Trumpublicons: Foreign Influence/Grifting in '16 US Election

Moderators: Elvis, DrVolin, Jeff

Re: NSA Chief Russia Hacked '16 Election Congress Must Inves

Postby Belligerent Savant » Thu Mar 08, 2018 11:24 am

.
2012 Countdown » Wed Mar 07, 2018 3:52 pm wrote:
If people cannot appreciate Americans/citizens wanting our elections 'fair', and not rigged - FUCK THEM.

As I posted several weeks ago, I am suspicious of those who still deny what is happening.

EXTINCTION LEVEL EVENT. Western democracy is under an EXISTENTIAL THREAT.

Fascist or Rrussian mob apologists can go fuck themselves.



That's quite dramatic. I am compelled (inspired, really) to respond due to your use of the terms "fair" within tight proximity of "elections", and "western democracy", offered without a hint of irony (I can't tell if your tongue was placed in your cheek as you typed that -- perhaps you can advise).

Are you suggesting that U.S. elections are otherwise "fair", if not for interference by foreign entities (contrived or otherwise, as I framed it in a prior thread)? Do you truly believe this system, as constituted, should rightly be labeled a "democracy"?

tsk, tsk. We should have moved beyond such fallacies by now. This is, after all, Rigorous Intuition.
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Re: NSA Chief Russia Hacked '16 Election Congress Must Inves

Postby seemslikeadream » Thu Mar 08, 2018 11:57 am


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sEN0OmN7fCA

__________________________________________________________________________________

"I can definitely describe his junk perfectly if I ever have to."

- Stormy Daniels

From Acosta: A source close to White House says Trump is upset with PressSec Sarah Sanders over her handling of Stormy Daniels questions yesterday. “POTUS is very unhappy,” the source said. “Sarah gave the Stormy Daniels storyline steroids yesterday,” the source added.

You knew that was coming the moment Sanders uttered the word "arbitration".
She's toast.


Some Pro-Stormy Advocacy (or Trump Put a Gag on Stormy in Arbitration)
By Josh Marshall | March 8, 2018 11:33 am
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A sign at Little Darlings Las Vegas advertises an upcoming performance at the strip club by adult film actress/director Stormy Daniels on January 25, 2018 in Las Vegas, Nevada. Daniels, whose real name is Stephanie Clifford, was allegedly paid USD 130,000 by an attorney for Donald Trump one month before the 2016 presidential election to keep her from talking about an alleged sexual encounter with Trump in 2006.Ethan Miller/Getty Images North America
News comes this morning that President Trump is angry with Sarah Sanders for how she handled the Stormy Daniels questions in yesterday’s White House press briefing. Much as I find Sanders a disreputable wretch, it is quite rich to hear he’s unhappy with how she handled the story of his seeking and receiving a restraining order against his porn star girlfriend. Some stories are easier to spin than others! Jay Carney and Josh Earnest had it easy.

Still, it was a fatal error to say repeatedly that President Trump had “won” the case in secret arbitration. Let’s look at specifically what she said.

After repeatedly speaking of arbitration and referring reporters to the President’s private lawyers who of course will not talk, she said this: “I can share that the arbitration was won in the president’s favor.”


Here’s why this is an even greater lapse than it may seem at first glance (it also goes to the President’s failure to sign the Stormy settlement). I’ve read all the legal documents. And though I’m not a lawyer, it is clear the agreement was structured in such a way as to ensure that in a situation precisely like this one Sanders could truthfully say that President Trump wasn’t a party to the arbitration at all. indeed, he wasn’t.

Technically, the claim that generated the restraining was brought by Essential Consultants LLC, the LLC controlled by the President’s “personal lawyer” Michael Cohen.

President Trump may be the beneficiary of the decision. But he’s not a party to the decision. And there’s no need to say the arbitration was decided in his favor since again, he’s not a party to the dispute which was raised last month in arbitration. Of course, this is all a ridiculous legal fiction since Essential Consultants is controlled by Michael Cohen who is not only Trump’s personal lawyer in general but his lawyer in this case! Still, they’re legally distinct.

Now here’s an additional point. As we noted night before last (“Summa Stormietica“), one of Daniels’ claims is that the agreement is void because Donald Trump never signed it. As noted, that seems questionable as a legal argument because Daniels signed the document and (as far as we know) accepted the cash consideration of $130,000. That may make the deal binding regardless of whether Trump signed it. But let’s look beyond the legal question. Was Trump just busy with the final week of the presidential campaign and didn’t get around to signing it?

It’s pretty clear Trump intentionally failed to sign the document and that this was the plan from the start. Again, look at how the agreement is structured. There are three parties to it: Daniels, Trump and Essential Consultants (Cohen). But there are only two parties with actual interests at stake: Daniels and Trump. Cohen is there to create a nominally independent actor and source of money. The substance of the agreement only involves Daniels and Trump. But two parties did sign it: Daniels and Essential Consultants (Cohen). So there’s your apparently binding agreement. And Cohen is there as a party to the agreement to act against Daniels if she gets out of line.

It’s somewhat ingenious. When you appreciate this structure it seems obvious that Trump purposely failed to sign it so that he can plausibly or perhaps with technical accuracy say that he never agreed to anything and knows nothing about it.

As a separate matter I’m curious to hear from lawyers whether, if my theory is accurate and Trump acted in bad faith, that that may render the agreement void (as opposed to the simple failure to sign.)

In any case, it makes Sanders’ boasting gaffe all the more comical. She didn’t have to say it and in some sense it’s not even entirely accurate. But now we know, based on the President’s spokesperson’s own words, that President Trump got his lawyer to get a restraining order to compel the silence of his former porn star girlfriend. She not only can’t discuss their sexual relationship, which she now has attested to in a court filing, but also can’t discuss or reveal the text message logs and “still images” which Donald Trump was so keen to retrieve from her.

https://talkingpointsmemo.com/edblog/so ... re-1115344


I think Betsy DeVos should be implicated in Mueller’s probe. Her foundation gave $2,686,500 to Russian orgs, her company has offices in Russia, one of their Russian offices was raided by Russian police for tax fraud in summer of 2016 & Erik Prince is her brother



Eric Prince "just happens" to be the brother of Besty Devos, whose husband "just happens" to be on the board of Spectrum Health whose server "just happens" to have been connected to with trump trump and Russian Alfa Bank

helluva coincidence



Why is Erik Prince and the Seychelles so critical to the trumpRussia scandal? Eric's sister is Education Secretary Betsy DeVos. The DeVos family owns Spectrum Health, one of the server locations for the "Stealth Russia Data Machine."



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Trump Tower’s “Stealth Russian Data Machine”

We pull back the curtain on Jared Kushner’s “Stealth Data Machine.”

teapainusa
April 3, 2017
Stealth Data Machine
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Jared Kushner is currently taking a victory lap, crowin’ about his “Stealth Data Machine” that put Donald Trump over the top in the 2016 race. Let’s pry off the lid and peer into the inner-workings of this “Data Machine.”

The Signal in the Noise

Building on the data analysis by @Conspirator0 on Twitter, Tea Pain has stumbled onto a possible “signal in the noise” that opens a window into the data-swappin’ shenanigans going on between Trump Tower, Spectrum Health and Russia’s Alfa Bank during the election.

Spectrum Health, owned by Michigan’s powerful Devos family, attempted to explain the IP activity as “Voice over IP traffic”, whereas Alfa Bank offered an even more exotic explanation that “hackers attempted to make it look like we contacted Trump Tower.”

The data traffic, when analyzed, tells a very different story, a story of automated, orchestrated data sharing among multiple sites for a strategic end.

Tea Pain originally dismissed this story as a possible red-herring. With the Russia craze at a fever pitch, this activity could be explained by what Tea’s daddy used to say, “When you got a new hammer, everything looks like a nail.” But when Tea Pain saw the data patterns analyzed by Conspiritor0, he knew he’d spotted something mighty familiar: Database Replication. Put a pin in that, more on that later.
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Ping Duration

At first, data analysts were puzzled by what appeared to be random activity with no apparent pattern. Perhaps it was email activity? Maybe money transfers? But there were literally thousands of these IP “pings.”

Once the activity was charted, a pattern emerged. For example, a connection is made from Alfa Bank to Trump Tower, which may last anywhere from 1 minute to 15 minutes or more, followed by a longer “sleep” period. When averaged over months, these events charted an average time between connections to be 3660 seconds, or 1 hour and 1 minute. Whatever was running, it would hook up, transfer data for a few minutes, then go to sleep for an hour.

This was the clue that led Tea Pain to formulate a much clearer working model to explain what we were all seeing: SQL Server Database Replication between multiple sites.

Database Replication

What Is Database Replication?

Database Replication is a rather simple concept. When you have a database with millions of records representing hundreds of gigabytes of data, and you would like to keep a copy of that database housed in 2 or more locations, it makes no sense to continually copy the entire database from point A to point B every time a change is made, so you “replicate” it.

This allows only the changes made to be sent from one database to another. This is accomplished by a process that runs on timely intervals, usually an hour, that wakes up and checks the changes made since the last hour and broadcasts those changes to the other database. The other database, in turn, check for its changes and broadcasts them in the other direction. Voila! Both databases are identical!

So what does the data traffic patterns suggest? Check out the chart below. Behold, Kushner’s “Stealth Data Machine.”
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Russia Data Traffic

The white box illustrates the scope of data we can now observe. The bulk of the replication took place between Trump Tower and Alfa Bank, while smaller amounts of data were transferred between Trump Tower and Spectrum Health. If, for example, Trump Tower talked to Alfa Bank for 10 minutes, the next Spectrum-Trump Tower connection might last only one minute, indicating data replicated from Trump Tower to the Devos health care empire was being filtered, perhaps by “WHERE StateCode=’MI'” for example. But when changes were made at Spectrum, things looked very different.
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IP Packetts

Conspiritor0 noted that when Spectrum connected to Trump Tower, Trump Tower’s next connect time was significantly longer, indicating Spectrum had modified a large chunk of records that had to be synced to Trump Tower, then pushed on to Alfa Bank. This detail was important in identifying that replication was in use. In this scenario, Trump Tower was functioning as a center-point, a data distribution center if you will.

We don’t know what was in these data packets; that info is beyond our purview at this time, but ask yourself a simple question and you find your answer: “What do Trump Tower, the Devos Family and the Russians all have in common? A desire for Donald Trump to be President of the United States.

Tea Pain’s working theory is that Russia created a voter targeting database with information gleaned from hacked DNC data rolls and other data rolls “acquired” from other states to feed this growing contact database. That database originated at Russian Intelligence which was in turn replicated to Russia’s Alfa Bank. This is where the “data laundering” takes place, Alfa Bank is the pivot point where the FSB’s data fingerprints are wiped clean. Ironically Russia launders its data at the same place it launders its money.

At Trump Tower, more data could merged into this system using various legal sources as well. Spectrum Health could also add value to the data by matching names and addresses in their extensive healthcare databases to harvest email addresses and phone numbers to flesh out this list. All these changes would be promptly replicated back to Russia in a matter of hours.

Once back in the hands of Russian Intelligence, this massaged data could be programmatically matched up with social media handles to create a micro-targeted “hit list” for the thousand Russian trolls employed by Putin.

The Payoff

How is this a breakthrough? Now that we have identified the likely means of how this data was transferred, data analysts now have more precise points to search for to arrive at a complete reveal of the massive data collusion between Team Trump and America’s foremost adversary.

The “beauty” of this system is its simplicity. Here’s some bullet-points to sum up.

No special software needed. SQL Server is used in most every major enterprise. Replication is a built-in tool. No mysterious hidden processes, viruses, malware, etc.
Virtually undetectable. No one would blink an eye at data replication, a standard business practice.
Could all be set up remotely with only VPN credentials and remote desktop access, information that is often shared via routine third-party data audits. No one inside Trump Tower or Spectrum’s IT department need be involved. One Russian Intelligence data operative could set this up in less than an hour at each location. No low-level “conspirators” needed.
Value could be added to the data anywhere in the chain and it would promote back to Russian Intelligence within 2-3 hours.
All data-transmission would be out in the open, mixed in with the daily flow of business.
Even if found, the data would look benign, just names, addresses, phone numbers, email addresses, social media handles, etc. No financial information. It would look just like a contact lead database purchased from any data-mining merchant.
Trump/Spectrum operatives and employees in the United States could interact with this list and have no clue the origins of the data were nefarious. This plain-sight approach was the key to its success.
https://teapainusa.wordpress.com/2017/0 ... th-russia/




CNN: Trump upset with press secretary over handling of Stormy Daniels questions

President Trump is upset with White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders for her handling on Wednesday of questions about allegations that the president once had an affair with adult-film actress Stormy Daniels.

CNN's Jim Acosta reported that Trump is "very unhappy" with his press secretary after she acknowledged at a press briefing on Wednesday that Trump has been involved in a legal dispute with Daniels stemming from her allegations.



Sanders at Wednesday's press briefing said that an arbitration process had gone in the president's favor.

By doing so, a source told Acosta that Sanders "gave the Stormy Daniels storyline steroids yesterday."

Michael Cohen, Trump's personal attorney, paid Daniels $130,000 weeks before the 2016 presidential election to keep silent about an alleged affair. Cohen has acknowledged the payment, but insists that it came from his personal funds, which would distance Trump from the payment.

By describing the president as being involved in the arbitration process, Sanders put Trump closer to the legal process.

The arbitration proceeding pertained to a restraining order obtained by Cohen that sought to bar Daniels from speaking out publicly about the alleged affair with Trump. The restraining order, which was granted by a private arbitrator, prevents Daniels from disclosing "confidential information" related to the nondisclosure agreement.

Daniels's lawyer, Michael Avenatti, reportedly disputed Sanders's claim that the arbitration proceeding was decided in Trump's favor, jokingly telling a New York Times reporter on Wednesday that the president “also won the popular vote.”

In another interview with NBC's "Today," Avenatti said that the nondisclosure agreement was invalid because Trump never signed it, a move that Avenatti says was intended to allow Trump to "claim deniability."

Daniels, whose real name is Stephanie Clifford, filed a lawsuit this week seeking permission to speak freely about her alleged affair with Trump, which purportedly took place more than a decade ago.

But Daniels alleges that publicly disclosing the payment voids the nondisclosure agreement, meaning that she should be able to speak about the alleged affair without fear of legal retribution.
http://thehill.com/homenews/administrat ... ssion=true


the Las Vegas nightclub trump went to with Emin Agalarov in June 2013—a few months before he visited Moscow—was known for some...salacious...acts

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Miss Universe in Moscow: How Trump's beauty contest spawned a business deal with Russians and a bond with Putin

Vladimir Putin, Aras Agalarov, Rob Goldstone, Emin Agalarov, Donald Trump and Olivia Culpo
From left, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Aras Agalarov, Rob Goldstone, Emin Agalarov, Donald Trump and Olivia Culpo. (Photo illustration: Yahoo News; photos: Mikhail Svetlov/Getty Images, Jeff Bottari/AP, Adriel Reboh/Patrick McMullan via Getty Images, Victor Boyko/Getty Images, Maxim Shemetov/Reuters)
This is the first of two excerpts adapted from Russian Roulette: The Inside Story of Putin’s War on America and the Election of Donald Trump (Twelve Books), by Michael Isikoff, Chief Investigative Correspondent for Yahoo News, and David Corn, Washington bureau chief of Mother Jones. It will be released on March 13.



It was late in the afternoon of Nov. 9, 2013, in Moscow, and Donald Trump was getting anxious.

This was his second day in the Russian capital, and the brash businessman and reality TV star was running through a whirlwind schedule to promote that evening’s extravaganza at Moscow’s Crocus City Hall: the Miss Universe pageant, in which women from 86 countries would be judged before a worldwide television audience estimated at 1 billion.

Trump had purchased the pageant 17 years earlier, partnering with NBC. It was one of his most-prized properties, bringing in millions of dollars a year in revenue and, perhaps as important, burnishing his image as an international playboy celebrity. While in the Russian capital, Trump was also scouting for new and grand business opportunities, having spent decades trying — but failing — to develop high-end projects in Moscow. Miss Universe staffers considered it an open secret that Trump’s true agenda in Moscow was not the show but his desire to do business there.

Yet to those around him that afternoon, Trump seemed gripped by one question: Where was Vladimir Putin?

From the moment five months earlier when Trump announced Miss Universe would be staged that year in Moscow, he had seemed obsessed with the idea of meeting the Russian president. “Do you think Putin will be going to the Miss Universe Pageant in November in Moscow — if so, will he become my new best friend?” Trump had tweeted in June.

Once in Moscow, Trump received a private message from the Kremlin, delivered by Aras Agalarov, an oligarch close to Putin and Trump’s partner in hosting the Miss Universe event there: “Mr. Putin would like to meet Mr. Trump.” That excited Trump. The American developer thought there was a strong chance the Russian leader would attend the pageant. But as his time in Russia wore on, Trump heard nothing else. He became uneasy.


“Is Putin coming?” he kept asking.

With no word from the Kremlin, it was starting to look grim. Then Agalarov conveyed a new message: Dmitry Peskov, Putin’s right-hand man and press spokesman, would be calling any moment. Trump was relieved, especially after it was explained to him that few people were closer to Putin than Peskov. If anybody could facilitate a rendezvous with Putin, it was him. “If you get a call from Peskov, it’s like you’re getting a call from Putin,” Rob Goldstone, a British-born publicist who had helped bring the beauty contest to Moscow, told him. But time was running out. The show would be starting soon, and following the broadcast Trump would be departing the city.

Finally, Agalarov’s cellphone rang. It was Peskov, and Agalarov handed the phone to an eager Trump.

*****

Trump’s trip to Moscow for the Miss Universe contest was a pivotal moment. He had for years longed to develop a glittering Trump Tower in Moscow. With this visit, he would come near — so near — to striking that deal. He would be close to branding the Moscow skyline with his world-famous name and enhancing his own status as a sort of global oligarch.

During his time in Russia, Trump would demonstrate his affinity for the nation’s authoritarian leader with flattering and fawning tweets and remarks that were part of a long stretch of comments suggesting an admiration for Putin. Trump’s curious statements about Putin — before, during and after this Moscow jaunt — would later confound U.S. intelligence officials, members of Congress, and Americans of various political inclinations, even Republican Party loyalists.

What could possibly explain Trump’s unwavering sympathy for the Russian strongman, his refusal to acknowledge Putin’s repressive tactics, his whitewashing of Putin’s abuses in Ukraine and Syria, his dismissal of the murders of Putin’s critics, his blind eye to Putin’s cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns aimed at subverting Western democracies?


Trump’s brief trip to Moscow held clues to this mystery. His two days there would later become much discussed because of allegations that he engaged in weird sexual antics while in Russia — claims that were not confirmed. But this visit was significant because it revealed what motivated Trump the most: the opportunity to build more monuments to himself and to make more money. Trump realized that he could attain none of his dreams in Moscow without forging a bond with the former KGB lieutenant colonel who was now the president of Russia.

This trek to Russia was the birth of a bromance — or something darker — that would soon upend American politics and then scandalize Trump’s presidency. And it began in the most improbable way — as the brainstorm of a hustling music publicist trying to juice the career of a second-tier pop singer.

*****

Trump’s Miss Universe landed in Moscow because of an odd couple: Rob Goldstone and Emin Agalarov.

Goldstone was a heavyset, gregarious bon vivant who liked to post photos on Facebook poking fun at himself for being unkempt and overweight. He once wrote a piece for the New York Times headlined “The Tricks and Trials of Traveling While Fat.” He had been an Australian tabloid reporter and a publicist for Michael Jackson’s 1987 “Bad” tour. Now he co-managed a PR firm, and his top priority was serving the needs of an Azerbaijani pop singer of moderate tal­ent named Emin Agalarov.

Emin — he went by his first name — was young, handsome and rich. He yearned to be an international star. His father, Aras Agalarov, was a billionaire developer who had made it big in Rus­sia, building commercial and residential complexes, and who also owned properties in the United States. After spending his early years in Russia, Emin grew up in Tenafly, N.J., obsessed with Elvis Presley. He imitated the “King of Rock ‘n’ Roll” in dress, style and voice. He later studied business at Marymount Manhat­tan College and subsequently pursued a double career, as an executive in his father’s company and as a singer. He married Leyla Aliyeva, the daughter of the president of Azerbaijan, whose regime faced repeated allegations of corruption. After moving to Baku, the country’s capital, Emin soon earned a nickname: “the Elvis of Azerbaijan.”

Emin cultivated the image of a rakish pop star, chronicling a hedonistic lifestyle on lnstagram by posting shots from beaches, nightclubs, and various hot spots. He brandished hats and T-shirts with randy sayings, such as “If You Had a Bad Day, Let’s Get Naked.” But his music career was stalled. For help, he turned to Goldstone.

In early 2013, Goldstone was looking to get Emin more media exposure, especially in the United States. A friend offered a sug­gestion: Perhaps Emin could perform at a Miss Universe pageant. The event had a reputation for showcasing emerging talent. The 2008 contest had featured up-and-comer Lady Gaga. (Trump would later brag — with his usual hyperbole — that this appearance was Lady Gaga’s big break.) About the same time, Goldstone and Emin needed an attractive woman for a music video for Emin’s lat­est song — and they wanted the most beautiful woman they could find. It seemed obvious to them that they should reach out to Miss Universe.


This led to meetings with Paula Shugart, president of the Miss Universe Organization, who reported directly to Trump. She agreed to make the reigning Miss Universe, Olivia Culpo, available for the music video. (Within the Miss Universe outfit, Culpo, who had previously been Miss USA, was widely considered a Trump favorite.) And over the course of several conversations with Shugart, Goldstone and Emin discussed where the next Miss Universe contest would be held. At one point, Emin proposed to Shugart that Miss Universe consider mounting its 2013 pageant in Azerbaijan. That didn’t fly with Shugart.

