemony , and German support of different kinds for anti-colonial movements in the British and French empires (which dated from the pre-1914 Kaiserreich) was a constant problem for the latter. Thus in 1922 when the Rapallo treaty brought Germany into an alliance with revolutionary Russia, there was general consternation in Anglo-French ruling circles. In 1932, (as in 1923) the German Communist Party again cooperated with the Nazis (7) in strikes and street actions against the "main enemy", the "social-fascist" German Social Democrats, a perspective they bizarrely maintained even after Hitler seized power and put them into concentration camps, expressed in their slogan "After Hitler Comes Our Turn". Finally, the consternation occasioned by Rapallo was completely eclipsed by the impact of the Stalin-Hitler Pact in 1939.

But "National Bolshevism" refers to much more than just a rapprochement between Germany and Russia, or tactical collaboration between Communists and Nazis against liberals and Social Democrats. It condenses a series of attitudes which reach far beyond Europe, and which have wider currency in the contemporary world than is generally recognized: hence the importance of Yockey and of Coogan's study of Yockey.

National Bolshevism is one of the most extreme forms of appropriation of elements of the revolutionary socialist movement for the preservation of class society. Weimar Germany from 1918 to 1933 was a laboratory of a myriad of currents thrown up by the simultaneous potential of working-class revolution (1918-1921) and of the extreme reaction (which borrowed significantly from the workers' movement) brought to bear against that potential, culminating in Hitler's triumph in 1933. Though figures such as Bela Kun and Karl Radek are better known, National Bolshevism entered the workers' movement most dramatically in Hamburg and Bremen in 1920, articulated by the two German ex-Wobblies Wolffheim and Laufenberg, who threw themselves into the German workers' councils that sprung up after World War I. For Wolffheim and Laufenberg, as for a number of other currents of the early 1920's in Germany and elsewhere(8), workers' revolution was the royal road to the national revolution; for the National Bolsheviks, the Russian Revolution was itself a national revolution(9). (To his credit, Lenin called National Bolshevism "eine himmelschreiende Absurditaet", roughly, a "monstrous absurdity". Unfortunately, other figures of the Third International were not so careful.)

The National Bolsheviks, and later Yockey, saw the cosmopolitan proletarian internationalism of Lenin, Trotsky and the early Russian Revolution as a superficial veneer which was cast aside by Stalin(10). "National Bolshevism" ultimately transposes Marx's theory of the war between the classes to an international theory of struggle between "bourgeois nations" and "proletarian nations", and buries the singularity and autonomy of the working class (the international class par excellence) in a mystique of the state and the nation.


Continues at: http://home.earthlink.net/~lrgoldner/yockey.html
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Re: The Red-Brown Alliance

Postby American Dream » Sun Nov 16, 2014 2:12 pm

Reportback: Fighting the Trojan Horse of Hipster-Fascism in Portland


Disputing a Sordid Record

I showed up to the concert to see whether I could talk to Death in June’s fans and get a sense of what they believe. We hung out outside with some protestors who had arrived early. We spoke about places we’d lived, and we talked a bit about the band. Some people of color showed up to the protest, some anti-racist skinheads, and the energy level was high in the crisp autumnal evening, with a deep sense of solidarity among our side.

As fans began to line up for the show, I took the handy megaphone that my cohort had borrowed from a friend, and I started to ask questions. To repeat: the reason I came to the event, in fact, was to discuss issue-oriented politics with the fans of Death in June, and to express my concern to them in a respectful manner. I prodded them: “Who knows where Death in June gets their name?”

They responded with zombie-like boredom: “We know.”

“Is it from the Nazis?”

“Yes, it’s from the Night of the Long Knives.”

Since some people seemed like they didn’t really understand, I tried to repeat what I’ve learned from reading quotes by the band’s members published in magazines and the like. Taking their name from the Night of the Long Knives, which took place in June 1934, the band Death in June (DIJ) uses Nazi imagery to evoke an aesthetic scene full of nostalgic angst over the purge of the “left wing” of the Nazi movement. Two of their albums have been banned in Germany for the usage of Nazi symbols and, among other things, inserting portions of the SA’s anthem into their songs.

The SA (Sturmabteilung), also known as the Brownshirts, served as Hitler’s paramilitary force. Led by Ernst Röhm, they were notorious for killing leftists and opponents of the Nazi movement. Because they provided the muscle, and fascism often relies on muscle, the SA were found everywhere the Nazis were. They were also unruly and debaucherous, equally famous for their violence as for their late-night, drunken orgies in which sexual inhibitions were banished. They were also (of course) anti-Semitic, racist, and xenophobic, and were largely responsible for the infamous Kristallnacht, the anniversary of which was being celebrated (if indirectly) by the Death in June show.


Ecology and Populism

This is where the radical ecology movement comes into the picture. I have seen how some radicals—the former ecoprisoner and member of the Earth Liberation Front, Nathan “Exile” Block, for instance—fall into this mystical ideology of swastika-redeeming and spiritualism with very bizarre and unfortunate bedfellows. With the climate movement going large (300,000 at the Peoples Climate March), it’s time to start deliberating on populism and what the entryism of the Nazi “left wing,” and populism in general, actually mean in the context of strategies and tactics. To do that, it becomes necessary to further investigate the history represented by “Death in June.”