At a subsequent meeting, Emin revised the pitch. “Why don’t we have it in Moscow?” he suggested. Shugart was interested but hesitant. The pageant had looked at Moscow previously. It had not identified a suitable venue there, and it was fearful of running into too much red tape. “What if you had a partner who owns the biggest venue in Moscow?” Emin replied. “Between myself and my father, we can cut through the red tape.”

The venue Emin was referring to was Crocus City Hall, a grand 7,000-seat theater complex built by his father. Moreover, the influential Aras Agalarov could help smooth the way — and bypass the notorious bureaucratic morass that was a regular feature of doing business in Russia.

A native Azerbaijani, Aras Agalarov was known as “Putin’s Builder.” He had accumulated a $1 billion- plus real estate fortune in part by catering, like Trump, to the superwealthy. One of his projects was a Moscow housing community for oligarchs that boasted an artificial beach and waterfall. Agalarov had been tapped by Putin to build the massive infrastructure — conference halls, roadways and housing — for the 2012 Asian-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Vladivostok. He had completed the project in record time. That venture and others — the construction of soccer stadiums for the World Cup in Russia and the building of a superhighway around Moscow — had earned Agalarov Putin’s gratitude. Later in 2013, Putin would pin a medal on Agalarov’s lapel: “Order of Honor of the Russian Federation.”

When Shugart first mentioned to Trump the idea of partnering with a Russian billionaire tight with Putin to bring the Miss Universe contest to Moscow, the celebrity developer was intrigued. At last, here was an inside track to break into the Russian market. And Agalarov agreed to kick in a good chunk of the estimated $20 million pageant budget. Trump was all for it. A Putin-connected oligarch would be underwriting his endeavor.

But the deal had to include something for Emin. Trump’s Miss Universe company guaranteed that Emin would perform two musical numbers during the show. He would be showcased before a global television audience. He and Goldstone believed this could help him achieve his dream: cracking the American pop market.

Even before that, there would be a payoff for Emin. In May, Culpo showed up in Los Angeles for the one-day shoot. Emin was filmed strolling through a deserted nighttime town looking for his love — to the tune of his song “Amor” — and a sultry woman played by Culpo walked in and out of the beam of the flashlight he carried. A few weeks later, the video was done. Emin held a release party at a Moscow nightclub owned by his family. It was a lavish affair. Russian celebrities dropped by. Shugart and Culpo flew in to join the celebration.

*****


In June 2013, Trump arrived in Las Vegas to preside over the Miss USA contest, which was owned by the Miss Universe com­pany. Goldstone, Aras Agalarov and Emin were in town for the event. Emin posted a photo of himself outside Trump’s hotel off the Vegas strip wearing a Trump T-shirt and boasting a hat exclaim­ing “You’re Fired!” — the tagline from Trump’s hit television show, “The Apprentice.” Trump had yet to meet the Agalarovs. But when they finally got together in the lobby of his hotel, he pointed at Aras Agalarov and exclaimed, “Look who came to me! This is the richest man in Russia!” (Agalarov was not the richest man in Russia.)

On the evening of June 15, the two Russians and their British publicist were planning a big dinner at CUT, a restaurant located at the Palazzo hotel and casino. Much to their surprise, they received a call from Keith Schiller, Trump’s longtime security chief and confidant, informing them that his boss wanted to join their party. Sure, they said, please come.

At the dinner for about 20 people in a private room, Emin sat between Trump and Goldstone. Aras Agalarov was across from Trump. Michael Cohen, Trump’s personal attorney who acted as the businessman’s consigliere, was on the other side of Goldstone. Also at the table was an unusual associate for Trump: Ike Kaveladze, the U.S.-based vice president of Crocus International, an Agalarov company. In 2000, a Government Accountability Office report identified a business run by Kaveladze as responsible for opening more than 2,000 bank accounts at two U.S. banks on behalf of Russian-based brokers. The accounts were used to move more than $1.4 billion from individuals in Russia and Eastern Europe around the globe in an operation the report suggested was “for the purpose of laundering money.” His main client at the time was Crocus International. (Kaveladze claimed the GAO probe was “another Russian witch-hunt in the United States.”)

Trump was charming and solicitous of his new partners. He asked Aras what kind of jet he owned. A Gulfstream 550, Aras answered. But the Russian billionaire quickly noted that he had a Gulfstream 650 on order. “If that was me,” Trump replied, “I would have said I was one of only one hundred people in the world who have a Gulfstream 650 on order.” It was a small Trumpian lesson in self-promotion. And Trump, proud of himself, turned to Goldstone to emphasize his point: “There is nobody in the world who is a better self-promoter than Donald Trump.”

After the dinner, part of the group headed to an after-party at a raunchy nightclub in the Palazzo mall called the Act. Shortly after midnight, the entourage arrived at the club. The group included Trump, Emin, Goldstone, Culpo, and Nana Meriwether, the outgoing Miss USA. Trump and Culpo were photographed in the lobby by a local paparazzi. The club’s management had heard that Trump might be there that night and had arranged to have plenty of Diet Coke on hand for the teetotaling Trump. (The owners had also discussed whether they should prepare a special performance for the developer, perhaps a dominatrix who would tie him up on stage or a little-person transvestite Trump impersonator. They nixed that idea.)


The group was ushered to the owner’s box, where Emin had an unusual encounter. Alex Soros, the son of George Soros, the bil­lionaire philanthropist who funded opposition to Putin, was there as Meriwether’s date. Emin started chatting with Soros and invited him to visit him in Moscow. “You should know,” Soros replied, “I’m no fan of Mr. Putin.” And, he added, he was a big admirer of Mikhail Khodorkovsky — the oligarch turned Putin critic then serving time in a Siberian prison. Emin laughed it off.

The Act was no ordinary nightclub. Since March, it had been the target of undercover surveillance by the Nevada Gaming Con­trol Board and investigators for the club’s landlord — the Palazzo, which was owned by GOP megadonor Sheldon Adelson — after complaints about its performances. The club featured seminude women performing simulated sex acts of bestiality and grotesque sadomasochism — skits that a few months later would prompt a Nevada state judge to issue an injunction barring any more of its “lewd” and “offensive” performances. Among the club’s regular acts cited by the judge was one called “Hot for Teacher,” in which naked college girls simulate urinating on a professor. In another act, two women disrobe and then “one female stands over the other female and simulates urinating while the other female catches the urine in two wine glasses.” (The Act shut down after the judge’s ruling. There is no public record of which skits were performed the night Trump was present.)

As the Act’s scantily clad dancers gyrated in front of them late that night, Emin, Goldstone, Culpo and the rest toasted Trump’s birthday. (He had turned 67 the day before.) Trump remained focused on Emin and their future partnership. “When it comes to doing business in Russia, it’s very hard to find people in there you can trust,” he told the young pop singer, according to Goldstone. “We’re going to have a great relationship.”

The next night, toward the end of the Miss USA broadcast, Trump hit the stage to announce that the Miss Universe pageant would be held the coming November in Russia. In front of the audi­ence, the Agalarovs and Trump signed the contract for the event. Trump declared, “This will be one of the biggest and most beautiful Miss Universe events ever.” On the red carpet earlier that evening, Trump had hailed Emin and Aras Agalarov: “These are the most powerful people in all of Russia, the richest men in Russia.”

Two days later Trump expressed his desire on Twitter to become Putin’s “new best friend.” Emin quickly responded with his own tweet: “Mr. @realDonaldTrump anyone you meet becomes your best friend — so I’m sure Mr. Putin will not be an exception in Moscow.”

*****


The Moscow event held great potential for Trump to score in Russia. Now he was partnering with a Russian billionaire connected to other oligarchs and favored by Putin. (Trump already had a controversial venture under way in Baku, where he was developing a hotel with the son of the transportation minister of the corrupt regime. This project would soon founder.) “For Trump, this Miss Universe event was all about expanding the Trump Organization brand and getting his names on buildings,” a Miss Universe associate recalled.

And anyone who wanted to do big deals in Russia — especially an American — could only do so if Putin was keen on it. “We all knew that the event was approved by Putin,” a Miss Universe official later said. “You can’t pull off something like this in Russia unless Putin says it’s OK.” Trump would only be making money in Russia because Putin was permitting him to do so.

Immediately, the contest was beset by controversy. A few days before the announcement in Las Vegas, the Russian Duma had passed a law that made it illegal to expose children to information about homosexuality. The new antigay measure was the latest move by Putin to appeal to the conservative Orthodox Church and ultranationalist forces. It came amid a disturbing rise in antigay violence throughout Russia. In the southern city of Volgograd a few weeks earlier, a gay man’s naked body was found in a courtyard, his skull smashed, his genitals scarred by beer bottles. The atmosphere was “ugly and brutal,” a U.S. diplomat who then served in Moscow later said. “There would be these hooligans who would go after gay people in bars and beat them up. There was a pretty vicious cam­paign against the LGBT community.”

Human rights and gay rights advocates in Russia and around the world denounced the new law. Vodka boycotts were launched. There was a push to relocate the Winter Olympics, scheduled to be held the following year in Sochi, Russia. In the United States, the Human Rights Campaign called on Trump and the Miss Uni­verse Organization to move the event out of Russia, noting that under the new law a contestant could be prosecuted if she were to voice support for gay rights.

The uproar over the Russian antigay act confronted Trump with a dilemma — how to distance himself from the law without jeopardizing his big Russia play. The Miss Universe Organization issued a statement asserting that it “believes in equality for all indi­viduals.” That didn’t stop the protests. Bravo talk show host Andy Cohen and entertainment reporter Giuliana Rancic, who had pre­viously co-hosted the pageant, quit the show. Miss Universe officials scrambled and found replacements: Thomas Roberts, an openly gay MSNBC anchor, and former Spice Girl Mel B.


Roberts explained his decision in an op-ed on MSNBC.com: “Boycotting and vilifying from the outside is too easy. Rather, I choose to offer my support of the LGBT community in Russia by going to Moscow and hosting this event as a journalist, an anchor and a man who happens to be gay. Let people see I am no different than anyone else.”

This was a godsend for Trump. He granted Roberts an inter­view on MSNBC. “I think you’re going to do fantastically,” he told Roberts, “and I love the fact that you feel the same about the whole situation as me.” Inevitably, the conversation turned toward Putin and whether he would appear at the pageant. “I know for a fact that he wants very much to come,” Trump said, “but we’ll have to see. We haven’t heard yet, but we have invited him.”

Though U.S. relations with Moscow were at this point deterio­rating, Trump was touting Putin as a wily and strong leader. In September, Putin published an op-ed in the New York Times that opposed a possible U.S. military strike against the government of Bashar Assad in Syria (in retaliation for its use of chemical weapons) and that denounced President Barack Obama for referring to American exceptionalism. The next day, Trump on Fox News commended Putin’s move. “It really makes him look like a great leader,” he said.

The following month, Trump appeared on David Letterman’s late-night show. The host asked if Trump had ever done any deals with the Russians. “I’ve done a lot of business with the Russians,” Trump replied, adding, “They’re smart and they’re tough.” Letterman inquired if Trump had ever met Putin. “He’s a tough guy,” Trump said. “I met him once.” In fact, there was no record he ever had.

*****

Trump landed in Moscow on Nov. 8, having flown there with casino owner Phil Ruffin on Ruffin’s private jet. (Ruffin, a longtime Trump friend, was married to a former Miss Ukraine who had competed in the 2004 Miss Universe contest.) Trump headed to the Ritz-Carlton, where he was booked into the presidential suite that Obama had when he was in Moscow four years earlier.

There was a brief meeting with Miss Universe executives and the Agalarovs. Schiller would later tell congressional investigators that a Russian approached Trump’s party with an offer: He wanted to send five women to Trump’s hotel room that night. Was this traditional Russian courtesy — or an overture by Russian intelligence to collect kompromat (compromising material) on the prominent visitor? Schiller said he didn’t take the offer seriously and told the Russian, “We don’t do that type of stuff.”

Trump was soon whisked to a gala lunch at one of the two Moscow branches of Nobu, the famous sushi restaurant. (Nobu Matsuhisa, its founder, was one of the celebrity judges for the Miss Universe telecast. Agalarov was one of the co-owners of the restaurant; another co-investor was actor Robert De Niro.) An assortment of Russian businessmen was there, including Herman Gref, the chief executive of Sberbank, a Russian state-owned bank and one of the co-sponsors of the Miss Universe pageant.


Trump was treated with much reverence. He gave a brief wel­coming talk. “Ask me a question,” he told the crowd. The first query was about the European debt crisis and the impact that the financial woes of Greece would have on it. “Interesting,” Trump replied. “Have any of you ever seen ‘The Apprentice’?” Trump spoke at length about his hit television show, repeatedly noting what a tre­mendous success it was. He said not a word about Greece or debt. When he was done with his remarks, he thanked them all for com­ing and received a standing ovation. (Later, Aras Agalarov, remi­niscing about this lunch, would note, “If [Trump] does not know the subject, he will talk about a subject he knows.”)

Gref, a close Putin adviser, was pleased with his face time with Trump. “There was a good feeling from the meeting,” he later said. “He’s a sensible person … [with] a good attitude toward Russia.”

Trump next went to the theater in Crocus City Hall. It was the day before the show. This was Trump’s chance to review the con­testants and exercise an option he always retained under the rules of his pageants: to overrule the selection of judges and pick the con­testants he wanted among the finalists. In short, no woman was a finalist until Trump said so.

At each pageant, Miss Universe staffers would set up a special room for Trump backstage. It had to conform to his precise require­ments. He needed his favorite snacks: Nutter Butters and white Tic Tacs. And Diet Coke. There could be no distracting pictures on the wall. The room had to be immaculate. He required unscented soap and hand towels — rolled, not folded.

In this room would be videos of the finalists who had been selected days earlier in a preliminary competition and the other contestants, particularly footage of the women in gowns and swim­ suits. Here, a day or two before the final telecast, Trump would review the judges’ decisions.

Frequently, Trump would toss out finalists and replace them with others he preferred. “If there were too many of women of color, he would make changes,” a Miss Universe staffer later noted. Another Miss Universe staffer recalled, “He often thought a woman was too ethnic or too dark-skinned. He had a particular type of woman he thought was a winner. Others were too ethnic. He liked a type. There was Olivia Culpo, Dayanara Torres [the 1993 winner], and, no surprise, East European women.” On occasion, according to this staffer, Trump would reject a woman “who had snubbed his advances.”

Once in a while, Shugart would politely challenge Trump’s choices. Sometimes she would win the argument, sometimes not. “If he didn’t like a woman because she looked too ethnic, you could sometimes persuade him by telling him she was a princess and married to a football player,” a staffer later explained.

*****


That night, Aras Agalarov hosted a party at Crocus City Hall to celebrate his 58th birthday. Various VIPs were invited. Trump by now was exhausted. He spent much of the time sitting with Shugart and Schiller. At one point, Goldstone approached him with a request from Emin. The pop star was filming a new music video. Could Trump the next day shoot a scene that would be based on “The Apprentice”? Trump agreed, but it had to be early — between 7:45 and 8:10 in the morning. Sure, Goldstone said. Twenty-five minutes of Trump would have to do.

About 1:30 a.m., Trump left the party and headed to the Ritz-Carlton hotel a few blocks from the Kremlin. This would be his only night in Moscow. According to Schiller, on the way to the hotel, he told Trump about the earlier offer of women, and he and Trump laughed about it. In Schiller’s account, after Trump was in his room, he stood guard outside for a while and then left.

(But Schiller by other accounts was accustomed to being a go-between for Trump. In a 2011 interview with In Touch Weekly magazine that was not published until early 2018, Stormy Daniels, a porn star who claimed she had an 11-month-long affair with Trump, identified Schiller as the Trump aide who facilitated her secret liaisons with Trump. “That’s how I got in touch with him,” Daniels said. “I never had Donald’s cellphone number. I always used Keith’s. I went up to the room and he said, “Oh yeah, he’s waiting for you inside.’”)

The morning of Nov. 9, Trump showed up for Emin’s shoot. He was needed for the final scene. The video would open with a boardroom meeting with Emin and others reviewing Miss Universe contestants. Emin would doze off and dream of being with the various contestants. Enter Trump for the climax — Emin wakes up with Trump shouting at him: “What’s wrong with you, Emin? Emin, let’s get with it. You’re always late. You’re just another pretty face. I’m really tired of you. You’re fired!” Trump’s bit would only last 15 seconds. Yet soon Emin would release a video that he could promote as featuring the world-famous Trump.

The rest of the day was just as hectic: a press conference with 300 Russian reporters and more interviews, includ­ing one with Roberts in which Trump was pressed again about Putin.

Do you have a relationship with Putin and any sway with the Russian leader? Roberts asked him. Trump was unequivocal: “I do have a relationship.” He paused. “I can tell you that he’s very inter­ested in what we’re doing here today. He’s probably very interested in what you and I are saying today. And I’m sure he’s going to be seeing it in some form.”

Trump could barely contain his praise for Russia’s president: “Look, he’s done a very brilliant job in terms of what he represents and who he’s representing. If you look at what he’s done with Syria, if you look at so many of the different things, he has really eaten our president’s lunch. Let’s not kid ourselves. He’s done an amazing job. … He’s put himself at the forefront of the world as a leader in a short period of time.”


But Trump’s comments about a “relationship” with Putin were, at this point, wishful thinking. The word had spread through the Miss Universe staff that Trump fiercely craved Putin’s atten­dance at the pageant. In preparation for Putin’s possible appear­ance, Thomas Roberts and Mel B were taught several words in Russian to welcome the Russian president: “hello,” “thank you,” and so on. With her cockney accent, Mel B had trouble pronounc­ing the Russian words. She was told she had to get this right because Putin might come.

By late afternoon, Trump’s anxiety was palpable. There had been no word. He kept asking if anybody had heard from Putin. Then Agalarov’s phone rang. “Mr. Peskov would like to speak to Mr. Trump,” Agalarov said.

Trump and Peskov spoke for a few minutes. Afterward, Trump recounted the conversation to Goldstone. Peskov, he said, was apologetic. Putin very much wanted to meet Trump. But there was a problem nobody had anticipated: a Moscow traffic jam. King Willem-Alexander and Queen Maxima of the Netherlands were in town, and Putin was obligated to meet them at the Kremlin. But the royal couple had gotten stuck in traffic and was late, making it impossible for the Russian president to find time for Trump. Nor would he be able to attend the Miss Universe pageant that evening.

Putin wanted to make amends, though. Peskov conveyed an invitation for Trump to attend the upcoming Olympics, where perhaps he and Putin could then meet. He also told Trump that Putin would be sending a high-level emissary to the evening’s event — Vladimir Kozhin, a senior Putin aide. And, Peskov told Trump, Putin had a gift for him.

It was a crushing disappointment for Trump. But he quickly thought of how to spin it, suggesting to an associate that, after the telecast, they could spread the word that Putin had dropped by. “No one will know for sure if he came or not,” he said.

One reason Trump’s hoped-for meeting with the Russian president never materialized was his attention to another project. Trump was originally scheduled to spend two nights in Moscow — which would have yielded a wider window for a get-together with Putin. But Trump had decided to attend the celebration of evangelist Billy Graham’s 95th birthday on Nov. 7 at the Grove Park Inn in Asheville, N.C. In Russia, Trump told Goldstone that it had been necessary for him to show up at the Graham event: “There is something I’m planning down the road, and it’s really important.”

Goldstone knew exactly what Trump was talking about: a run for the White House. Franklin Graham, the evangelist’s son, was an influential figure among religious conservatives. When Trump two years earlier was championing birtherism — the baseless conspiracy theory that Barack Obama had been born in Kenya and was ineligible to be president — Graham joined the birther bandwagon, raising questions about the president’s birth certificate. Appearing at this event and currying favor with Franklin Graham was a mandatory stop for Trump, if he were serious about seeking the Republican presidential nomination. And it paid off: Trump and his wife, Melania, were seated at the VIP table, along with Rupert Murdoch and Sarah Palin. Franklin Graham later said that Trump was among those who “gave their hearts to Christ” that night.

*****


Before the Miss Universe broadcast, there was the obligatory red carpet event. Camera crews from around the world recorded the strutting celebrities. A triumphant-looking Trump posed with Aras and Emin Agalarov for the paparazzi. Trump dodged a question about whether Emin had been booked to perform based on merit.

“Russia has just been an amazing place,” Trump exclaimed. “You see what’s happening here. It’s incredible.” Behind him was a banner featuring the logos of the Trump Organization, Miss Uni­verse, Sberbank, Mercedes and NBC. The NBC peacock was in black and white, without its usual rainbow of colors. Officials at Agalarov’s company had ordered Miss Universe staffers to eschew the rainbow, fearing it would be seen as a gay pride message.

Thomas Roberts walked the red carpet with his husband. He wore a bright-pink tuxedo jacket — something he would never do back home in New York. He was sending his own message. In inter­views, he explicitly denounced Putin’s antigay laws.

Other celebs and local notables strolled past the entertain­ment reporters. The group included Kozhin and a curious guest: Alimzhan Tokhtakhounov, aka “the Little Taiwanese,” one of Russia’s most prominent suspected mobsters and a fugitive from U.S. justice. Tokhtakhounov had an odd link to Trump’s signa­ture property: Seven months earlier he had been indicted in the United States for protecting a high-stakes illegal gambling opera­tion run out of Trump Tower. Additional Trump guests included Chuck LaBella, an NBC executive who worked on Trump’s “Celeb­rity Apprentice,” and Bob Van Ronkel, an American expatriate who ran a business specializing in bringing Hollywood celebrities to Russian events. (Van Ronkel once had tried to produce an Ameri­can television show extolling the KGB and its heroic exploits.)

The show went off well. Trump sat in the front row next to Agalarov. Emin performed two of his Euro-pop numbers. Aero­smith’s Steven Tyler, one of the judges, pumped out his classic hit “Dream On.” For the finale, Culpo crowned Miss Venezuela the new Miss Universe. There was no mention during the broadcast of the controversy over the antigay law.

After the event, there was a rowdy after-party with lots of vodka and loud music. A 26-year-old aspiring actress, Edita Shaumyan, made her way into the VIP section, entering the roped-off area at the same time as a famous Russian rap singer named Timati. Shaumyan caught Trump’s eye. He approached her, gestured to Timati, and asked, “Wait, is this your boyfriend? You’re not free?” She said no, she wasn’t there with Timati. “You’re beautiful,” Trump told her. “Wow, your eyes, your eyes.” According to Shaumyan, “He said, ‘Let’s go to America. Come with me to America.’ And I said, ‘No, no, no. I’m an Armenian. We’re very strict. You need to meet my mother first.’” When other women approached trying to get photographs with Trump, he took hold of Shaumyan’s arm and said, “Don’t go. Stay. Stay.” Shaumyan took selfies with him. (She later produced five photos and a video of her with Trump that night.) But nothing further happened. Trump later had somebody give Shaumyan his business card with his phone number on it. She never called.

From the party, Trump headed to the airport. He was going straight home on another Ruffin jet. The next day, he called Roberts. He told him he was pleased with the show and that it had been a smash, with great ratings. That was not accurate — at least not in the United States. The telecast drew 3.8 million American viewers, much less than the 6.1 million who had watched it the previous year.

*****


In the following days, various media outlets in Russia and the United States reported that Trump had used his visit to Moscow to launch a major project in the Russian capital. “U.S. ‘Miss Universe’ Billionaire Plans Russian Trump Tower,” declared the headline on RT, the Russian government-owned TV channel and website. The Moscow Times proclaimed, “Donald Trump Planning Skyscraper in Moscow.” Trump’s partners in the Trump SoHo project he had developed in New York City, Alex Sapir and Rotem Rosen, had come to Moscow for the event and met with Agalarov and Trump to discuss the possibilities.

It seemed things were moving fast. The state-owned Sberbank announced it had struck a “strategic cooperation agreement” with the Crocus Group to finance about 70 percent of a project that would include a tower bearing the Trump name. If the deal went ahead, Trump would officially be doing business in Moscow with the Russian government.

“The Russian market is attracted to me,” Trump told Real Estate Weekly. “I have a great relationship with many Russians.” He added, with his customary exaggeration, that “almost all of the oligarchs” had been at the Miss Universe event.

Back in the United States, Trump tweeted out the good news: “I just got back from Russia—learned lots & lots. Moscow is a very interesting and amazing place!” The next day he tweeted at Aras Agalarov, “I had a great weekend with you and your family. You have done a FANTASTIC job. TRUMP TOWER-MOSCOW is next. EMIN was WOW!”

The project moved further along than is publicly known. A letter of intent to build the new Trump Tower was signed by the Trump Organization and Agalarov’s company. Donald Trump Jr. was placed in charge of the project.

Trump was finally on his way in Russia. And shortly after the Miss Universe event, Agalarov’s daughter showed up at the Miss Universe office in New York City bearing a gift for Trump from Putin. It was a black lacquered box. Inside was a sealed letter from the Russian autocrat. What the letter said has never been revealed.

*****

In February 2014, Ivanka Trump flew to Moscow to scout potential sites for the Trump Tower project with Emin Agalarov. “We thought that building a Trump Tower next to an Agalarov tower — having the two big names — could be a really cool project to execute,” Emin later said.


But international events would quickly intervene. Weeks after Ivanka’s visit, the Obama administration and the European Union imposed tough sanctions on Russia in response to Putin’s annexation of Crimea and his military intervention in Ukraine. It would be a kick to Russia’s already faltering economy, struggling because of the plummeting price of oil. And one round of sanctions imposed by the EU targeted Russian banks in which the Russian government held a majority interest — that included Sberbank, which had agreed to finance the Trump deal. Its access to capital was now hindered.

In this environment, the plans for the Trump Tower in Moscow crumbled. According to the Trump Organization, Ivanka Trump, after touring Moscow with Emin, killed the deal for business reasons. But Rob Goldstone suspected that the demise of Trump’s project with the Agalarovs influenced Trump’s view of sanctions: “They had interrupted a business deal that Trump was keenly interested in.”

That deal was dead. But Trump’s involvement with Russia and Putin was not done. He still had a close bond with an influential oligarch, Aras Agalarov, who was wired to the Kremlin. And he stayed in touch with his Miss Universe pals, Emin and Goldstone. In January 2015, nearly a year after Putin’s invasion in Ukraine, Trump had Emin and Goldstone as guests to his office in Trump Tower — a meeting that was never publicly revealed during the investigations that followed the 2016 election. As Goldstone recalled it, they found Trump listening to the blaring sounds of a “hideous” rap video about Trump. The lyrics were ridiculing Trump, and Goldstone asked, “Have you listened to the words?” Trump replied, “Who cares about the words? It has 90 million hits on YouTube.” While they chatted, Trump was encouraging to Emin, who had performed at the Miss Universe contest in 2013: “Maybe next time, you’ll be performing at the White House.”

Seventeen months later, in June 2016, Goldstone would return to Trump Tower — this time escorting a Russian-led delegation dispatched by the Agalarovs, offering potentially derogatory information on Hillary Clinton, courtesy of the Kremlin, to the top officials of Trump’s presidential campaign.
https://www.yahoo.com/news/miss-univers ... soc_trk=tw




Seth Abramson

Seth Abramson Retweeted Seth Abramson
Tonight seems like the night to re-up this thread on Erik Prince from... three months ago.Seth Abramson added,


(THREAD) Erik Prince—Trump advisor; ex-head of a murderous mercenary army; would-be head of Trump's private spy agency; would-be head of a privatized U.S. army—is a dangerous liar. He just testified under oath. This is a live reading of the transcript. Hope you'll read and share.
Show this thread
Seth Abramson

(THREAD) Erik Prince—Trump advisor; ex-head of a murderous mercenary army; would-be head of Trump's private spy agency; would-be head of a privatized U.S. army—is a dangerous liar. He just testified under oath. This is a live reading of the transcript. Hope you'll read and share.

1/ Not only did Prince appear without counsel—though he could be charged with a crime for any lie he told—he told the House Intel Committee he had no plans to *hire* an attorney. In the situation he's in—and given who he is—that statement is actually chilling. I'll tell you why.

2/ It suggests he may expect a pardon for any misconduct; or is so confident the GOP won't make him answer any questions he doesn't want to that he sees no risk of self-incrimination; or that he's that confident in his skills as a liar; or thinks his misdeeds can't be uncovered.

3/ What's important to understand is that for a man this rich—and he's very, very rich—and a man with so much nefarious conduct in his past—and he's very, very dangerous—to show up before Congress to testify under oath *without legal counsel* is a *statement*.

A middle finger.

4/ The very first thing Erik Prince does is call the ranking Democrat on the House Intel Committee, Adam Schiff, a liar.

Schiff says documents were requested from Prince—and they *were*—and Prince starts out by saying, "I don't recall receiving any letter asking for documents."

5/ He then tells Schiff to pound sand, telling him he's free to ask Senate Intel for the docs he sent them—"I'd imagine it's pretty much the same thing you're looking for." You don't talk to Congress like this—it's another middle finger. Prince doesn't decide what Congress wants.

6/ Rep. Rooney is the first questioner.

I did many trial examinations as a lawyer—so I know when a questioner is trying to help a witness. The first thing you do is lead the witness—give them the answer you want in the question you ask.

Rooney leads Prince on *every* question.


7/ Prince's first answer to Congressional inquiry is a lie. He literally begins his testimony by committing a crime.

"I played no official or, really, unofficial role" in the Donald Trump for President campaign, he says.

This is a lie—and all the available evidence confirms it.

8/ What's striking is even Prince's own testimony confirms he's lying. He says "sure" when Rooney leads him—rather pathetically—by "asking," "Are you saying that you were basically just a supporter of his?" That's a leading question—it tells the witness what you want them to say.

9/ Let's say you're "just a supporter" of Politician X. Do you:

(a) Give them money?
(b) Attend multiple private events with the candidate?
(c) Write ADVISORY POLICY PAPERS and give them DIRECTLY to the CEO OF THE POLITICIAN'S CAMPAIGN?

Well—

(a) Sure.
(b) Likely not.
(c) No.

10/ Prince was a key advisor to the Trump campaign and he knows it. He "normally" sent his advisory opinions to Bannon—the campaign CEO—which means he sometimes sent them to others—so he had multiple contacts on the campaign willing to directly receive advisory opinions from him.

11/ And note, too, that him giving money—a lot of it—to Trump would have obviated the need for him to *also* attend *multiple* private events with the candidate. Prince wasn't wooed at fundraisers—he gave Trump a *ton* of money and *then* went to private events to speak with him.

12/ Most answers Prince gives include what we call "weasel words" in trial advocacy. These are words you use if you don't want to commit to the truth of something. Prince says Bannon was the only Trump aide he knew "pretty well." So that *means* he knew others; Rooney lets it go.

13/ Prince says he gave the Trump campaign CEO repeated advisory opinions "on his own"—meaning, they weren't asked for. But of course he had reason to know they were being read closely because he knows Bannon "pretty well." The invitation to keep advising was *at least* implicit.

14/ Prince admits to meeting personally with Trump during the campaign—note that he also hung with him at Trump's election-night party—but you have to wade through his bullshit to understand it. "I met him once at a fundraiser photo-op prior to the election. That's all," he says.

15/ This too is a lie, though it's easy to miss. To say you "met someone once at a photo-op" is to say you were with them for the amount of time it takes to get a photo.

*No one in Congress* thinks Prince gave Trump that much money—and advice—and got to meet him for *seconds*.

16/ Asked about his January 2017 Seychelles meeting—the key part of his testimony, and a point of controversy, so therefore the most dangerous for Prince in terms of self-incrimination or revealing information he wants to hide—Prince does what guilty people do: reads off a paper.

17/ This helps explain the lack of a lawyer: Prince had a lawyer go through his written statement carefully so that he wouldn't deviate from it and incriminate himself. Prince then cuts his attorney loose so he can flaunt (excuse me saying it) his asshole bravado before Congress.

18/ Prince's story—and it *is* a *story*, nothing more—about his meeting in the Seychelles in January 2017 is so absurdly false that I'm just going to paste it in below so we can all bask in the veritable mountains of BS of which it is composed. This is *really* something, folks.

19/ Some context—weeks earlier, a prince from the UAE secretly entered the U.S. to talk to Flynn about bringing nuclear power to the Middle East by dropping all sanctions on Russia and having Russia build the reactors. The cooperation would be called an "anti-terror" partnership.

20/ So when Prince says, euphemistically, "potential customers for my logistics business," understand that that phrasing is *intentionally* meaningless. The business he was there to discuss had to do with energy issues in the Middle East. But he has *no* intention of saying that.

21/ Then—"weasel words". The UAE folks "mentioned" (just "mentioned"!) a "guy" (just some "guy"!) who runs "some sort" of hedge fund (what kind? who knows!). Did they have a serious talk? No! Just a quick "meet."

After all, Dmitriev was *only* there to meet with *other* people.

22/ They met in the hotel bar—just two guys getting a drink!—and "chatted"—nothing serious!—on "ranging" topics—the conversation meandered randomly!—and the *one* sentence Prince remembers from the "chat" is a piece of self-aggrandizing asshole bravado about Trump being like FDR.

23/ The meeting was a "maximum of 30 minutes" (could've been way less, who knows!) and "that's all there is to say" (what more could anyone want, after all?).

This sort of BS drives prosecutors—both state and federal—up a wall. Flagrantly false to the point of grave disrespect.

24/ Prince says the *only* thing he knew about Dmitriev was that he was a "Russian fund manager"—in other words, what the men from the UAE told him. What he wants us to think is he asked *no questions* and did *no research* on Dmitriev when he was "advised" to meet with him.

No.

25/ Erik Prince is an international operator—he's run an international mercenary army, wants to build a private international spy agency, and wants to privatize the U.S. military under (presumably) his command.

He *doesn't meet strange Russian men before getting intel on them*.

26/ But it gets worse. Now he's pretending that the Emiratis *didn't know if he had any business in the commodities space*. Oh, so they met with *him* without knowing anything about *him*, either!

Yeah, that's not how this works—that's not how any of this works. These are lies.

27/ Suddenly, one of Putin's closest pals—an unbelievably rich and powerful Russian oligarch—is just "an interesting guy from Russia."

And—Prince underscores—the Emiratis only *maybe* thought he should meet him.

And hey—just for a quick drink!

No one thinks this is the truth.

28/ Prince then says, when Rooney asks, that "Russian cyber-activity and active measures" is "not my area of expertise."

Wow—a lot to say.

First, this man wants to start a secret, private, international spy agency controlled by Trump and spy stuff isn't his "area of expertise"?

29/ Here's the original (and quite recent) article on how, in fact, spy stuff *is* Prince's "area of expertise" and *exactly* where he sees his future going.

This story has since been picked up everywhere.

30/ Secondly, Prince knows *a lot* about Russian "active measures" because he appears to have *used* them before the election. Here he is—96 hours before election day—trying to poison American voters with Russian disinformation that's literally 100% false.


2/ And if Prince was working hand-in-glove with Trump in January, he was also doing so when he went on Bannon's Breitbart days before the election to spread (with Giuliani) a hoax about Clinton that originated within NYPD and the FBI and *forced Comey to reopen the Clinton case*.

3/ Yesterday—before tonight's breaking news in The Washington Post—I tweeted out a "road map" of the Mueller investigation, which placed Prince at the same high-value target level as Trump himself.

Tonight's events and news seem to suggest that was an appropriate determination.

4/ Remember: Trump rewarded Prince for his pre-election service by making Prince's sister (DeVos) the most unqualified Secretary of Education in modern U.S. history. Remember: days after the Seychelles meeting, Trump planned to implement a unilateral dropping of Russia sanctions.

5/ My theory of the case for a year—tested on this feed daily—has been Trump agreed to unilaterally drop sanctions on Russia in '13, and by keeping this Putin-windfall policy *after* he formally learned of Russian crimes in August '16 he became guilty of aiding and abetting them.

6/ Every time we catch a Trump aide lying (usually under oath or penalty of criminal penalty) about a Russia meeting, we learn they were discussing sanctions—that's true for both pre-August 2016 *and* post-August 2016 meetings. Don Jr., Kushner, Sessions, Prince—a clear pattern.

7/ To clarify: Trump admitted to discussing U.S.-Russia relations with Putin in November 2013; it was then Trump adopted a pro-Russia policy for his planned run. The Ukraine issue arose several months later, while he was regularly spending time with Kremlin agents the Agalarovs.

8/ I of course didn't mean Trump had a sanctions policy before sanctions existed. I meant he agreed in late 2013 to a Russia policy with which sanctions were 100% incongruous, and did so as part of a course of contact with Putin agents (the Agalarovs) that began in November 2013.

9/ A policy not just normalizing relations with Russia but giving Russia preferential treatment via special access to the POTUS is an implicit agreement not to level sanctions against Russia for aggressive acts within its "sphere" both before they occur and after. Putin got this.

10/ Those who read this feed regularly know I've never alleged sanctions came up in Moscow in November 2013, as that would've been a *temporal impossibility*. The invasion of Crimea happened after that. But Trump's reaction was foreseeable/knowable to Putin before the invasion.

PS/ Thank god for smart readers! Two people wrote me to point out the Magnitsky Act sanctions were leveled in 2012, and are as or more important to Putin then any other sanctions he wants removed, so in November 2013 they may well have been a topic in Trump's talks with Russians.
https://twitter.com/SethAbramson/status ... 5757805568



The dealmaker: Mueller witness helped broker $4.2 billion Iraq-Russia arms deal

Laura Rozen March 8, 2018
A Lebanese-American businessman reported to be cooperating with Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s Russia probe helped broker a controversial 2012 Iraq-Russian arms deal valued at $4.2 billion, Iraqi sources tell Al-Monitor.

The Russia arms deal

George Nader, 58, traveled to Moscow in 2012, telling Russian interlocutors that he represented Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and the deal should be negotiated through him, according to two Iraqi sources. Nader’s role in the deal was controversial to Iraqi officials because Iraq’s minister of defense was in Russia to conduct the negotiations, and they were unaware that Maliki was working with Nader to bypass official channels.

One of the Iraqi sources, a former Iraqi official who spoke to Al-Monitor on condition that he not be named, personally witnessed Nader’s interactions with Maliki in their Moscow hotel when he accompanied Maliki to Moscow in October 2012 to sign the arms deal with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Nader’s career as a deal broker in Iraq ran from the mid-2000s until Maliki left office in 2014, the Iraqi sources said. Then, Nader became an adviser to the powerful Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan (MBZ). It is in that capacity that Nader’s meetings with members of the incoming Donald Trump administration in 2016-2017 — including Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner; former national security adviser Michael Flynn; and former chief strategist Steve Bannon — brought Nader to Mueller’s attention.

The New York Times reported Tuesday that Nader was arrested and questioned by the FBI when he landed at Washington Dulles International Airport on Jan. 17, 2018, en route to celebrate Trump’s first year in office at Mar-a-Lago. He was questioned by Mueller’s grand jury March 2 and is reported to now be cooperating with Mueller’s probe. One line of inquiry Mueller is reported to be questioning Nader about is whether the United Arab Emirates (UAE) might have funneled money to members of the incoming Trump administration in an effort to curry influence with them, including in their dispute with Qatar.

From journalist to deal-maker

Nader’s recent career as a Middle East deal broker is both an outgrowth and departure from his past. As an editor of “Middle East Insight” magazine in Washington in the 1980s and 1990s, Nader interviewed then-President Bill Clinton and Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

During this time, Nader also served as a frequent go-between in informal Syrian-Israeli talks encouraged by the Clinton administration before abruptly disappearing from the Washington scene around 2000.

“He was a reliable go-between, a facilitator,” Martin Indyk, who knew Nader when he served as Clinton’s assistant secretary of state for Near East affairs and ambassador to Israel in the 1990s, told Al-Monitor. “He was not a con man.”

Nader was connected to the Hafez al-Assad regime through then-Syrian Foreign Minister Farouk al-Sharaa and then-Syrian Ambassador to the US and current Foreign Minister Walid Moallem, Indyk said. “He was going to Israel from time to time. He set up an interview of [Syrian Foreign Minister al-Sharaa] with Israeli journalist Ehud Yaari as a confidence-building measure. George is the one that made that happen. … Then he hooked up with [Ron] Lauder. He traveled with Lauder 16 times to Damascus in 1998” in efforts to advance an Israeli-Syrian peace agreement.

“And then when the Clinton administration was gone, George was gone,” Indyk, now executive vice president of the Brookings Institution, said.

“Last time I heard from [Nader] was after the US invasion of Iraq,” journalist Hisham Melham told Al-Monitor. “He called me from Kurdistan. But why would MBZ need him when he has [UAE Ambassador] Yousef Al Otaiba?”

From dabbling in Syria-Israel peace talks to Iraq post-war dealmaker

Nader appeared in Iraq in the mid-2000s, looking to translate his Rolodex of connections from his “Middle East Insight” days into work advising various Iraqi political clients, including some of Iraq’s new Shiite political leaders, as well as Kurdish officials.

According to Iraqi sources, Nader helped arrange meetings for the 2005 visit to Washington of leading members of an Iraqi Shiite political party with close ties to Iran, the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI). In 2010, Nader similarly arranged meetings for then Iraqi Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani with high-level UAE officials, including Abu Dhabi crown prince Mohammed bin Zayed, a second Iraqi source, now living in exile, told Al-Monitor. But Nader failed to win over the KRG leader, the second Iraqi source said.

“Nader got Nechirvan Barzani meetings with MBZ and [Lebanese Prime Minister] Saad Hariri,” the second Iraqi source, now living in exile, said, adding that he advised Iraqi Kurdish interlocutors at the time to be wary of Nader.

Nader had a “knack for claiming that he had unique access to ‘mysterious’ persons,” the second Iraqi source said. “This way he would be able to latch on from one new confidant to another.”

By 2012, Nader had forged close ties with the Iraqi prime minister and Maliki’s son and deputy chief of staff, Ahmed Maliki, Iraqi sources said. Nader had worked with the younger Maliki on power generation projects, the former Iraqi official said. The relationship that Nader forged with Maliki’s son apparently brought him into the father’s inner circle when the huge Russian arms deal was being negotiated.

In August 2012, Iraq’s Minister of Defense Saadoun al-Dulaimi spent 24 days in Moscow to finalize negotiations for the $4.2 billion Russian arms deal. But during the negotiations, the former Iraqi official told Al-Monitor that he received a message from former Russian Energy Minister Yuri Shafranik warning him that there were other people in Moscow claiming that they, and not the defense minister, represent Maliki, and that the deal should go through them.

Eventually, on Oct. 3, 2012, Shafranik came to Baghdad to try to clarify the situation with Maliki, the former Iraqi official said. He even offered Maliki a direct communication line with Russian President Vladimir Putin to avoid confusion and leaks.

“The third of October Yuri [Shafranik] came to Baghdad, met the prime minster and told him clearly that ‘Mr. Putin is suggesting direct relations between you and him to avoid any leakage and … cut any unhealthy things,’” the former Iraqi official said. “The prime minister welcomed that.”