The year before the Night of the Long Knives, in 1933, Nazi jurist Carl Schmitt called for the “disciplining” of the SA, and the forging of a triadic state wherein the People (represented by the SA, government-run workers’ syndicates, and corporate bureaucracy) would join the Movement and the Party in forging a total state. The SA’s proximity to the “Movement” and their position as “close to the People” provided a semblance of leftist polity, where all could join together in the enthusiasm of a rising ethos. Schmitt’s call to this form of populism would be rejected, however, as Hitler moved towards a more centralized form of control. Occurring in June 1934, the Night of the Long Knives would be the enduring symbol of Hitler’s consolidation of power; for the ideologues of National Socialism, this moment in history stands out as the betrayal of the folkish mission in favor of what Nuremberg prosecutor Franz Neumann called “a perverted liberalism” perhaps best dramatized by Dirk Bogart in Visconti’s classic film, The Damned.

Image
Röhm walking behind Hitler before his assassination

This political position of “left Nazism” would be revitalized in the 1970s by Otto Strasser, the brother of Gregor Strasser who was killed during the Night of the Long Knives. Called “Third Positionism,” this ideology harkens back to Gregor Strasser and Röhm’s “leftist” position promising to unite anti-capitalism with racial seperatism and promote a kind of popular nationalist insurgency against immigrants and liberals. It is precisely that ideology which was taken up by Death in June, whose members had assembled as a leftist, political punk band called Crisis until proselytizing in the early 1980s.

Today, we must remain vigilant against such trends, which are represented in part by the rise of far-right political parties with roots in Nazism, like Hungary’s Jobbik, Ukraine’s Svoboda, France’s National Front, and the coalition Europeans for Freedom and Direct Democracy. Protesting DIJ, which has a member that once joined the UK’s far-right party, the National Front, is one way of exposing the trendy rise of fascism amongst the left. We might mention that the “Night of the Long Knives” (Nacht der langen Messer) is simply an expression for an event of betrayal, which is not restricted to the assassinations of June 1934, also known as the Röhm-Putsch. The rise of such Third Positionists who champion the fascists before June 1934 seems to propose its own Night of the Long Knives—taking power through left-wing entryism (i.e., subcultural infiltration), and then purging non-fascists, just as was done by the SA via the cultish and pagan German nationalism.

The Earth First! Newswire, which I’ve been a part of since its inception in 2010, has been keeping tabs on the rise of right-wing populism, its connections to fascism, and its co-optation of the environmental movement through “green fascism.” One example of this is Golden Dawn in Greece, another is the “National Anarchists” who have co-opted Earth First! in attempts to gain credibility. Even Metzger, the head of WAR who has collaborated with friends of DIJ, has claimed to have recruited ex-EF!ers. That said, it would appear that EF! is one of the few radical ecology groups with an anti-oppression stance that actually speaks out against fascism in the movement. Radicals must be stricter in refusing to give a pass to Nazis, just because a subcultural umbrella shields them. We also must recognize that Nazis are not the end-all of our opposition; there are larger systems of injustice, racism, and xenophobia that must also be contested, as they represent a contemporary onslaught against the earth and all its inhabitants.

The more that right-wing populism can obscure its racial ideology and fascist roots, the more of a mass appeal it has. While it gains mass appeal based on central talking points, its imagery and symbolism begins to proliferate. Hence, DIJ and their fans claim to be non-anti-Semitic, because they work with Jews sometimes, and support the State of Israel. Mass-murderer and white supremacist Anders Breivik also supports the State of Israel, as does the French National Front and countless far-right parties in Europe gaining international legitimacy from Zionist claims while retaining and supporting anti-Semitism in Europe. Indeed, this is precisely the “Third Position” proposed by Strasser: fascism through pseudo-anticapitalist racial separatism rather than Imperialism.

The important German newspaper, Der Speigel, pointed to this trend, running an article by Charles Hawley that claims that the far-right sees Islam as a more popular talking point than anti-Semitism, and seeks to rally supporters through the former while obscuring the latter in a Zionist position that seeks to keep Jews out of Europe.

It is precisely this kind of obscurantism and obfuscation that allows the Nazi ideas to infiltrate leftist and green groups, delink anticapitalism from antiracism, and promote modish ideas that mask hatred and fear in trendy angst and nostalgia. The reason Nazism succeeded, in fact, was precisely this: it provided a nationalist alternative to the internationalist left, thus uniting racist, conservative reaction with a semblance of radical, egalitarian principles. Shifting leftist ideology towards a racialized quasi-egalitarianism along the populist lines outlined by Schmitt in 1933 is precisely the goal of modern right-wing populism with its promises of “freedom” and “direct democracy” for Europeans (i.e., for “Aryans”).

Image

Antifascists don't do totenkopfs (the symbol used by the Nazi SS depicted in the center of this picture)




http://earthfirstjournal.org/newswire/2 ... -portland/
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