Maliki assured the officials that he welcomed the suggestion to streamline their contacts and signalled that the confusion over who represented Baghdad in the arms deal would be resolved.

So the former Iraqi official was astonished when he accompanied Maliki to Moscow in October 2012 to sign the Russian arms deal to see George Nader enter their hotel and take the elevator to Maliki’s suite.

“We were in a Radisson hotel in Moscow,” the former Iraqi official told Al-Monitor. “And all of a sudden, George Nader came, walking very fast, entered the elevator, went up, and, I saw from the screen over the elevator, went to the level where the prime minister was staying.

“When the minister of defense came down to the ground floor, I asked, did you notice George Nader? And he said yes, he saw him entering the prime minister’s suite,” the former Iraqi official said. “By that time, I realized, the issue is in-house. The corrupted party, which went to Moscow to represent Maliki, they are not … strange people. They are in the circle with Maliki.”

The former Iraqi official went on, “Also, while we were there, we discovered new facts. I myself did not know that those people who traveled to Moscow at the end of August, that they are connected to Maliki and his son. But George Nader I knew very well. I was shocked. Then it immediately came to me, Nader’s relations with the son of Maliki.”

Over the course of the trip to Moscow, “we came to know that one of the three people who had been in Moscow presenting themselves as [Maliki’s] representative was George Nader,” the former Iraqi official said.

A call Wednesday by Al-Monitor to an attorney who represented Nader in an earlier case was not returned. A spokesman for the Iraqi Embassy said it did not have information on the matter.

The Iraqi-Russian arms deal was controversial in Iraq and long suspected to have involved corruption. In November 2012, just a month after it was signed, Iraq’s then-acting Defense Minister al-Dulaimi announced that the deal was canceled, “citing possible corruption in the contract,” Reuters reported.

But Maliki’s then-media adviser Ali al-Moussawi said the deals would be renegotiated and any suspension of the contract was “a precautionary measure because of suspected corruption,” Reuters cited him as saying.

From Iraq to UAE

After the end of Maliki’s run as Iraq's prime minister in 2014, Nader made his way to become an adviser the Abu Dhabi crown prince. Until Trump’s election, however, he had maintained such a low profile that even several Washington consultants who have advised the Emirates said they were entirely unaware of his role.

It may now be left to Mueller to help deepen understanding of Nader’s mysterious activities and what role they may have played in influencing the Trump administration’s policies toward the Middle East.
https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/pu ... 93824b8fec
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Re: NSA Chief Russia Hacked '16 Election Congress Must Inves

Postby stillrobertpaulsen » Thu Mar 08, 2018 5:35 pm

peartreed » Wed Mar 07, 2018 6:48 pm wrote:We can get by without a moderator if we maintain a modicum of maturity.


That is true, in theory. 82_28 and I are here for when that modicum of maturity breaks down in practice.

As far as execution of the task, I think I speak for both of us that we just ask for patience from everyone here. We're on a pretty steep learning curve, but we hope it all works out as a positive change!
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Re: NSA Chief Russia Hacked '16 Election Congress Must Inves

Postby seemslikeadream » Thu Mar 08, 2018 9:24 pm

I guess we can imagine how Mueller got Nader to flip :)


An Operative With Trump Ties Was Once Indicted on an Obscenity Charge
George Nader was accused of importing photographs of nude boys “engaged in a variety of sexual acts.” The 1985 charges were dismissed after key evidence was thrown out.

NATASHA BERTRAND 7:43 PM ET POLITICS

A political operative who frequented the White House in the early days of President Trump’s administration, George Nader, was indicted in 1985 on charges of importing to the United States obscene material, including photos of nude boys “engaged in a variety of sexual acts,” according to publicly available court records. Nader pleaded not guilty, and the charges against him were ultimately dismissed several months after evidence seized from Nader’s home was thrown out on procedural grounds.

Nevertheless, the indictment raises questions about what the White House knew, if anything, about Nader’s past while senior officials were meeting with him. The Trump administration is already under fire for failures to vet members of the president’s inner circle. The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Nader’s name has surfaced in recent days with reports that he is a cooperating witness in Robert Mueller’s investigation.

The Secret Service runs a check on every White House visitor, said Mark Zaid, an attorney who specializes in national-security law. “It's just due diligence on the part of the White House to do a simple search,” he said. That includes a check of criminal databases. “I’d be very surprised if they didn’t know,” Zaid said.

“This appears to be a federal criminal record and the charge was a felony charge,” said Laura Terrell, a lawyer who works with clients in the national-security community and advises on background investigations. The decision on whether to grant a person entry is ultimately up to White House lawyers or the chief of staff, Terrell said. “That said, this charge was in 1985, and given that date—when many records were not electronic—there is also the possibility [officials] didn't have the information,” she noted. Neither the White House nor the Secret Service immediately returned a request for comment.



Reports that Nader is now involved in the special counsel’s investigation add a new dimension to the Russia scandal that continues to plague the presidency. The New York Times reported earlier this week that Nader—a 58-year-old businessman and close adviser to the effective ruler of the United Arab Emirates, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan—is now a cooperating witness in Mueller’s inquiry.

Nader often visited the White House in the months after Trump was inaugurated, Axios reported earlier this year. On January 17, he was en route to Trump’s Palm Beach estate, Mar-a-Lago, to celebrate the anniversary of the inauguration when he was served a grand-jury subpoena at Dulles Airport outside of Washington, D.C.

Nader, an influential yet under-the-radar operative who edited a foreign-policy magazine in the 1990s, had “remarkable access to key political and business leaders throughout” the Middle East, former West Virginia Representative Nick Rahall said in 1996, according to a Congressional Record transcript of his remarks. In May 1987, for example, Nader described a meeting he had attended with Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Khomeini, along with “leaders of the Afghan mujahedin, some senior officials of the Lebanese Shiite militia Hezbollah, and some Islamic fundamentalists from Egypt.”

Nader seemed to consider himself a mediator. In May 2001, for example, Nader and his deputy at Middle East Insight, Jonathan Kessler, “practiced a little private diplomacy” by inviting Arab American businessmen to meet with the then-prime minister of Israel, Shimon Peres, at the home of former Bill Clinton adviser Mark Penn. Penn described the gathering as “prospecting for peace on the Potomac.” Republican Representative Darrell Issa, a Lebanese American, was among the guests. The magazine ceased publication in 2002.


The White House has come under scrutiny in recent weeks over interim-security clearances granted to high-level administration officials despite entanglements or allegations that could make them vulnerable to blackmail. Rob Porter, the former White House staff secretary, was recently accused by two ex-wives of domestic abuse. Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law and senior adviser, had his interim clearance revoked late last month.

The charges filed against Nader in 1985 have not been publicly reported. But they were also not a secret. One source, who requested anonymity for fear of retribution, described wanting to warn a former boss, a top Arab official, to “keep his kids away from Nader,” who would pay occasional visits to the official’s D.C. residence earlier this decade. “I was told about the charges by a friend of his,” this person said. “But I never obtained the docket so I couldn’t prove it. It wasn’t a well-kept secret, though.”

There’s little known about Nader’s recent visits to the White House. The Times reported that Nader has been questioned about his meetings there with Kushner and Stephen Bannon, a former Trump adviser. Bannon did not immediately reply to a request for comment. A lawyer representing Nader declined to speak on the record.

Nader’s reported ties to Kushner raise additional questions related to the Mueller probe. Kushner’s communications with the Emiratis are now under scrutiny as part of a broader investigation into whether any policies Kushner promoted were influenced by his business interests. Mueller’s investigators are now examining whether the United Arab Emirates funneled money into Trump’s campaign in return for political influence—an inquiry that could make Nader, who one person with knowledge of their relationship described as the crown prince’s “messenger,” a valuable witness.

According to federal court documents, the charges brought against Nader in 1985 stemmed from a package delivered to his company, International Insight. The package, which was opened by a U.S. Customs inspector on suspicion that it had been imported illegally, contained two pictures and two magazines that depicted nude boys, according to the court ruling. It also included a film, four magazines, and an advertisement, materials that “depicted nude boys engaged in a variety of sexual acts.” The Customs inspectors soon obtained a search warrant for Nader’s home to seize both the materials in the package as well as any “other photographs, magazines, writings and documents which are evidence of violations of” two federal obscenity laws.

The government argued that the search was justified because Nader, “a suspected pedophile, was likely to seek to contact children.” But, 18 months later, the court ruled that the latter part of the warrant was impermissibly general, and threw out additional evidence that had been seized from his home. The evidence that was discarded included material that was described in the court ruling as obscene.

A docket for the case shows that the charges against Nader were ultimately dismissed on the eve of his trial. The lead prosecutor on the case declined to comment.
https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/ar ... urce=atltw
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
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Re: NSA Chief Russia Hacked '16 Election Congress Must Inves

Postby 82_28 » Thu Mar 08, 2018 9:26 pm

stillrobertpaulsen » Thu Mar 08, 2018 1:35 pm wrote:
peartreed » Wed Mar 07, 2018 6:48 pm wrote:We can get by without a moderator if we maintain a modicum of maturity.


That is true, in theory. 82_28 and I are here for when that modicum of maturity breaks down in practice.

As far as execution of the task, I think I speak for both of us that we just ask for patience from everyone here. We're on a pretty steep learning curve, but we hope it all works out as a positive change!


Yah sure, SRP!

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Re: NSA Chief Russia Hacked '16 Election Congress Must Inves

Postby norton ash » Thu Mar 08, 2018 9:50 pm

Mr. Paulsen, Mr. Eight, Mr. Rex said we were supposed to have Rigorous Intuition outside today.
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Re: NSA Chief Russia Hacked '16 Election Congress Must Inves

Postby seemslikeadream » Fri Mar 09, 2018 7:44 am

Know Your Players (or StormyGraphic)
By Josh Marshall | March 9, 2018 12:06 am
Since the complexity is great I created this infographic to assist you in following the Stormy Daniels story. To see the full size version, either click the headline of this post or the image itself.


Image
https://talkingpointsmemo.com/edblog



emptywheel
Surely you're not suggesting the Trump campaign laundered money through the Trump Org to avoid campaign finance laws?

That would amount to Conspiracy to Defraud the US, wouldn't it?


Simpson
Something I'd love to see a reporter ask Trump Org about:
1) Cohen formed EC LLC on Oct 17 2016
2) The contract provided for EC LLC to pay Stormy $130K by Oct 27 2016
3) Between Oct 17 & Oct 25, the Trump campaign made payments to Trump Org properties that add up to $129,999.72.

Image

Update: On Oct. 26th – 1 day after the Trump campaign completed a series of disbursements to Trump Org hotels that totaled $130K – the bank emailed Cohen at his http://trumporg.com account to confirm the $130K for Stormy's settlement had been deposited.
Image


Helluva coincidence.
https://twitter.com/TheViewFromLL2/stat ... 0535653376


Michael Cohen used Trump company email in Stormy Daniels arrangements

by Sarah Fitzpatrick and Tracy ConnorMar 9 2018, 12:10 pm ET
President Donald Trump's personal attorney used his Trump Organization email while arranging to transfer money into an account at a Manhattan bank before he wired $130,000 to adult film star Stormy Daniels to buy her silence.

The lawyer, Michael Cohen, also regularly used the same email account during 2016 negotiations with the actress — whose legal name is Stephanie Clifford — before she signed a nondisclosure agreement, a source familiar with the discussions told NBC News.

And Clifford's attorney at the time addressed correspondence to Cohen in his capacity at the Trump Organization and as "Special Counsel to Donald J. Trump," the source said.

Cohen has tried to put distance between the president and the payout, which has been the subject of campaign finance complaints.

In a statement last month, Cohen said he used his "personal funds to facilitate a payment" to Clifford, who says she had an intimate relationship with Trump a decade ago.

"Neither the Trump Organization nor the Trump campaign was a party to the transaction with Ms. Clifford, and neither reimbursed me for the payment, either directly or indirectly," Cohen said in that statement.

But an email uncovered in the last 24 hours and provided to NBC News by Clifford's current attorney, Michael Avenatti, shows First Republic Bank and Cohen communicated about the money using his Trump company email address, not his personal gmail account.

"I think this document seriously calls into question the prior representation of Mr. Cohen and the White House relating to the source of the monies paid to Ms. Clifford in an effort to silence her," said Avenatti, who is representing Clifford in a lawsuit against Trump.

"We smell smoke."

The email, dated Oct. 26, 2016, was sent to Cohen by an assistant to First Republic Bank senior managing director Gary Farro. The email appears to have been a reply to Cohen; the subject was "RE: First Republic Bank Transfer" and the message confirmed that "the funds have been deposited into your checking account."

The email did not provide any more details about the accounts the money was transferred from or to, and it was not clear whether they were personal accounts or corporate accounts. It also did not specify the amount.

The next day, Cohen wired money from First Republic to the City National Bank account of lawyer Keith Davidson, who was representing Clifford at the time.

"The $130,000 question, however, is from whose account was the money transferred on Oct. 26, 2016." Avenatti said.

He said the email "suggests" it might have been a Trump Organization account since the correspondence was through Cohen's Trump email. He said it was "curious" that after Cohen got the email, he immediately forwarded it to his personal gmail and then used gmail to forward it to Davidson, presumably to show the money was ready to be wired.

"Mr. Cohen should immediately provide the prior emails [between him and the bank] to show exactly where the money came from," Avenatti said.

Cohen and Davidson did not respond to requests for comment from NBC News. First Republic Bank declined to comment.

Avenatti is representing Clifford in the lawsuit she filed this week, which alleged the nondisclosure agreement she signed days before the election is void because Trump never actually signed it.

In court documents, Clifford says she and Trump, who married Melania Trump in 2005, had an "intimate relationship" that lasted from the summer of 2006 "well into the year 2007" — which Trump's representatives have repeatedly denied.

Clifford gave an interview about the rendezvous with Trump to In Touch magazine in 2011 but it wasn't published at the time. Former employees of the magazine have told The Associated Press it was held after Cohen threatened legal action.

Fast forward a decade to 2016, when Trump was a candidate for the White House battling allegations of sexual misconduct. Clifford, according to her lawsuit, began making moves to tell her story to the media.

Negotiations between Cohen and Clifford ensued. With the election looming, Cohen registered a company called Essential Consultants in Delaware that could be used for the payment.

When he wired the $130,000 to Clifford's lawyer, something about the transaction led First Republic to file a suspicious activity report with the Treasury Department, The Wall Street Journal has reported. The timing of the report or the reason for it are not clear.

A year later, City National Bank's interest in the transaction was also piqued. Officials asked Clifford's then-attorney for information about the source of the money, without revealing why they wanted to know, The Washington Post has reported.

In January, news of the payment broke, putting Clifford in the spotlight. Now, Avenatti said, she wants to tell her story.

"She believes it's important that the public learn the truth about what happened," he told NBC's "Today" this week. "I think it's time for her to tell her story and for the public to decide who is telling the truth."

As NBC News first reported, late last month Cohen seized on a clause in the nondisclosure agreement and got a private arbitrator to issue a secret restraining order barring Clifford from publicly releasing "confidential information" about the agreement.

The agreement uses pseudonyms, referring to Clifford as Peggy Peterson and another individual as David Dennison. In one of the documents, the true identity of Dennison is blacked out, but Avenatti told NBC News the individual is Trump.

Clifford signed both the agreement and a side letter agreement using her professional name on Oct. 28, 2016. Cohen signed the document the same day, but blank spaces where "DD" was supposed to sign are empty.

That means the agreement is invalid and Clifford is free to talk, Avenatti contends. Her lawsuit asks a court to affirm their position.

A day after the lawsuit was filed Cohen hit back. His attorney, Lawrence Rosen, fired off an email warning Clifford that she had violated the 2016 agreement and would be subject to penalties and damages if she continued to disclose information about it.

"The designated judge from the arbitration tribunal found that Ms. Clifford had violated the agreement and enjoined her from, among other things, filing this lawsuit," Rosen said in a statement to media outlets.

But Avenatti said that because the 2016 agreement was never signed and never in force, the arbitration clause it contains is also invalid and the gag order is meaningless.

"We do not take kindly to these threats, nor we will be intimidated," he told NBC News.

The suit also says that Trump must know that Cohen is trying to silence Clifford, since rules for the New York bar, of which Cohen is a member, require him to keep his client informed at all times.

"[I]t strains credulity to conclude that Mr. Cohen is acting on his own accord and without the express approval and knowledge of his client Mr. Trump," the suit says.
https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/mi ... ts-n855021


It was a black lacquered box.

New bombshell report just revealed existence of secret Trump-Putin letter
BY GRANT STERN
PUBLISHED ON MARCH 8, 2018


Two top investigative journalists just released a new book that’s ripping the cover off of Donald Trump’s Moscow machinations, and they just revealed a greater mystery related to their relationship and the 2013 Miss Universe.

Yahoo! investigative reporter Michael Isikoff and Mother Jones editor David Corn have combined to write a new book due out next week entitled: Russian Roulette: The Inside Story of Putin’s War on America and the Election of Donald Trump and today they released the first of two excerpts.

This is the first extensive mainstream media report about the Trump Tower Moscow project which publicly emerged from the Miss Universe 2013 pageant, and the reporters raise an even greater mystery about the bromance between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin. Yahoo! reports:



A letter of intent to build the new Trump Tower was signed by the Trump Organization and [Russian-Azeri oligarch Aras] Agalarov’s company. Donald Trump Jr. was placed in charge of the project. Trump was finally on his way in Russia.

And shortly after the Miss Universe event, Agalarov’s daughter showed up at the Miss Universe office in New York City bearing a gift for Trump from Putin.

It was a black lacquered box. Inside was a sealed letter from the Russian autocrat. What the letter said has never been revealed.
Russian Roulette raises a controversial new question about that written communication from Putin to Trump right after the latter inked his first ever real deal to build a Moscow tower after 25 years of trying. Was there a payoff or quid pro quo inside the letter from Putin to Trump?


Trump’s Moscow Tower announced in Russia with an image. Source: mk.ru
As one might reasonably expect, the book’s reporting confirms that in Russia it is necessary to get Putin’s approval in all manner of private business dealings or face oppressive red tape and bureaucracy.

Federal law prohibits American companies from paying bribes, which is why many businesses avoid deals in high corruption and graft environments.



While it’s unknown what was inside that letter, we do know that Putin’s personal approval would be invaluable to a real estate developer like Donald Trump.

In any country, building and zoning fights can stretch on for years, and even the world’s largest companies can be beaten by motivated individuals.

We know that Trump hasn’t been above collecting those approvals with the office of the presidency, such as this deal during the transition period with Argentina.



What we didn’t know, is that Donald Trump was openly planning his run for president even during the Miss Universe Moscow pageant.

Russian Roulette explains that it was one of the reasons Donald Trump didn’t spend an extra night in Moscow to ensure a meeting with Vladimir Putin because there was a bigger fish to fry in North Carolina in pandering to evangelical Republican primary voters:

One reason Trump’s hoped-for meeting with the Russian president never materialized was his attention to another project. Trump was originally scheduled to spend two nights in Moscow — which would have yielded a wider window for a get-together with Putin. But Trump had decided to attend the celebration of evangelist Billy Graham’s 95th birthday on Nov. 7 at the Grove Park Inn in Asheville, N.C. In Russia, Trump told Goldstone that it had been necessary for him to show up at the Graham event: “There is something I’m planning down the road, and it’s really important.”

Goldstone knew exactly what Trump was talking about: a run for the White House. Franklin Graham, the evangelist’s son, was an influential figure among religious conservatives. When Trump two years earlier was championing birtherism — the baseless conspiracy theory that Barack Obama had been born in Kenya and was ineligible to be president — Graham joined the birther bandwagon, raising questions about the president’s birth certificate. Appearing at this event and currying favor with Franklin Graham was a mandatory stop for Trump, if he were serious about seeking the Republican presidential nomination. And it paid off: Trump and his wife, Melania, were seated at the VIP table, along with Rupert Murdoch and Sarah Palin. Franklin Graham later said that Trump was among those who “gave their hearts to Christ” that night.
Just last month, President Trump took to Twitter to deflect attention just after Special Counsel Robert Mueller, announced a major indictment of Putin’s St. Petersberg-based Internet Research Agency and the top managers in their “troll farm,” stating that their activities stretched back to 2013, a fact originally exposed by daring Russian journalists.



Russian Roulette’s reporting indicates that Trump was definitely deflecting in the above tweet, by citing his campaign announcement date, knowing full well that his desire to succeed President Obama were well known to his Russian business partners all the way back in 2013.

Donald Trump’s hail of lies is melting under the hard glare of scrutiny by the world’s top investigative reporters.
http://washingtonpress.com/2018/03/08/n ... in-letter/


Recall: In Dec 2016, Kushner told Russian Amb Kislyak he wanted a Kremlin back channel. THEN, Jared, Flynn, Bannon [& later Erik Prince] met w/ the crown prince [MBZ] who set up the Seychelles mtg w/ a Moscow emissary [Kirill Dmitriev of RDIF/VEB].



Kushner’s Middle East policy point man was indicted for child pornography in the 80’s
Image
https://www.rawstory.com/2018/03/kushne ... JQ.twitter


somebody could post this in another thread if they wanted to

“Why the Hell Are We Standing Down?”

The secret story of Obama’s response to Putin’s attack on the 2016 election.

David Corn and Michael IsikoffMar. 9, 2018 5:00 AM

This is the second of two excerpts adapted from Russian Roulette: The Inside Story of Putin’s War on America and the Election of Donald Trump (Twelve Books), by Michael Isikoff, chief investigative correspondent for Yahoo News, and David Corn, Washington bureau chief of Mother Jones. The book will be released on March 13.

CIA Director John Brennan was angry. On August 4, 2016, he was on the phone with Alexander Bortnikov, the head of Russia’s FSB, the security service that succeeded the KGB. It was one of the regularly scheduled calls between the two men, with the main subject once more the horrific civil war in Syria. By this point, Brennan had had it with the Russian spy chief. For the past few years, Brennan’s pleas for help in defusing the Syrian crisis had gone nowhere. And after they finished discussing Syria—again with no progress—Brennan addressed two other issues, not on the official agenda.


First, Brennan raised Russia’s harassment of US diplomats—an especially sensitive matter at Langley after an undercover CIA officer had been beaten outside the US embassy in Moscow two months earlier. The continuing mistreatment of US diplomats, Brennan told Bortnikov, was “irresponsible, reckless, intolerable and needed to stop.” And, he pointedly noted, it was Bortnikov’s own FSB “that has been most responsible for this outrageous behavior.”

Then Brennan turned to an even more sensitive issue: Russia’s interference in the American election. Brennan now was aware that at least a year earlier Russian hackers had begun their cyberattack on the Democratic National Committee. We know you’re doing this, Brennan said to the Russian. He pointed out that Americans would be enraged to find out Moscow was seeking to subvert the election and that such an operation could backfire. Brennan warned Bortnikov that if Russia continued this information warfare, there would be a price to pay. He did not specify the consequences.

Bortnikov, as Brennan expected, denied Russia was doing anything to influence the election. This was, he groused, Washington yet again scapegoating Moscow. Brennan repeated his warning. Once more Bortnikov claimed there was no Russian meddling. But, he added, he would inform Russian President Vladimir Putin of Brennan’s comments.

This was the first of several warnings that the Obama administration would send to Moscow. But the question of how forcefully to respond would soon divide the White House staff, pitting the National Security Council’s top analysts for Russia and cyber issues against senior policymakers within the administration. It was a debate that would culminate that summer with a dramatic directive from President Barack Obama’s national security adviser to the NSC staffers developing aggressive proposals to strike back against the Russians: “Stand down.”

At the end of July—not long after WikiLeaks had dumped more than 20,000 stolen DNC emails before the Democrats’ convention—it had become obvious to Brennan that the Russians were mounting an aggressive and wide-ranging effort to interfere in the election. He was also seeing intelligence about contacts and interactions between Russian officials and Americans involved in the Trump campaign. By now, several European intelligence services had reported to the CIA that Russian operatives were reaching out to people within Trump’s circle. And the Australian government had reported to US officials that its top diplomat in the United Kingdom had months earlier been privately told by Trump campaign adviser George Papadopoulos that Russia had “dirt” on Hillary Clinton. By July 31, the FBI had formally opened a counterintelligence investigation into the Trump’s campaigns ties to Russians, with subinquiries targeting four individuals: Paul Manafort, the campaign chairman, Michael Flynn, the former Defense Intelligence Agency chief who had led the crowd at the Republican convention in chants of “Lock her up!”, Carter Page, a foreign policy adviser who had just given a speech in Moscow, and Papadopoulos.

One senior US government official briefed on the meeting was told the president said to Putin in effect, “You fuck with us over the election and we’ll crash your economy.”
Brennan spoke with FBI Director James Comey and Admiral Mike Rogers, the head of the NSA, and asked them to dispatch to the CIA their experts to form a working group at Langley that would review the intelligence and figure out the full scope and nature of the Russian operation. Brennan was thinking about the lessons of the 9/11 attack. Al Qaeda had been able to pull off that operation partly because US intelligence agencies—several of which had collected bits of intelligence regarding the plotters before the attack—had not shared the material within the intelligence community. Brennan wanted a process in which NSA, FBI, and CIA experts could freely share with each other the information each agency had on the Russian operation—even the most sensitive information that tended not to be disseminated throughout the full intelligence community.

Brennan realized this was what he would later call “an exceptionally, exceptionally sensitive issue.” Here was an active counterintelligence case—already begun by the FBI—aiming at uncovering and stopping Russian covert activity in the middle of a US presidential campaign. And it included digging into whether it involved Americans in contact with Russia.

While Brennan wrangled the intelligence agencies into a turf­crossing operation that could feed the White House information on the Russian operation, Obama convened a series of meetings to devise a plan for responding to and countering whatever the Russians were up to. The meetings followed the procedure known in the federal government as the interagency process. The general routine was for the deputy chiefs of the relevant government agencies to meet and hammer out options for the principals—that is, the heads of the agencies—and then for the principals to hold a separate (and sometimes parallel) chain of meetings to discuss and perhaps debate before presenting choices to the president.

But for this topic, the protocols were not routine. Usually, when the White House invited the deputies and principals to such meetings, they informed them of the subject at hand and provided “read­ ahead” memos outlining what was on the agenda. This time, the agency officials just received instructions to show up at the White House at a certain time. No reason given. No memos supplied. “We were only told that a meeting was scheduled and our principal or deputy was expected to attend,” recalled a senior administration official who participated in the sessions. (At the State Department, only a small number of officials were cleared to receive the most sensitive information on the Russian hack; the group included Secretary of State John Kerry; Tony Blinken, the deputy secretary of state; Dan Smith, head of the department’s intelligence bureau; and Jon Finer, Kerry’s chief of staff.)

Michael Daniel, the White House director of cybersecurity, took a depth breath and said, “It’s starting to look like every single state has been targeted.”
For the usual interagency sessions, principals and deputies could bring staffers. Not this time. “There were no plus-ones,” an attendee recalled. When the subject of a principals or deputies meeting was a national security matter, the gathering was often held in the Situation Room of the White House. The in-house video feed of the Sit Room—without audio—would be available to national security officials at the White House and elsewhere, and these officials could at least see that a meeting was in progress and who was attending. For the meetings related to the Russian hack, Susan Rice, Obama’s national security adviser, ordered the video feed turned off. She did not want others in the national security establishment to know what was underway, fearing leaks from within the bureaucracy.

Rice would chair the principals’ meetings—which brought together Brennan, Comey, Kerry, Director of National Intelligence James Clapper, Defense Secretary Ash Carter, Homeland Security Secretary Jeh Johnson, Treasury Secretary Jack Lew, Attorney General Loretta Lynch, and General Joseph Dunford, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff—with only a few other White House officials present, including White House chief of staff Denis McDonough, homeland security adviser Lisa Monaco, and Colin Kahl, Vice President Joe Biden’s national security adviser. (Kahl had to insist to Rice that he be allowed to attend so Biden could be kept up to speed.)

Rice’s No. 2, deputy national security adviser Avril Haines, oversaw the deputies’ sessions. White House officials not in the meetings were not told what was being discussed. This even included other NSC staffers—some of whom bristled at being cut out. Often the intelligence material covered in these meetings was not placed in the President’s Daily Brief, the top-secret document presented to the president every morning. Too many people had access to the PDB. “The opsec on this”—the operational security—“was as tight as it could be,” one White House official later said.

As the interagency process began, there was no question on the big picture being drawn up by the analysts and experts assembled by Brennan: Russian state-sponsored hackers were behind the cyberattacks and the release of swiped Democratic material by WikiLeaks, Guccifer 2.0 (an internet persona suspected of being a Russian front), and a website called DCLeaks.com. “They knew who the cutouts were,” one participant later said. “There was not a lot of doubt.” It was not immediately clear, however, how far and wide within the Russian government the effort ran. Was it coming from one or two Russian outfits operating on their own? Or was it being directed from the top and part of a larger project?

The intelligence, at this stage, was also unclear on a central point: Moscow’s primary aim. Was it to sow discord and chaos to delegitimize the US election? Prompting a political crisis in the United States was certainly in keeping with Putin’s overall goal of weakening Western governments. There was another obvious reason for the Russian assault: Putin despised Hillary Clinton, blaming her for the domestic protests that followed the 2011 Russian legislative elections marred by fraud. (At the time, as secretary of state, Clinton had questioned the legitimacy of the elections.) US officials saw the Russian operation as designed at least to weaken Clinton during the election—not necessarily to prevent her from winning. After all, the Russians were as susceptible as any political observers to the conventional wisdom that she was likely to beat Trump. If Clinton, after a chaotic election, staggered across the finish line, bruised and battered, she might well be a damaged president and less able to challenge Putin.

A secret source in the Kremlin, who two years earlier had regularly provided information to an American official in the US embassy, had warned that a massive operation targeting Western democracies was being planned.
And there was a third possible reason: to help Trump. Did the Russians believe they could influence a national election in the United States and affect the results? At this stage, the intelligence community analysts and officials working on this issue considered this point not yet fully substantiated by the intelligence they possessed. Given Trump’s business dealings with Russians over the years and his long line of puzzling positive remarks about Putin, there seemed ample cause for Putin to desire Trump in the White House. The intelligence experts did believe this could be part of the mix for Moscow: Why not shoot for the moon and see if we can get Trump elected?

“All these potential motives were not mutually exclusive,” a top Obama aide later said.

Obama would be vacationing in Martha’s Vineyard until August 21, and the deputies took his return as an informal deadline for preparing a list of options—sanctions, diplomatic responses, and cyber counterattacks—that could be put in front of the principals and the president.

As these deliberations were underway, more troubling intelligence got reported to the White House: Russian-linked hackers were probing the computers of state election systems, particularly voter registration databases. The first reports to the FBI came from Illinois. In late June, its voter database was targeted in a persistent cyberattack that lasted for weeks. The attackers were using foreign IP addresses, many of which were traced to a Dutch company owned by a heavily tattooed 26-year-old Russian who lived in Siberia. The hackers were relentlessly pinging the Illinois database five times per second, 24 hours a day, and they succeeded in accessing data on up to 200,000 voters. Then there was a similar report from Arizona, where the username and password of a county election official was stolen. The state was forced to shut down its voter registration system for a week. Then in Florida, another attack.

One NSC staffer regularly walked into the office of Michael Daniel, the White House director of cybersecurity, with disturbing updates. “Michael,” he would say, “five more states got popped.” Or four. Or three. At one point, Daniel took a deep breath and told him, “It’s starting to look like every single state has been targeted.”

“I don’t think anybody knew what to make of it,” Jeh Johnson later said. The states selected seemed to be random; his Department of Homeland Security could see no logic to it. If the goal was simply to instigate confusion on Election Day, Johnson figured, whoever was doing this could simply call in a bomb threat. Other administration officials had a darker view and believed that the Russians were deliberately plotting digital manipulations, perhaps with the goal of altering results.

Michael Daniel was worried. He believed the Russians’ ability to fiddle with the national vote count—and swing a national US election to a desired candidate—seemed limited, if not impossible. “We have 3,000 jurisdictions,” Daniel subsequently explained. “You have to pick the county where the race was going to be tight and manipulate the results. That seemed beyond their reach. The Russians were not trying to flip votes. To have that level of precision was not feasible.”

Illustration of overlapping letters and the presidential seal
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But Daniel was focused on another parade of horribles: If hackers could penetrate a state election voter database, they might be able to delete every 10th name. Or flip two digits in a voter’s ID number—so when a voter showed up at the polls, his or her name would not match. The changes could be subtle, not easily discerned. But the potential for disorder on Election Day was immense. The Russians would only have to cause problems in a small number of locations—problems with registration files, vote counting, or other mechanisms—and faith in the overall tally could be questioned. Who knew what would happen then?

Daniel even fretted that the Russians might post online a video of a hacked voting machine. The video would not have to be real to stoke the paranoids of the world and cause a segment of the electorate to suspect—or conclude—that the results could not be trusted. He envisioned Moscow planning to create multiple disruptions on Election Day to call the final counts into question.

The Russian scans, probes, and penetrations of state voting systems changed the top-secret conversations underway. Administration officials now feared the Russians were scheming to infiltrate voting systems to disrupt the election or affect tallies on Election Day. And the consensus among Obama’s top advisers was that potential Russian election tampering was far more dangerous. The Russian hack-and-dump campaign, they generally believed, was unlikely to make the difference in the outcome of the presidential election. (After all, could Trump really beat Clinton?) Yet messing with voting systems could raise questions about the integrity of the election and the results. That was, they thought, the more serious threat.

Weeks earlier, Trump had started claiming that the only way he could lose the election would be if it were “rigged.” With one candidate and his supporters spreading this notion, it would not take many irregularities to spark a full-scale crisis on Election Day.

Obama instructed Johnson to move immediately to shore up the defenses of state election systems. On August 15, Johnson, while in the basement of his parents’ home in upstate New York, held a conference call with secretaries of state and other chief election officials of every state. Without mentioning the Russian cyber intrusions into state systems, he told them there was a need to boost the security of the election infrastructure and offered DHS’s assistance. He raised the possibility of designating election systems as “critical infrastructure”—just like dams and the electrical grid—meaning that a cyberattack could trigger a federal response.

“There was a concern if we did too much to spin this up into an Obama‑Putin face‑off, it would help the Russians achieve their objectives. It would create chaos, help Trump, and hurt Clinton…We had a strong sense of the Hippocratic oath: Do no harm.”
Much to Johnson’s surprise, this move ran into resistance. Many of the state officials—especially from the red states—wanted little, if anything, to do with the DHS. Leading the charge was Brian Kemp, Georgia’s secretary of state, an ambitious, staunchly conservative Republican who feared the hidden hand of the Obama White House. “We don’t need the federal government to take over our voting,” he told Johnson.

Johnson tried to explain that DHS’s cybersecurity experts could help state systems search for vulnerabilities and protect against penetrations. He encouraged them to take basic cybersecurity steps, such as ensuring voting machines were not connected to the internet when voting was underway. And he kept explaining that any federal help would be voluntary for the states. “He must have used the word voluntary 15 times,” recalled a Homeland Security official who was on the call. “But there was a lot of skepticism that revolved around saying, ‘We don’t want Big Brother coming in and running our election process.’ ”

After the call, Johnson and his aides realized encouraging local officials to accept their help was going to be tough. They gave up on the idea of declaring these systems critical infrastructure and instead concluded they would have to keep urging state and local officials to accept their cybersecurity assistance.

Johnson’s interaction with local and state officials was a warning for the White House. If administration officials were going to enlist these election officials to thwart Russian interference in the voting, they would need GOP leaders in Congress to be part of the endeavor and, in a way, vouch for the federal government. Yet they had no idea how difficult that would be.

At the first principals meeting, Brennan had serious news for his colleagues: The most recent intelligence indicated that Putin had ordered or was overseeing the Russian cyber operations targeting the US election. And the intelligence community—sometimes called the IC by denizens of that world—was certain that the Russian operation entailed more than spy services gathering information. It now viewed the Russian action as a full-scale active measure.

This intelligence was so sensitive it had not been put in the President’s Daily Brief. Brennan had informed Obama personally about this, but he did not want this information circulating throughout the national security system.

Knowing that Putin was notoriously protective of any information about his family, Celeste Wallander proposed leaking snippets of classified intelligence to reveal the secret bank accounts in Latvia held for Putin’s daughters—a direct poke at the Russian president that would be sure to infuriate him.
The other principals were surprised to hear that Putin had a direct hand in the operation and that he would be so bold. It was one thing for Russian intelligence to see what it could get away with; it was quite another for these attacks to be part of a concerted effort from the top of the Kremlin hierarchy.

But a secret source in the Kremlin, who two years earlier had regularly provided information to an American official in the US embassy, had warned then that a massive operation targeting Western democracies was being planned by the Russian government. The development of the Gerasimov doctrine—a strategy for nonmilitary combat named after a top Russian general who had described it in an obscure military journal in 2013—was another indication that full-scale information warfare against the United States was a possibility. And there had been an intelligence report in May noting that a Russian military intelligence officer had bragged of a payback operation that would be Putin’s revenge on Clinton. But these few clues had not led to a consensus at senior government levels that a major Putin-led attack was on the way.

At this point, Obama’s top national security officials were uncertain how to respond. As they would later explain it, any steps they might take-calling out the Russians, imposing sanctions, raising alarms about the penetrations of state systems—could draw greater attention to the issue and maybe even help cause the disorder the Kremlin sought. A high‑profile U.S. government reaction, they worried, could amplify the psychological effects of the Russian attack and help Moscow achieve its end. “There was a concern if we did too much to spin this up into an Obama-Putin face-off, it would help the Russians achieve their objectives,” a participant in the principals meeting later noted. “It would create chaos, help Trump, and hurt Clinton. We had to figure out how to do this in a way so we wouldn’t create an own-goal. We had a strong sense of the Hippocratic Oath: Do no harm.”


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A parallel concern for them was how the Obama administration could respond to the Russian attack without appearing too partisan. Obama was actively campaigning for Clinton. Would a tough and vocal reaction be seen as a White House attempt to assist Clinton and stick it to Trump? They worried that if a White House effort to counter Russian meddling came across as a political maneuver, that could compromise the ability of the Department of Homeland Security to work with state and local election officials to make sure the voting system was sound. (Was Obama too worried about being perceived as prejudicial or conniving? “Perhaps there was some overcompensation,” a top Obama aide said later.)

As Obama and his top policymakers saw it, they were stuck with several dilemmas. Inform the public about the Russian attack without triggering widespread unease about the election system. Be pro-active without coming across as partisan and bolstering Trump’s claim the election was a sham. Prevent Putin from further cyber aggression without prompting him to do more. “This was one of the most complex and challenging issues I dealt with in government,” Avril Haines, the NSC’s number two official, who oversaw the deputies meetings, later remarked.

The principals asked the Treasury Department to craft a list of far-reaching economic sanctions. Officials at the State Department began working up diplomatic penalties. And the White House pushed the IC to develop more intelligence on the Russian operation so Obama and his aides could consider whether to publicly call out Moscow.

At this point, a group of NSC officials, committed to a forceful response to Moscow’s intervention, started concocting creative options for cyberattacks that would expand the information war Putin had begun.

Michael Daniel and Celeste Wallander, the National Security Council’s top Russia analyst, were convinced the United States needed to strike back hard against the Russians and make it clear that Moscow had crossed a red line. Words alone wouldn’t do the trick; there had to be consequences. “I wanted to send a signal that we would not tolerate disruptions to our electoral process,” Daniel recalled. His basic argument: “The Russians are going to push as hard as they can until we start pushing back.”

Daniel and Wallander began drafting options for more aggressive responses beyond anything the Obama administration or the US government had ever before contemplated in response to a cyberattack. One proposal was to unleash the NSA to mount a series of far-reaching cyberattacks: to dismantle the Guccifer 2.0 and DCLeaks websites that had been leaking the emails and memos stolen from Democratic targets, to bombard Russian news sites with a wave of automated traffic in a denial-of-service attack that would shut the news sites down, and to launch an attack on the Russian intelligence agencies themselves, seeking to disrupt their command and control modes.

Knowing that Putin was notoriously protective of any information about his family, Wallander suggested targeting Putin himself. She proposed leaking snippets of classified intelligence to reveal the secret bank accounts in Latvia held for Putin’s daughters—a direct poke at the Russian president that would be sure to infuriate him. Wallander also brainstormed ideas with Victoria Nuland, the assistant secretary of state for European affairs and a fellow hard-liner. They drafted other proposals: to dump dirt on Russian websites about Putin’s money, about the girlfriends of top Russian officials, about corruption in Putin’s United Russia party—essentially to give Putin a taste of his own medicine. “We wanted to raise the cost in a manner Putin recognized,” Nuland recalled.

One idea Daniel proposed was unusual: The United States and NATO should publicly announce a giant “cyber exercise” against a mythical Eurasian country, demonstrating that Western nations had it within their power to shut down Russia’s entire civil infrastructure and cripple its economy.

“Why the hell are we standing down? Michael, can you help us understand? “
But Wallander and Daniel’s bosses at the White House were not on board. One day in late August, national security adviser Susan Rice called Daniel into her office and demanded he cease and desist from working on the cyber options he was developing. “Don’t get ahead of us,” she warned him. The White House was not prepared to endorse any of these ideas. Daniel and his team in the White House cyber response group were given strict orders: “Stand down.” She told Daniel to “knock it off,” he recalled.

Daniel walked back to his office. “That was one pissed-off national security adviser,” he told one of his aides.

At his morning staff meeting, Daniel matter-of-factly said to his team that it had to stop work on options to counter the Russian attack: “We’ve been told to stand down.” Daniel Prieto, one of Daniel’s top deputies, recalled, “I was incredulous and in disbelief. It took me a moment to process. In my head I was like, ‘Did I hear that correctly?'” Then Prieto spoke up, asking, “Why the hell are we standing down? Michael, can you help us understand?” Daniel informed them that the orders came from both Rice and Monaco. They were concerned that if the options were to leak, it would force Obama to act. “They didn’t want to box the president in,” Prieto subsequently said.

It was a critical moment that, as Prieto saw it, scuttled the chance for a forceful immediate response to the Russian hack—and keenly disappointed the NSC aides who had been developing the options. They were convinced that the president and his top aides didn’t get the stakes. “There was a disconnect between the urgency felt at the staff level” and the views of the president and his senior aides, Prieto later said. When senior officials argued that the issue could be revisited after Election Day, Daniel and his staff intensely disagreed. “No—the longer you wait, it diminishes your effectiveness. If you’re in a street fight, you have to hit back,” Prieto remarked.

Obama and his top aides did view the challenge at hand differently than the NSC staffers. “The first-order objective directed by President Obama,” McDonough recalled, “was to protect the integrity of election.” Confronting Putin was necessary, Obama believed, but not if it risked blowing up the election. He wanted to make sure whatever action was taken would not lead to a political crisis at home—and with Trump the possibility for that was great. The nation had had more than 200 years of elections and peaceful transitions of power. Obama didn’t want that to end on his watch.

By now, the principals were into the nitty-gritty, discussing in the Sit Room the specifics of how to respond. They were not overly concerned about Moscow’s influence campaign to shape voter attitudes. The key question was precisely how to thwart further Russian meddling that could undermine the mechanics of the election. Strong sanctions? Other punishments?

The principals did discuss cyber responses. The prospect of hitting back with cyber caused trepidation within the deputies and principals meetings. The United States was telling Russia this sort of meddling was unacceptable. If Washington engaged in the same type of covert combat, some of the principals believed, Washington’s demand would mean nothing, and there could be an escalation in cyber warfare. There were concerns that the United States would have more to lose in all-out cyberwar.

“If we got into a tit-for-tat on cyber with the Russians, it would not be to our advantage,” a participant later remarked. “They could do more to damage us in a cyber war or have a greater impact.” In one of the meetings, Clapper said he was worried that Russia might respond with cyberattacks against America’s critical infrastructure—and possibly shut down the electrical grid.

The State Department had worked up its own traditional punishments: booting Russian diplomats—and spies—out of the United States and shutting down Russian facilities on American soil. And Treasury had drafted a series of economic sanctions that included massive assaults on Putin’s economy, such as targeting Russia’s military industries and cutting off Russia from the global financial system. One proposal called for imposing the same sorts of sanctions as had been placed on Iran: any entity that did business with Russian banks would not be allowed to do business with US financial institutions. But the intelligence community warned that if the United States responded with a massive response of any kind, Putin would see it as an attempt at regime change. “This could lead to a nuclear escalation,” a top Obama aide later said, speaking metaphorically.

After two weeks or so of deliberations, the White House put these options on hold. Instead, Obama and his aides came up with a different plan. First, DHS would keep trying to work with the state voting systems. For that to succeed, the administration needed buy-in from congressional Republicans. So Obama would reach out to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and House Speaker Paul Ryan to try to deliver a bipartisan and public message that the Russian threat to the election was serious and that local officials should collaborate with the feds to protect the electoral infrastructure.

Obama and the principals also decided that the US government would have to issue a public statement calling out Russia for having already secretly messed with the 2016 campaign. But even this seemed a difficult task fraught with potential problems. Obama and his top aides believed that if the president himself issued such a message, Trump and the Republicans would accuse him of exploiting intelligence—or making up intelligence—to help Clinton. The declaration would have to come from the intelligence community. The intelligence community was instructed to start crafting a statement. In the meantime, Obama would continue to say nothing publicly about the most serious information warfare attack ever launched against the United States.

“An unspecified threat would be far more potent than Putin knowing what we would do. Let his imagination run wild. That would be far more effective, we thought, than freezing this or that person’s assets.”
Most of all, Obama and his aides had to figure out how to ensure the Russians ceased their meddling immediately. They came up with an answer that would frustrate the NSC hawks, who believed Obama and his senior advisers were tying themselves in knots and looking for reasons not to act. The president would privately warn Putin and vow overwhelming retaliation for any further intervention in the election. This, they thought, could more likely dissuade Putin than hitting back at this moment. That is, they believed the threat of action would be more effective than actually taking action.

A meeting of the G-20 was scheduled for the first week in September in China. Obama and Putin would both be attending. Obama, according to this plan, would confront Putin and issue a powerful threat that supposedly would convince Russia to back off. Obama would do so without spelling out for Putin the precise damage he would inflict on Russia. “An unspecified threat would be far more potent than Putin knowing what we would do,” one of the principals later said. “Let his imagination run wild. That would be far more effective, we thought, than freezing this or that person’s assets.” But the essence of the message would be that if Putin did not stop, the United States would impose sanctions to crater Russia’s economy.

Obama and his aides were confident the intelligence community could track any new Russian efforts to penetrate the election infrastructure. If the IC detected new attempts, Obama then could quickly slam Russia with sanctions or other retribution. But, the principals agreed, for this plan—no action now, but possible consequences later—to work, the president had to be ready to pull the trigger.

Obama threatened—but never did pull the trigger. In early September, during the G-20 summit in Hangzhou, China, the president privately confronted Putin in what a senior White House official described as a “candid” and “blunt” talk. The president informed his aides he had delivered the message he and his advisers had crafted: We know what you’re doing, if you don’t cut it out. We will impose onerous and unprecedented penalties. One senior US government official briefed on the meeting was told that the president said to Putin in effect, “You fuck with us over the election and we’ll crash your economy.”

But Putin simply denied everything to Obama—and, as he had done before, blamed the United States for interfering in Russian politics. And if Obama was tough in private, publicly he played the statesman. Asked at a post-summit news conference about Russia’s hacking of the election, the president spoke in generalities—and insisted the United States did not want a blowup over the issue. “We’ve had problems with cyber intrusions from Russia in the past, from other counties in the past,” he said. “Our goal is not to suddenly in the cyber arena duplicate a cycle escalation that we saw when it comes to other arms races in the past, but rather to start instituting some norms so that everybody’s acting responsibly.”

White House officials believed for a while that Obama’s warning had some impact: They saw no further evidence of Russia cyber intrusions into state election systems. But as they would later acknowledge, they largely missed Russia’s information warfare campaign aimed at influencing the election—the inflammatory Facebook ads and Twitter bots created by an army of Russian trolls working for the Internet Research Agency in St. Petersburg.

On October 7, the Obama administration finally went public, releasing a statement from the Office of the Director of National Intelligence and the Department of Homeland Security that called out the Russians for their efforts to “interfere with the U.S. election process,” saying that “only Russia’s senior-most officials could have authorized these activities.” But for some in the Clinton campaign and within the White House itself, it was too little, too late. Wallander, the NSC Russia specialist who had pushed for a more aggressive response, thought the October 7 statement was largely irrelevant. “The Russians don’t care what we say,” she later noted. “They care what we do.” (The same day the statement came out, WikiLeaks began its monthlong posting of tens of thousands of emails Russian hackers had stolen from John Podesta, the CEO of the Clinton campaign.)

In the end, some Obama officials thought they had played a bad hand the best they could and had succeeded in preventing a Russian disruption of Election Day. Others would ruefully conclude that they may have blown it and not done enough. Nearly two months after the election, Obama did impose sanctions on Moscow for its meddling in the election—shutting down two Russian facilities in the United States suspected of being used for intelligence operations and booting out 35 Russian diplomats and spies. The impact of these moves was questionable. Rice would come to believe it was reasonable to think that the administration should have gone further. As one senior official lamented, “Maybe we should have whacked them more.”
https://www.motherjones.com/politics/20 ... ding-down/
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: NSA Chief Russia Hacked '16 Election Congress Must Inves

Postby seemslikeadream » Sat Mar 10, 2018 10:32 am

NEW: According to five Republicans close to the White House, Trump is preparing to replace his senior staff in the coming weeks. First to go will be Kelly and McMaster. Then Jivanka.


emptywheel
Soon it'll be just his defense attorneys and him, spending all day in Executive Time, repeating Fox's conspiracies.



“Trump Is Going for a Clean Reset”: Fuming in the West Wing, Trump Prepares to Defenestrate Cuck Allies and Go Full MAGA

The president will meet with potential chief-of-staff candidates at Mar-a-Lago next weekend. McMaster is likely next to go. Then Jivanka.

Gabriel ShermanMarch 9, 2018 1:15 pm
The White House


By Carolyn Kaster/AP Photo.
Even before he decided to launch a trade war and roll the nuclear dice by agreeing in the course of a West Wing afternoon to a risky sit-down with Kim Jong Un, Donald Trump was telling friends he was tired of being reined in. “I’m doing great, but I’m getting all these bad headlines,” Trump told a friend recently. A Republican in frequent contact with the White House told me Trump is “frustrated by all these people telling him what to do.”

With the departures of Hope Hicks and Gary Cohn, the Trump presidency is entering a new phase—one in which Trump is feeling liberated to act on his impulses. “Trump is in command. He’s been in the job more than a year now. He knows how the levers of power work. He doesn’t give a fuck,” the Republican said. Trump’s decision to circumvent the policy process and impose tariffs on imported steel and aluminum reflects his emboldened desire to follow his impulses and defy his advisers. “It was like a fuck-you to Kelly,” a Trump friend said. “Trump is red-hot about Kelly trying to control him.”

According to five Republicans close to the White House, Trump has diagnosed the problem as having the wrong team around him and is looking to replace his senior staff in the coming weeks. “Trump is going for a clean reset, but he needs to do it in a way that’s systemic so it doesn’t look like it’s chaos,” one Republican said.

Sources said that the first officials to go will be Chief of Staff John Kelly and National Security Adviser H.R. McMaster, both of whom Trump has clashed with for months. On Tuesday, Trump met with John Bolton in the Oval Office. When he plans to visit Mar-a-Lago next weekend, Trump is expected to interview more candidates for both positions, according to two sources. “He’s going for a clean slate,” one source said. Cohn had been lobbying to replace Kelly as chief, two sources said, and quit when he didn’t get the job. “Trump laughed at Gary when he brought it up,” one outside adviser to the White House said. (The White House declined to comment.)

Next on the departure list are Jared Kushner and Ivanka Trump. Trump remains fiercely loyal to his family, but various distractions have eroded their efficacy within the administration. Both have been sidelined without top-secret security clearances by Kelly, and sources expect them to be leaving at some point in the near future. One scenario being discussed is that Kushner would return to New York to oversee Trump’s 2020 re-election campaign with his ally Brad Parscale, who was hand-selected by the Trump family. One Trump friend referred to it as a “soft landing.” Ivanka will likely stay on longer, perhaps through the summer, before decamping home to New York to enroll the children in a Manhattan private school. Both are presumed to remain in close contact with Trump, who often places significant value on the opinions expressed outside his administration, anyway.

Sources cautioned that the couple plans to hang on as long as possible, so as not to make it appear that Kelly railroaded them out of the West Wing. They continue to be furious at the chief. “Why do you have to embarrass Jared like that?” Ivanka complained to a friend recently. Kushner is doing everything he can to appear engaged despite his lack of a security clearance. “He is looking at everything he can do that doesn’t require a clearance,” a former White House official said. Another source added, “The White House is trying to fluff him up again.”

People who have spoken with Trump said his reset is being driven in part by the looming midterms, and he’s been fielding advice from Corey Lewandowski and Dave Bossie. They’ve counseled him to return to his 2016 campaign message. Another source said Trump has felt newfound validation after a CPAC straw poll last month showed him with a 93 percent approval rating. “He felt the crowd desiring more,” a Republican close to the White House said. “He knows there’s going to be a battle ahead.”
https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2018/03 ... al_twitter


The Very Strange Case of Two Russian Gun Lovers, the NRA, and Donald Trump

Here’s what we uncovered about an odd pair from Moscow who courted the Trump campaign.

Denise Clifton and Mark Follman
Mar. 8, 2018 6:00 AM

For more than a year now, reports have trickled out about deepening ties among prominent members of the National Rifle Association, conservative Republicans, a budding gun-rights movement in Russia—and their convergence in the Trump campaign.

Now attention is focused around a middle-aged Russian central bank official and a photogenic young gun activist from Siberia who share several passions: posing with assault rifles, making connections with Republican presidential candidates, and publicizing their travels between Moscow and America on social media. Alexander Torshin and his protégé Maria Butina also share an extraordinary status with America’s largest gun lobbying group, according to Torshin: “Today in NRA (USA) I know only 2 people from the Russian Federation with the status of ‘Life Member’: Maria Butina and I,” he tweeted the day after Donald Trump was elected president.

Of particular interest are their overtures to Trump. Butina asked him straight-up at a campaign event about the future of “damaging” sanctions against Russia. Torshin twice tried to meet with Trump, according to the New York Times, and did meet with Donald Trump Jr. at an NRA event. Meanwhile, the House Intelligence Committee has heard sworn testimony about possible Kremlin “infiltration” of the NRA and other conservative groups. And the FBI reportedly is investigating whether Torshin illegally funneled money to the Trump campaign through the NRA—which backed Trump with a record $30 million.

Torshin, a former Russian senator and longtime ally of Vladimir Putin, has been accused of having ties to the Russian mob (an allegation he has vehemently denied). Butina, a recent graduate student at American University in Washington, DC, who founded a Russian gun rights group, has reportedly bragged about her connections to the Trump campaign.

Does this odd pair indicate anything more than a far-flung association of international gun rights advocates? Neither Torshin nor Butina responded to our requests for comment, but we built a timeline from hundreds of their photos and social-media posts going back six years—including previously unreported material—that stirs even more questions about their roles.

Introductions and election shenanigans

2011: Torshin, then a Russian senator, is introduced to NRA President David Keene through Nashville, Tennessee, lawyer G. Kline Preston IV, who had been doing business in Russia for years. Preston later tells the Washington Post, “The value system of Southern Christians and the value system of Russians are very much in line.”


Butina at the 2014 NRA convention in Indianapolis
VK page
2011: Maria Butina, in her early 20s, creates Right to Bear Arms, helping seed a gun rights movement in Russia.

2011: US gun manufacturer Arsenal Inc. sells 100 limited-edition AK-74s signed by Mikhail Kalashnikov—a personal friend of Torshin’s—with the $100,000 or more in proceeds going to the NRA-ILA, the organization’s political lobbying arm.


NRA magazine America’s First Freedom
December 2011: Preston serves as an international observer of Russia’s legislative elections, calling them free and fair, despite mass street protests and European observers reporting fraudulent activity.

Targeted by the Kremlin

2012: The FBI warns Republican Rep. Dana Rohrabacher—a cold warrior turned Russia apologist who claimed to have once lost a drunken arm-wrestling match to Putin in a Washington dive bar—that the Kremlin aims to recruit him as a source.

April 15, 2012: Torshin tweets about returning from the NRA annual convention to a rally in Moscow for the Right to Bear Arms, where he notes how “similar,” “good-looking,” and “confident” the supporters of both gun groups are.

July 24, 2012: Torshin and Butina lobby the Russian senate to expand gun rights.

November 2012: Torshin and Preston observe the US presidential elections in Nashville and allege improprieties took place on behalf of President Barack Obama.

From Houston to Moscow

May 2013: After attending the NRA annual convention in Houston, Torshin writes, “Kalashnikov couldn’t join me, though we have both been ‘life members’ of the NRA for years,” adding that “dozens of AK-47 clones” on display at the event represented one of “our country’s greatest accomplishments.”


Keene and Butina in a photo posted on Butina’s Facebook page in November 2013
November 2013: Torshin and Butina invite Keene to Moscow for a Right to Bear Arms meeting that draws 200 people and features a fashion show, including attire designed for carrying concealed weapons.


Concealed-carry fashion
Right to Bear Arms Facebook page
“We would like to be friends with the NRA”

January 2014: Following the death of Kalashnikov at age 94, the Washington Times publishes an appreciation written by Torshin. Former NRA President Keene is the op-ed editor at the time.

April 2014: Torshin and Butina attend the NRA convention in Indianapolis, where Butina joins Keene for meetings. Butina later explains the purpose: “We protect gun rights in Russia, and people who are gun owners and in a situation of self-defense.” She adds, “We would like to be friends with NRA.”

September 2014: Paul Erickson—an NRA member and longtime conservative Republican operative from South Dakota—attends a Right to Bear Arms meeting in Moscow with Butina. Erickson has known Butina at least since 2013.


Butina and Erickson in Russia, in a photo posted in November 2013
Facebook
November 18, 2014: Russia changes its laws to allow citizens to carry guns in public for self-defense.

Trump to Butina: “I don’t think you’d need the sanctions”

January 2015: Torshin is appointed deputy governor of the Central Bank of Russia.

March 2015: Butina announces on Facebook that she will attend the NRA’s upcoming convention in Nashville. She notes the importance of “paying attention to the politicians that we have more similarities than differences.”

April 2015: Butina posts about 200 pictures from Nashville, including one with Republican Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, who she says greeted her in Russian. She notes he’s “one of the possible future nominees for the post of US President,” and ponders the “beginning of a new dialogue between Russia and the US.” Donald Trump also attends, telling the crowd, “I promise you one thing, if I run for president and if I win, the Second Amendment will be totally protected, that I can tell you.” Torshin, also present, later tells Bloomberg that he had a “jovial exchange” with the future president.


Butina at the NRA convention in Nashville
VK
April 16, 2015: Butina gives a talk at the University of South Dakota; she says Right to Bear Arms now has 10,000 members and 76 offices “all over Russia.”

June 2015: Four days before Trump announces his campaign, Butina writes in the conservative National Interest urging friendship between “the bear and the elephant”: “It may take the election of a Republican to the White House in 2016 to improve relations between the Russian Federation and the United States.”

July 11, 2015: At FreedomFest in Las Vegas, Butina asks Trump, “What will be your foreign politics…and do you want to continue the politics of sanctions that are damaging on both economy?” Trump responds, “I know Putin and I’ll tell you what, we get along with Putin…I don’t think you’d need the sanctions. I think that we would get along very, very well.”


Q&A with Trump at FreedomFest
VK
July 13, 2015: Butina posts photos from the Wisconsin event where Gov. Scott Walker announces his presidential candidacy.


Butina attends Gov. Walker’s campaign launch
VK
August 29, 2015: Preston tweets a picture of Trump speaking to the National Federation of Republican Assemblies, posting in Russian, “Donald Trump today in Nashville. He is a friend of Russia.”

September 25, 2015: A Right to Bear Arms post on Facebook features a Trump meme, attributing to him in Russian, “Nobody can encroach on the citizenry’s right to store and carry firearms. Period.”


Right to Bear Arms post
December 8-13, 2015: Erickson, Keene, future NRA President Pete Brownell, and Milwaukee Sheriff David Clarke meet with Kremlin officials in Moscow, where they have lavish meals and visit a gun manufacturer. Clarke, an outspoken Trump supporter, later files an ethics report showing that Right to Bear Arms paid $6,000 for his expenses.


December 10, 2015: Future Trump national security adviser Michael Flynn is also in Moscow, attending a gala for the Kremlin-controlled RT media network. Flynn, who sits next to Putin and across from future Green Party candidate Jill Stein, gives a speech for which he is paid $45,000—a sum he fails to report on his financial disclosure forms.

Campaign ammo

January 21, 2016: Trump speaks at the National Shooting Sports Foundation’s annual “SHOT Show” in Las Vegas; Don Jr. and Eric Trump also attend, posing with representatives from Sig Sauer, whose “Black Mamba” MCX assault rifle would soon be used in the Orlando nightclub massacre. Ten days later, at an event at an Iowa gun shop, Don Jr. and Eric Trump shoot assault rifles and brag about their concealed-carry permits. “I shoot all the time,” Don Jr. tells the Telegraph. “Every weekend.”

February 13, 2016: Torshin writes on Twitter, “Maria Butina is currently in the USA. She writes to me that D. Trump (an NRA member) really is for cooperation with Russia.”

February 2016: Butina and Erickson form Bridges LLC. Erickson later tells McClatchy that they created the South Dakota-based company for Butina to get financial assistance for her graduate studies—“an unusual way to use a LLC,” as McClatchy dryly notes.

February 23, 2016: After winning the Nevada primary, Trump gives a victory speech hailing his sons’ gun bona fides: “[Don Jr.] loves the rifle stuff. This is serious rifle. This is serious NRA, both of them, both of them. We love the Second Amendment folks. Nobody loves it more than us, so just remember that.”

March 3, 2016: In a primary debate, Trump is reminded that in his 2000 book, The America We Deserve, he supported a ban on assault weapons. His response: “I don’t support it anymore.”

May 2016: In an email to Trump campaign aide Rick Dearborn, with the subject line “Kremlin Connection,” Erickson says Russia is “quietly but actively seeking a dialogue with the U.S.” and proposes using the NRA convention to set up “first contact” with the Trump team. According to a New York Times report, Erickson writes that he’s in a position to “slowly begin cultivating a back-channel to President Putin’s Kremlin.” The email doesn’t name Torshin but appears to reference him as “President Putin’s emissary” who planned to attend a dinner hosted by conservative Christian activist Rick Clay. Meanwhile, Clay sends an email to Dearborn with the subject line “Russian backdoor overture and dinner invite,” seeking a meeting between Trump and Torshin. Dearborn forwards Clay’s email to Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, who reportedly nixes the proposal.

May 19-20, 2016: Torshin meets Don Jr. at a private dinner the night before his father speaks at the NRA convention in Louisville, Kentucky. Don Jr.’s lawyer later says the exchange “was all gun-related small talk.”

The NRA endorses Trump for president. Trump tells the crowd, “The only way to save our Second Amendment is to vote for a person that you all know named Donald Trump.”

Torshin poses for photos wearing an NRA “Ring of Freedom” donor ID badge.



June 15, 2016: House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy tells fellow GOP leaders in a private conversation, “There’s two people I think Putin pays: Rohrabacher and Trump. Swear to God.” House Speaker Paul Ryan immediately shuts down the conversation and swears those present to secrecy. When a recording of the conversation later becomes public, McCarthy says he was just joking.

August 2016: Hours after Trump appears to threaten Hillary Clinton during a campaign rally by invoking “Second Amendment people” who might “do something” to stop her, Politico reports that the NRA has bought its most expensive pro-Trump campaign ad yet: a $3 million spot attacking Clinton.

September 2016: Don Jr. appears in a promotional video for gun silencer manufacturer SilencerCo, whose CEO subsequently donates $50,000 to the Trump Victory fund. “That thing’s awesome,” Don Jr. says, firing guns in the opening segment. The 38-minute video closes with the CEO saying, “Your father is someone that we believe in very strongly.”




October 2016: A wave of NRA-sponsored TV political ads targets voters in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and North Carolina. Since the end of June, the NRA has aired more than 10,000 ads criticizing Clinton or extolling Trump—about 16 percent of all TV ads produced by Trump and his allies. Trump goes on to win all three states.

Early November 2016: Pro-gun messages feature prominently in “junk news” spread by Russian trolls and others on Twitter, particularly in key battleground states, according to a later analysis by Oxford University researchers.

November 8, 2016: Donald Trump is elected the 45th president of the United States.

November 12, 2016: Butina hosts a costume party in DC for her 28th birthday, attended by Erickson and Trump campaign aides. Erickson dresses as Russian mystic Rasputin, and Butina dresses as the Russian empress Alexandra. Two unnamed guests tell the Daily Beast that Butina bragged about being part of the Trump campaign’s communications with Russia.

“You came through for me”

Jan. 20, 2017: Butina and Erickson attend the Freedom Ball, one of the three official inaugural balls Trump attends.


From right: Kolyadin and Torshin, with others including Rohrabacher, second from left
Kolyadin’s Facebook
January 31, 2017: Torshin, Erickson, Rohrabacher (who has received at least $18,000 from the NRA over the past 20 years), and former Kremlin staffer Andrey Kolyadin attend a private event on Capitol Hill hosted by George O’Neill Jr., a longtime conservative activist.

February 2, 2017: Torshin and Butina accompany a delegation of more than a dozen Russian officials and academics to the National Prayer Breakfast, where Trump is the main attraction. Kolyadin posts a photo with Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, commenting that he “treats Russia pretty well, by the way.” Kolyadin later brags about his “direct access to leadership,” noting, “we sat very close to each other and just smiled.”

Torshin was scheduled to meet with President Trump, but the meeting is canceled when a national security aide points out that Torshin reportedly is under investigation by Spanish authorities for an alleged “godfather” role in organized crime and money laundering. For his part, Rohrabacher tells Yahoo News that Torshin is “sort of the conservatives’ favorite Russian.”


“Direct access to leadership”
Kolyadin’s Facebook
February 24, 2017: “For years, the media couldn’t have cared less about Vladimir Putin or Russia,” NRA leader Wayne LaPierre says in a speech at the Conservative Political Action Conference, giving early voice to a “deep state” conspiracy theory on Trump’s behalf: “But now, barely a month into Trump’s presidency, they’re ‘horrified’ and all a-fret over the ‘Russian-American equation.’ Even more alarming is that they’ve apparently found willing co-conspirators among some in the US intelligence community.”

April 28, 2017: Having recently reversed an Obama-era law making it more difficult for mentally ill people to buy guns, Trump addresses the NRA annual convention: “You came through for me,” he says, “and I am going to come through for you.”

August 15, 2017: After Rohrabacher meets with WikiLeaks’ Julian Assange at the Ecuadorean Embassy in London, he claims he has evidence to share with the White House that the Russians did not hack the Democratic National Committee. But White House chief of staff John Kelly rebuffs him. Rohrabacher later tells the Intercept, “What is preventing me from talking to Trump about this is the existence of a special prosecutor. Not only Kelly, but others are worried if I say one word to Trump about Russia, that it would appear to out-of-control prosecutors that that is where the collusion is.”

October to November 2017: Russian-linked trolls spread conspiracy theories following mass shootings on the Las Vegas Strip and at a church in Sutherland Springs, Texas.

November 14, 2017: “It appears the Russians…infiltrated the NRA,” Glenn Simpson, founder of the opposition research firm Fusion GPS, testifies to the House Intelligence Committee. “They targeted various conservative organizations, religious and otherwise, and they seem to have made a very concerted effort to get in with the NRA.” Referencing Torshin and Butina, he adds, “The most absurd [thing] about this is that, you know, Vladimir Putin is not in favor of universal gun ownership for Russians. And so it’s all a big charade, basically.”

Investigations and a politicized school massacre

January 18, 2018: McClatchy reports the FBI is investigating whether Torshin illegally funneled money to the Trump campaign through the NRA. (The FBI would “neither confirm nor deny” the investigation to Mother Jones.)

January 29, 2018: Democratic Rep. Adam Schiff, the ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee, tells NPR that the committee’s probe of the NRA-Russia angle has been stymied by the Republican majority.

“I am specifically troubled by the possibility that Russian-backed shell companies or intermediaries may have circumvented laws designed to prohibit foreign meddling in our elections.”
February 2, 2018: Oregon Sen. Ron Wyden sends separate letters to the NRA and Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin demanding they provide any documents showing financial ties between the NRA and Russia. “I am specifically troubled by the possibility that Russian-backed shell companies or intermediaries may have circumvented laws designed to prohibit foreign meddling in our elections,” Wyden writes. NRA General Counsel John Frazer responds, “The NRA and its related entities do not accept funds from foreign persons or entities in connection with United States.”

February 14, 2018: Following the school massacre in Parkland, Florida, Kremlin-linked trolls immediately go into action on Twitter, stirring both sides of the gun debate.

February 21, 2018: During a live-televised “listening session” with Parkland survivors at the White House, Trump endorses NRA talking points to end “gun-free zones” and arm teachers to “harden” America’s schools.

February 22, 2018: Trump hails the leaders of the NRA: “Great People and Great American Patriots. They love our Country and will do the right thing. MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN!” NRA spokesperson Dana Loesch echoes Trump’s blame on the FBI’s Russia investigation for the failure to prevent the Parkland massacre: “Maybe if you politicized your agency less and did your job more, we wouldn’t have these problems.”

March 2018: In an NRA magazine, LaPierre blasts media bias against Trump, specifically calling out coverage of “the bogus Russia investigation.”

March 1, 2018: Trump and Vice President Mike Pence meet privately in the Oval Office with NRA Executive Director Chris Cox. Trump calls the meeting “great.” Cox announces: “POTUS & VPOTUS support the Second Amendment, support strong due process and don’t want gun control. #NRA #MAGA.”

The NRA, Trump White House, and Paul Erickson did not respond to requests for comment.
https://www.motherjones.com/politics/20 ... shin-guns/


Trump Spoke to a Russian Activist About Ending Sanctions—Just Weeks After Launching His Campaign

Here’s the video of their exchange.

Mark FollmanMar. 9, 2018 4:55 PM

At FreedomFest in Las Vegas, July 2015John Locher/AP

While researching the strange story of two Russian gun aficionados who cultivated Donald Trump’s presidential campaign via the National Rifle Association, we came across a little-noticed but noteworthy episode concerning Trump and US sanctions against Russia. Sanctions have been a source of extraordinary conflict between the president and Congress and a matter of clear significance to special counsel Robert Mueller’s ongoing investigation.

Just a month after Trump announced his campaign for the White House, he spoke directly to Maria Butina, the protégé of the powerful Russian banking official and Putin ally Alexander Torshin. During a public question and answer session at FreedomFest, a libertarian convention in Las Vegas in July 2015, Butina asked Trump what he would do as president about “damaging” US sanctions. Trump suggested he would get rid of them.

“I am visiting from Russia,” Butina said into the mic.

“Ahhhhh, Putin!” Trump interjected, prompting laughter from the audience as he added a mocking riff about the current president: “Good friend of Obama, Putin. He likes Obama a lot. Go ahead.”

“My question will be about foreign politics,” Butina continued. “If you will be elected as president, what will be your foreign politics especially in the relationships with my country? And do you want to continue the politics of sanctions that are damaging of both economy [sic]? Or you have any other ideas?”

After going off on Obama and digressing into trade policy, Trump responded: “I know Putin, and I’ll tell you what, we get along with Putin… I believe I would get along very nicely with Putin, OK? And I mean, where we have the strength. I don’t think you’d need the sanctions. I think we would get along very, very well.”

Trump did not appear to know who Butina was. But Torshin claims to have met Trump three months prior and had a “jovial exchange” with him at the NRA annual convention in Nashville.

Here’s a video of the exchange between Trump and Butina, which was posted at the time by a group calling itself LetsTalkNevada:




It’s long been clear that the Trump campaign wanted to ease up on the Kremlin and went to great lengths to covertly pursue that goal, from ex-national security adviser Michael Flynn’s lies to the FBI about discussing sanctions with the Russian ambassador, to the cover-up of the now infamous June 2016 Trump Tower meeting supposedly about “adoptions.” Among the major remaining questions today is whether and how much Trump’s posture toward Putin has been financially motivated—or what else may lie behind his bizarrely favorable treatment of the Russian dictator that we don’t yet know about.
https://www.motherjones.com/politics/20 ... -campaign/


MSNBC analyst Malcolm Nance says the Kremlin ‘knew all about’ Trump’s sexcapades and his 'pattern of paying people off'

NBC News intelligence and foreign policy analyst Malcolm Nance detailed why President Donald Trump’s history of payoffs has created a national security nightmare during a Friday appearance on The Beat with Ari Melber.

Melber, who is also MSNBC’s chief legal correspondent, played a 2016 clip of Trump denying he settled legal cases.

“I don’t settle cases. You know what happens? When you start settling lawsuits, everybody sues you,” Trump claimed on Morning Joe. “I don’t get sued too often, because I don’t settle cases, I win cases in court.”

“Well, let’s put that in common parlance, he settles to cover up past malfeasance,” Nance explained. “This is a national security nightmare, it just sounds salacious because it involves a porn star.”

“Here’s one group of people that probably know all about this: the Kremlin,” Nance predicted. “Whether this information was used as blackmail, we don’t know.”

“Who are the people he’s been paying off and why he’s being paying off so many people over the course of his life,” Washington Post columnist Jennifer Rubin wondered.

“The whole question of national security comes into this, of this continuing pattern of him paying people off,” Nance concluded. “These are not settlements, these are under the table payments.”

Watch:
https://www.rawstory.com/2018/03/msnbc- ... DI.twitter


Remember: Michael Cohen Is a Very Rich Dude
By Josh Marshall | March 9, 2018 6:13 pm

Michael Cohen, President Donald Trump's personal attorney, arrives on Capitol Hill in Washington, Tuesday, Sept. 19, 2017. Cohen is schedule to testify before the Senate Intelligence Committee in a closed session. (AP Photo/Pablo Martinez Monsivais)Pablo Martinez Monsivais/AP
We have another nugget of news on the Michael Cohen and Stormy Daniels front. Cohen says he got the money to pay Daniels from a home equity line of credit. “The funds were taken from my home equity line and transferred internally to my LLC account in the same bank,” he told ABC News. Fair enough. I have no reason to reject that claim. But this raises a key point about Michael Cohen. He’s just Trump’s lawyer. He may make a good salary. But he’s not a plutocrat himself who has six figure sums he can toss out like you or I might spend a hundred bucks. But as we’ve discussed before with Michael Cohen, that’s not really true. He appears to be a very, very wealthy man.

As I’ve described before, I was very surprised to learn this at first. I thought he was just Trump’s bully lawyer who yells at people on TV. But Cohen has extensive business interests across real estate, taxis and at least in the past casino boats and business interests in Ukraine.

A few examples: Back in 2015 Cohen purchased an Upper East Side Manhattan apartment building for $58 million. During a short period in the middle of the last decade, he and and members of his family purchased at least 12 apartment units in various Trump buildings over a short period of time. These are just examples from an extensive portfolio of Manhattan and New York City real estate which Cohen owns personally and runs at least into many tens of millions of dollars.

Then there’s taxis, where Cohen appears to have made his original fortune. In the early years of this century Cohen listed himself as the co-owner of a fleet of “more than 200 taxis”. This was at a time when taxi licenses ran about a quarter of a million dollars a piece. Cohen later sold his share of the taxi business to his co-owner, notorious taxi magnate Symon Garber, a Ukrainian emigre. This was in a period when taxi medallions were starting to spike in value. But legal documents reviewed by TPM show that in the late aughts and the early years of this decade Cohen was receiving more than a $1 million a year from Garber for the management of the taxi medallions Cohen still owned after selling his stake in the joint business to Garber. That’s a million a year from a business Cohen had already largely left behind. And that’s just from one business partner he got in a legal fight with.

Then there’s Cohen’s business interests in Ukraine. There was the ethanol concern he owned there with his family – particularly Alex Oronov, a naturalized citizen from Ukraine whose daughter is married to Cohen’s brother Bryan and became a major player in Ukrainian agro-business. Both Cohen brothers are married to women from Ukraine.

Of course, Cohen must have made a tidy salary from the Trump Organization, where he worked for the last decade prior to Trump’s election. But I suspect that accounts for only part of his income, probably a small part. Of course, we don’t know how leveraged Cohen is or how much liquid cash he has on hand. Did Cohen just cut a personal check for $58 million to buy that building? Unlikely. As I’ve explained here, Cohen’s main asset over the course of almost three decades in business has been access to capital from people in Russia and Ukraine and emigres from those countries living in the United States. That is how he first came to Trump’s attention and appears to be the reason Trump brought him into the Trump Organization.

It’s not the hugest part of this story. But on the surface you wouldn’t guess the scale of Cohen’s personal wealth. Or at least I didn’t. He’s a very wealthy man and beyond his personal wealth he clearly has ready access to many streams of cash from many sources.
https://talkingpointsmemo.com/edblog/re ... re-1115821


ERIK PRINCE MoneyLaundering ChineseIntel BrokeringMercenary
viewtopic.php?f=8&t=39667&p=595006&hilit=National+Defense+Authorization+Act#p595006



Former Trump aide speaks to Mueller, believes Russia probe is 'not a witch hunt'


PHOTO: Political consultant Sam Nunberg is pictured during an interview with New York Post on Feb. 15 2014.Helayne Seidman
WATCH Former Trump aide Sam Nunberg appears before grand jury

Five and a half hours after testifying before a grand jury in the Russia probe, a former political adviser to Donald Trump told ABC News exclusively that he believes the investigation is “warranted.”

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“No, I don't think it's a witch hunt,” Sam Nunberg told ABC News. “It's warranted because there's a lot there and that's the sad truth.”

He added, “I don't believe it leads to the president.”

Instead, Nunberg said he believes that many in his inner circle may face legal trouble, including his own mentor and former Trump campaign aide, Roger Stone.

“I'm very worried about him,” Nunberg said. “He's certainly at least the subject of this investigation, in the very least he's a subject.”

Stone has testified before congressional investigators in the Russia probe, and told ABC News that he would expect Mueller’s team to ask him for documents or emails. But, he said, he had “no knowledge or involvement in Russian collusion or any other inappropriate act.”

Roger Stone speaks at the Pasadena Convention Center on July 30, 2017 in Pasadena, Calif.
On Monday, Nunberg made headlines for announcing his intention to defy the special counsel’s subpoena in a series of cable news and newspaper interviews.

"Let him arrest me," Nunberg told the Washington Post, referring to the special counsel, Robert Mueller. "Mr. Mueller should understand I am not going in on Friday."

But he told ABC News this was all “for show.”

“They said it was a media meltdown. I felt I melted down the media,” Nunberg said in an interview with ABC News on Friday. “I felt it was a good game… And if you want to know the truth it’s kind of therapeutic too.”

He did admit that the performance was partially due to the pressure of testifying in the special counsel’s probe.

“I wanted to show what this independent counsel, this independent investigation does to people like me,” Nunberg said. “I'm collateral damage in this independent special investigation.”

By Friday, however, Nunberg had changed course and ultimately cooperated with Mueller’s subpoena, testifying for more than five hours before a federal grand jury in Washington, D.C.

PHOTO: Former FBI director Robert Mueller attends the ceremonial swearing-in of FBI Director James Comey, Oct. 28, 2013 in Washington, DC.Alex Wong/Getty Images
Former FBI director Robert Mueller attends the ceremonial swearing-in of FBI Director James Comey, Oct. 28, 2013 in Washington, DC.more +
Nunberg said he was always going to comply with the law and added, “I’m an attorney”.

It's unclear what exactly Nunberg testified about before the grand jury. He declined to publicly elaborate on what prosecutors wanted to know, saying he “got into enough trouble this week” already.

Nunberg said his testimony focused on the campaign aides surrounding the president who were mentioned in the subpoena, like White House Communications Director Hope Hicks, former White House aide Steve Bannon, former campaign aides Corey Lewandowski and Carter Page, Trump's personal attorney Michael Cohen, and the president's longtime bodyguard Keith Schiller.

He said there were also questions about Trump’s business and his political positions on Russia.

Nunberg described the atmosphere inside the grand jury room as “professional” and noted the pace at which he said prosecutors fired questions at him.

“They’re trying to get as much in as quickly as they can – boom, boom, boom, boom – it almost feels like I’m back in yeshiva with the rabbi.”

Nunberg’s tenure with Trump is checkered.

Having served as a political adviser to then-businessman Trump beginning in 2011, Nunberg was fired by Trump in August 2015 after multiple racially-charged comments were discovered on his personal Facebook account.

In 2016, Trump sued him for $10 million, accusing Nunberg of violating a nondisclosure agreement and leaking confidential campaign information to the press. Nunberg denied the allegation and the suit was ultimately settled for an undisclosed amount.

Nunberg declined to say whether he’d be back in front of the special counsel’s attorneys or the grand jury. A source close to him said he is scheduled to testify five more times.

“Look I can't talk. I can't. I'm just not going to talk about it. Maybe, maybe yes, maybe no, I'll give you a Donald Trump answer,” he said. “We'll see.”
http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/trump-ai ... d=53650541


Nunberg spent more than five hours testifying before the grand jury yesterday, and now he’s naming names. He’s informed ABC News that he was answering questions about Hope Hicks, Steve Bannon, Corey Lewandowski, Carter Page, Michael Cohen, and Keith Schiller (link). This helps confirm that Mueller is targeting these individuals as either criminal suspects or as some sort of uncooperative witnesses. You might notice that a few key names are conspicuously missing, as there were ten names on the original Nunberg subpoena. But this is, as it turns out, was just the warm-up act.



Nunberg says that he’s now scheduled to go back and testify before the grand jury five more times. This implies that the six names above are merely the peripheral players, and that the remaining names on the subpoena are the real focus of the grand jury. Those four names: Donald Trump, Roger Stone, Paul Manafort, and Rick Gates. We can cross off Gates, as he cut a plea deal between the time this subpoena was sent and the time Nunberg testified.



This means that Robert Mueller is bringing Sam Nunberg back for five additional rounds of grand jury testimony that will focus entirely on Donald Trump, Roger Stone, and Paul Manafort. We’ve already seen Mueller’s massive criminal case against Manafort involving dozens of felony charges. This suggests that Mueller is building criminal cases against Trump and Stone that are just as massive.
http://www.palmerreport.com/analysis/na ... ller/8701/
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: NSA Chief Russia Hacked '16 Election Congress Must Inves

Postby BenDhyan » Mon Mar 12, 2018 7:45 pm

I know I know, the House Intelligence Committee is dominated by Republicans, but this finding is now a part of the official record...

House Intel releases verdict in Russia probe: No collusion

by Byron York | March 12, 2018

The House Intelligence Committee has released findings from its upcoming report on the Trump-Russia affair — and its main conclusion is that it has discovered no evidence of collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia to influence the 2016 presidential election.

"We have found no evidence of collusion, coordination, or conspiracy between the Trump campaign and the Russians," the committee said in a one-page summary of its findings released Monday afternoon.

In addition, the committee took issue with the Intelligence Community assessment of Russian motivations in the 2016 election. The committee agrees with the assessment that the Russians did, in fact, try to interfere — the findings cite "Russian cyberattacks on U.S. political institutions in 2015-2016 and their use of social media to sow discord." But the committee disagrees with the Intelligence Community judgment that Russian leader Vladimir Putin specifically tried to help Donald Trump win the election.

The committee's findings say investigators came to "concurrence with the Intelligence Community Assessment's judgments, except with respect to Putin's supposed preference for candidate Trump."

https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/news/congress/house-committee-releases-verdict-russia-probe-no-collusion

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Re: NSA Chief Russia Hacked '16 Election Congress Must Inves

Postby seemslikeadream » Tue Mar 13, 2018 7:30 am

thank you Ben for posting ......yes it is part of the official record and part of the story...it belongs here in this record of events

it will be a lovely thing to look back on :wink:

Rep. Tom Rooney, a Republican member of the House intel committee, just admitted that the committee has 'lost all credibility'


House intel Republicans ended their investigation before ever talking to the four Trump associates who are under indictment by special counsel Mueller:

Paul Manafort
Rick Gates
Michael Flynn
George Papadopoulos

...seems kinda important.

I think the timing of that release had way more to do with Penn. state elections today

‘HOUSE INTELLIGENCE’

The Walls Are Closing In on Trump
Nunes’ ‘investigation’ has shown Washington at its worst. It’s been a pure exercise in protecting Trump, and a low point for the GOP’s reputation as the party of national security.

Rick Wilson

03.12.18 9:36 PM ET

The Fox and Trump media enterprise today launched into a spasm of complete ecstasy as the House Intelligence Committee declared their investigation of Russian interference in our elections and their contacts with and collaboration with the Trump campaign over, done, solved. In their alternate reality, they’re declaring the CASE CLOSED.


They might not want to get too far over their skis on this one because both the Senate and Bob Mueller are still taking this question seriously, as opposed to the clownish covering of Donald Trump’s ample ass by the Republicans on the House Intel Committee. Its chairman Devin Nunes and the committee itself are both hopelessly compromised. Nunes has done everything in his power to cover for the President, his staff, and their Russian contacts, and to elide Vladimir Putin’s stated intent and obvious actions.

When secret agent man Devin Nunes raced to the White House to break a phony story of illegal and inappropriate surveillance from a mysterious “whistleblower,” it turned out the super-secret intel he set his ass on fire to reveal came from… wait for it… the White House itself. Ezra Cohen-Watnick and Michael Ellis, both employees of the White House, provided Nunes with top secret material outside the approved channels to push one of many of the White House’s endless variations on the “no collusion—no puppet, you’re the puppet” defense.

Nunes released a memo last month that tried and failed to bring the grown-ups’ investigations to a halt, and to change the facts of why Carter Page and Trump campaign officials came under the baleful glare of the FISA Court. Spoiler: it wasn’t the intelligence community helping Hillary Clinton. It was Trump’s allies and family ass-deep in contacts, connections, communications, and coordination with Vladimir Putin’s information warfare operation.

To imagine for even one moment that every intelligence agency in this nation is wrong and that Devin Nunes, super-staffer Derek Harvey and the other partisans are right about Putin and Trump is beyond ludicrous. Harvey, a refugee from the Trump national security council purge executed by H.R. McMaster and John Kelly, is now the lead agent in the coverup by Republican members of the House. Nunes, while claiming to have recused himself, has remained deeply involved at all time in the coverup.


House Intelligence is now officially an oxymoron. Nunes’ “investigation” has been an example of Washington at its worst, a pure exercise in protecting Donald Trump, and a low point for the Republican Party’s reputation as the party of national security. The committee refused to interview key players in the drama, failed to seek campaign, government, intelligence community and corporate records that would have led to places that Team Trump doesn’t want them to go.

In fact, this White House has refused to even recognize Putin’s global special warfare operations against us exist, much less to take a stand against them. Trump continues to behave toward Putin like a preacher caught in a whorehouse; cowed, compliant, and terrified of his prospective blackmailer. Putin’s ongoing attempts to divide and influence the American political system aren’t speculation, imagination, or some Soros-driven conspiracy. His anti-American propaganda campaign is still in full swing, and the only upside is he’s not murdering people here quite yet, though if I were Paul Manafort I’d cut the deal and get into witness protection now.

That Members of Congress who have sworn an oath to uphold the Constitution and protect this nation have engaged in a sham investigation about to produce a sham report to protect a sham President is an insult to the oath they swore and itself a clear and present danger to the security of our nation. Nunes, the Fredo of L’Affaire Russe, will have a sharply defined role in the history of this sad moment: the clownish and weak man who exposed his nation to danger and disruption by a hostile enemy nation merely for partisan benefit.

The reality is that Mueller has built a case slowly, carefully, and methodically as Trump continues to set his case on fire with obvious obstruction and manic tweets. The Senate inquiry, too, is serious, bipartisan, and delving into the places, people, and issues the House Intel Committee ignores.

As Fox, talk radio, and Trump-centric clickservative media chant “case closed” Trump is already tweeting IN CRAZY GRANDPA ALL CAPS his amplification of House Intel’s “report” to convince his credulous base that the story is over and to call for the dismissal of Mueller and the end of the Senate probe.

His audience will believe it. Bob Mueller, the Senate, and the intelligence community have other ideas.
https://www.thedailybeast.com/the-walls ... p?ref=home


:rofl: :rofl: :rofl: :rofl:

Image



After Appearing Before Mueller Grand Jury, Nunberg Urges Trump’s Cooperation
By Matt Shuham | March 11, 2018 8:28 pm

WASHINGTON, DC - MARCH 09: Former leaves the U.S. District Courthouse on March 9, 2018 in Washington, DC. (Photo by Zach Gibson/Getty Images)Zach Gibson/Getty Images North America
Former Trump campaign aide Sam Nunberg returned to cable television Sunday, following a Friday appearance before special counsel’s Robert Mueller’s grand jury, with a simple message for the President: Cooperate.

“The President is going to have to explain, and the President has to do an interview, I would say,” he told MNSBC’s Alex Witt in an interview Sunday, before referring to the President’s decision to fire then-FBI Director James Comey. “I would highly suggest that he does.”

The Sunday interview represented a 180-degree turn for Nunberg. In November of last year, he advised Trump not to cooperate with Mueller. And last week he made a show, in several televised interviews, of promising to defy the special counsel’s subpoena for his communications with several campaign officials, including Roger Stone, who Nunberg has called his mentor.

Nunberg did end up committing to hand over the requested emails and appearing before Mueller’s grand jury. He’s since bragged about the coverage his defiant interview blitz achieved.

On Sunday, he advocated for the President’s cooperation with Mueller, saying that “taxpayers are getting their money’s worth,” with the special counsel’s office and describing the grand jury as serious, attentive, and “people that represented all parts of America.” Robert Mueller himself, Nunberg said, wasn’t in attendance at his appearance.

“To me it felt like he was a Talmud teacher and I was back in Yeshiva,” Nunberg told Witt, describing the lawyer interviewing him before the grand jury.

“It was ‘boom, boom, boom, boom, boom.’ There was nothing subjective,” he continued.

Asked if Mueller’s team was looking into Russian involvement in the Trump campaign, Nunberg said he didn’t think he was “leaking anything that the special counsel would be upset with” by saying that “of course they’re looking into whether there was coordination with the emails, of course they are, and the hacking.”

Nunberg said he thought both Russian President Vladimir Putin and then-candidate Donald Trump were “too smart” to attempt to work directly with each other.

“There are a lot of weird connections,” though, he noted at one point.

“This is legitimate to have this special counsel,” Nunberg said. “That’s why I also think the President should meet with him and get this over with.”
https://talkingpointsmemo.com/livewire/ ... ooperation


Seth Abramson

(THREAD)
TWENTY TIMES TRUMP COLLUDED WITH THE RUSSIANS

PLEASE RETWEET THIS LIST so that we can stop reading think-pieces in which Trump allies—or journos who don't follow the Trump-Russia story—sagely advise us that America has absolutely *no* evidence of Trump-Russia collusion.

5:26 PM - 27 Feb 2018

1. Steele Dossier intel says Sergei Lavrov ran a blackmail/money laundering scheme in which Trump got money, blackmail forbearance, and—later—election assistance in exchange for a pro-Russia policy and other perks. Trump then leaked classified intel to Lavrov in the Oval Office.

2. Trump aided his son in covering up a clandestine meeting with Kremlin agents—designed to transmit stolen Clinton material from Russia to Trump—by drafting a false statement and forcing Don to sign it under his own name. Trump knew Don would be called to testify on the meeting.

3. According to both Emin Agalarov and his father Aras, Trump signed a letter-of-intent to build Trump Tower Moscow using Putin's real estate developer, banker, and permits man in November 2013—a deal that was active until February 2017. Trump has lied about this deal from Day 1.

4. Trump held a secret meeting with Putin at an international conference, during which he discussed sanctions with the Russian strongman. His administration had no intention of acknowledging or admitting the meeting until a journalist happened to find out about it accidentally.

5. Trump admitted discussing U.S.-Russia relations with Putin in Moscow in 2013—then, after announcing a run, retracted the claim, saying he "spoke to top officials" but "couldn't say more." His fixer, Cohen, sent a witness to the call to Stormy Daniels' lawyer to kill the story.

6. An eyewitness to the judging process of the 2002 Miss Universe pageant in Puerto Rico has told Special Counsel Bob Mueller that Trump directly and unambiguously attempted to rig the pageant so that Miss Russia would win. Miss Russia was Putin's mistress at the time.

She won.

7. Through clandestine negotiations conducted by Sessions—lied about before Congress, under oath, by Sessions—Trump agreed to unilaterally drop Russia sanctions while he knew from briefings Russia was attacking America. His secret plan was discovered by the DoS post-inauguration.

8. During the presidential campaign, Trump directed his fixer, Cohen, to negotiate a new Trump Tower Moscow deal with the Russians—including direct contact with the Kremlin—and the negotiations went on for months. He lied about this deal (as he did with the 2013 one) from Day 1.

9. Steele's dossier says Trump agreed with the Kremlin in mid-2016—in a meeting with the Kremlin we know Carter Page had, then lied about—to not impose sanctions on Russia.

Despite a 517-5 vote in Congress to impose sanctions, Trump has refused—in violation of the law—to do so.

10. Steele's dossier also says Russian oligarchs systematically overpaid for Trump properties to help develop him as a Russian asset—a claim bolstered by Trump business partner and ex-Russian mobster Felix Sater. Trump lied under oath—Perjury—to hide his relationship with Sater.

11. After George Papadopoulos told Trump—to his face, on March 31, 2016—the Kremlin had authorized him to negotiate a clandestine mid-campaign Trump-Putin meeting, instead of firing him Trump moved him to his Russia policy team and let him edit his first foreign policy speech.

12. During the same meeting Papadopoulos told Trump that he was a Kremlin agent, Trump ordered J.D. Gordon, a top member of his national security team, to change the GOP platform in July to benefit Putin on the Crimea issue. He issued his order after learning about Putin's offer.

13. After learning his Campaign Manager was an unregistered foreign agent who'd colluded illegally with pro-Putin oligarchs, Trump kept using him as a secret advisor for at least 6 months, while publicly claiming Manafort—who lived in Trump Tower—was basically a stranger to him.

14. In a breach of protocol, Trump forbade U.S. persons from entering the Oval while he met the Russian ambassador and the man Steele says ran the Russian interference campaign. In another protocol breach, he forbade U.S. translators from attending his first meeting with Putin.

14 (addendum). These protocol breaches are a pattern: in April '17, Trump invited the Russian ambassador to be a front-row VIP at a speech in which Trump promised Russia "a good deal" on sanctions. The invite was a protocol breach; the Trump-Kislyak VIP event beforehand was also.

15. After learning that Russia was committing cyberwarfare against the United States, and after saying that Putin watches carefully what he—Trump—says on television, Trump invited Russian hackers to continue committing crimes against the U.S. and said they'd be "richly rewarded."

16. Our intel community agrees Russia interfered with our election to a) sow chaos, and b) do so without getting caught. Despite being told in an August 2016 briefing Russia was attacking us, Trump has denied Russia did so, sows chaos on the issue, and refuses to criticize Putin.

17. While acting under color of authority from his father-in-law, Kushner smuggled Russia's ambassador into Trump's house (Trump Tower) through a back door in December 2016 to discuss establishing a secret Trump-Putin channel using a secure Russian facility—which plan is illegal.

18. Russia's main interest, now—in the matter of its cyber-crimes—is that Congress not find out what it did, with whom, or when. Trump illegally—without asserting executive privilege—directed key Congressional witnesses to refuse to answer Congressional inquiries on the subject.

19. Don Jr. told his dad about his contacts with Kremlin client WikiLeaks, and indeed as soon as WikiLeaks contacted Don saying it supported Trump's campaign, Trump began inserting praise of WikiLeaks into every stump speech in a transparent attempt to reward and encourage leaks.

19 (addendum). Trump's first effusive, out-of-nowhere praise of WikiLeaks as a noble organization that should be widely supported, and which would be releasing great campaign information, came just 15 minutes—that's not a typo—after WikiLeaks contacted his son for the first time.

20. Bannon says it was accepted in the White House that Don also told his dad of his meeting with Kremlin agents at Trump Tower and *on the day it happened*—a day Trump was meeting with all U.S. participants in the meeting on the *very same subject* as the meeting (Clinton dirt).

BONUS. (Surely you knew there were more than 20?) After Russia's stateside crimewave, it had no ability to stop *investigation* of its crimes—but Trump did. Trump brought in Sessions—he says—to kill the probe, then fired Comey to try to kill it, then used Nunes to try to kill it.

BONUS. After Russia committed what intelligence experts refer to—in the context of U.S. history—as a "cyber Pearl Harbor," Trump publicly proposed, as a serious policy proposal, that the U.S. intelligence community cooperate with the Kremlin on an important topic: cyber-security.

BONUS. After learning Flynn was secretly and illegally negotiating U.S.-Russia policy in 2016, Trump first did nothing, then fired him for another reason, then tried to rehire him, then fired the man prosecuting him, then told him to "stay strong," then said he did nothing wrong.

BONUS. Trump awarded the 2013 Miss Universe pageant to Russia—over 19 other nations—within hours of Russia offering him $20 million and the opportunity to meet Putin (which he immediately tweeted excitedly about). The other 19 nations were given no chance to match Russia's offer.

BONUS. After learning the Agalarovs were Kremlin agents—recipients of an award from Putin; authorized to act as Putin's messengers; no-bid developers for the Kremlin—Trump and his son Don developed a close friendship with Aras and Emin and stayed in touch throughout the campaign.

BONUS. Though he knew of Manafort's ties to the Kremlin via pro-Putin oligarchs, and though Manafort offered—in-context, a huge red flag for criminal intent—to work for free, Trump hired him and his equally conflicted partner Gates as Campaign Manager and Deputy Campaign Manager.

BONUS. Papadopoulos told Greek media he met Trump *after* meeting Kremlin agent Mifsud but *before* Trump named him to the NatSec team. Trump denies it. If true, Trump knew Papadopoulos had met Russians when he chose him to be the one NatSec team member he personally vouched for.

BONUS (addendum). Papadopoulos' claim is bolstered by his accuracy in describing his campaign role—versus Trump's deceit on the same topic—and that eyewitnesses say that when Papadopoulos told Trump he was aiding the Kremlin on March 31, 2016, Trump didn't react or shut him down.

BONUS. If you've been reading this feed a long time, you know how much evidence there is—including Trump's own words—bolstering the claim the Kremlin is blackmailing him over conduct at the Ritz Moscow. Trump's lies on this topic constitute collusion with the Kremlin's narrative.

CONCLUSION. I'm at 28—and could go on—but I'll stop here to try to keep this thread a reasonable length. Note: everything I've written is taken from the public record—and is only a *fraction* of what Bob Mueller knows. So let's stop reading or sharing "no collusion" think-pieces.

NOTE. There are attendant facts augmenting *all* these points (e.g., Trump's effort to gut election security/sanctions administration units in his government; his refusal to authorize NSA to counter Russian cyber-attacks; his ongoing war on those investigating Russia; and so on.)

NOTE2. Because Trump and the think-pieces are about "collusion," I'm meeting them head-on—as *all* the acts I've cited here are "collusion" (a non-legal term). *Many* of them then *also* map to "coordination," which denotes "Conspiracy," a legal term and federal criminal offense.

NOTE3. Readers of this feed know I've listed before—ad nauseam, even—the criminal statutes many of these acts of collusion connect to, including direct (or conspiracy) campaign-finance, bribery, fraud, computer-crime, money laundering, obstruction, and witness tampering statutes.

NOTE4. Below is the opinion piece that prompted this thread.

It prompted this thread because every single sentence in it, and I mean every single sentence, is factually incorrect (and, as applicable, legally, also). And I suspect its author well knows it:
https://twitter.com/SethAbramson/status ... 3802040320


Papadopoulos Reportedly Told Mueller That Trump Encouraged Him to Arrange Putin Meeting

Former Donald Trump policy adviser George Papadopoulos told federal investigators Donald Trump “personally encouraged him” to arrange a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, according to a new book by Michael Isikoff and David Corn.

Papadopoulos, who pleaded guilty in October 2017 to making false statements to the FBI, is cooperating with special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election.

According to Isikoff and Corn’s new book “Russian Roulette: The Inside Story of Putin’s War on America and the Election of Donald Trump,” Papadopoulos told Mueller that during a March 31, 2016 foreign policy meeting, he informed Trump of his ability to arrange a meeting with Putin—an idea Papadopoulos claims Trump found “interesting.”

As Yahoo News reports, “Trump looked at Sessions, as if he expected him to follow up with Papadopoulos, and Sessions nodded in response, the authors write.”

The new book also recounts former President Barack Obama’s reaction to learning of allegations outlined in the salacious Trump-Russia dossier, compiled by former MI6 agent Christopher Steele.

“Why am I hearing this?” Obama reportedly asked then-national security adviser, Susan Rice. “Why is this happening?”

Former Vice President Joe Biden, upon hearing the allegations, called Trump’s action “treason,” according to the journalists.
https://www.alternet.org/news-amp-polit ... in-meeting




Roger Stone Knew in Advance About the Stolen Emails. Did He Tell Trump?

Jonathan Chait@jonathanchaitMarch 13, 2018 8:55 am

It will soon be Roger Stone’s time in the barrel. Photo: Joe Raedle/Getty Images

Yesterday, Donald Trump’s House Republican allies announced that they had found no evidence that Donald Trump’s campaign had colluded with Russia. And yet the considerable body of public evidence to the contrary continues to grow. Today, the Washington Post reports that Trump’s friend and informal adviser Roger Stone had advance knowledge that WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange had obtained stolen emails from John Podesta. Two sources — one of whom is Sam Nunberg, and the other of whom is not named — tell the Post that Stone knew about the email hack before it was publicly disclosed.

Stone had teased his knowledge of the hacks repeatedly. His now-suspended Twitter account enthralled his audience during the campaign by promising, “Trust me, it will soon [be] the Podesta’s time in the barrel. #CrookedHillary,” “I have total confidence that @wikileaks and my hero Julian Assange will educate the American people soon #LockHerUp,” and “Payload coming. #Lockthemup.”

Perhaps recognizing the legal danger he placed himself in, Stone has since denied having had any direct contact with Assange, and has implausibly cast his remarks as mere speculation. Last September, according to the ranking Democrat on the committee, Stone refused to answer a direct question from the House Intelligence Committee about his contacts with WikiLeaks.

The Post story makes it clear that Stone’s implausible public story and reported refusal to testify in Congress are a cover story because he is an accessory after the fact to Russian-orchestrated email theft. Stone denies the account of both sources. If Stone, who has gleefully cultivated a reputation as a dirty trickster, has to deny a charge, you know it’s serious.

The Post’s story does not speculate about whether Stone shared his knowledge with other Trump campaign officials, including Donald Trump himself. It would be stunning and bizarre if he did not. Stone held an official role in the Trump campaign, but departed his official role in August 2015 on what he later called “excellent terms.” Later in August, Stone was characteristically cagey about his contacts with the candidate. “Asked if he had spoken with Mr. Trump since they apparently went their separate ways, Mr. Stone said: ‘I would rather not say. I still consider him a friend, and think he still considers me a friend; let’s just leave it at that,’” reported the New York Times.

Soon after, Stone grew less hesitant to tout his access to Trump. “We’re on cordial terms. We talk. … We talk on the phone from time to time,” he told TPM in September. In a April 2016 Politico interview, he described more about his relationship with Trump, and repeatedly emphasized his close ties with Trump campaign manager Paul Manafort. “By turning to Paul Manafort, who’s a former partner of mine, a very skilled guy … by going to Manafort, I think that Donald has made an excellent selection.” In May, he told Jeffrey Toobin he speaks with Trump “now and then.” In August, he told C-span, “I have no formal nor informal role but I do have access to all the right people.” In October, he boasted of “firing off long memos to the Donald once or twice a week.”

During all these conversations, when Stone was jockeying for access and favor with the candidate, what are the odds he did not disclose the delicious secret he had obtained? It is impossible to believe that, after Donald Trump Jr. and other high-ranking campaign officials met in Trump Tower with a Russian agent who promised them dirt on Hillary Clinton, Donald Jr. did not excitedly tell his father about his impending coup. It is even more difficult to believe Stone did not share what he had learned months earlier.
http://nymag.com/daily/intelligencer/20 ... trump.html


WaPo: Roger Stone had contact with Assange in 2016

Roger Stone distances himself from Nunberg
Washington (CNN)Former Trump campaign adviser Roger Stone told associates he was in contact with WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange in 2016, according to a new report by The Washington Post, which cites two sources.

An unnamed source told the Post that Stone had a phone conversation with Assange in the spring of 2016. Ahead of any public knowledge about Democratic email leaks, Stone told the source he had learned WikiLeaks had obtained emails from the Democratic National Committee and Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton's campaign chairman, John Podesta.

During the campaign, Stone said in interviews and speeches that he was in touch with WikiLeaks, and he posted tweets in October 2016 that seemingly predicted the Podesta leaks. The Washington Post report suggests that in addition to these public statements, Stone was even more candid in private conversations about ties to WikiLeaks.

Sam Nunberg, the Trump associate who went on a national media spree last week saying he would not comply with special counsel Robert Mueller's demand to hand over his emails pertaining to the campaign (he later backed down), also told the Post that Stone had contact with Assange in 2016.
On CNN's "Anderson Cooper 360" Monday night, Nunberg said that Stone -- who he has called a mentor -- was "a subject" in the special counsel's investigation.
"I think it's pretty obvious that they're asking me about Roger Stone and Julian Assange," Nunberg said, later adding, "At the very least, he is a subject."

Stone, who briefly served as a Trump campaign adviser early in the race, has denied contact with Assange despite earlier public claims that he's spoken with him, and WikiLeaks has said it has never been in contact with Stone. The Atlantic reported in February, however, that Stone and WikiLeaks did exchange private, direct messages on Twitter, according to the Atlantic.
In November, CNN reported that Stone was in contact with New York radio personality Randy Credico, who Stone referred to as the intermediary between him and Assange, according to sources familiar with the situation. Stone insisted there was nothing untoward about their conversation. Credico has interviewed Assange and visited him in person.
Stone told the Post on Monday that he only recalled one conversation alluding to meeting with Assange, which he said he told Nunberg as a passing joke.

"I said, 'I think I will go to London for the weekend and meet with Julian Assange.' It was a joke, a throwaway line to get him off the phone. The idea that I would meet with Assange undetected is ridiculous on its face," Stone told the Post.

Stone also tweeted ominous messages ahead of leaks, including one that said "Payload coming. #Lockthemup" two days before WikiLeaks published a trove of Podesta's emails.
https://www.cnn.com/2018/03/13/politics ... index.html



Report: Roger Stone claimed he spoke to Julian Assange in 2016


Roger Stone speaks to reporters at the Capitol right after appearing before the House Intelligence Committee. Photo: Mark Wilson / Getty Images

Political operative Roger Stone, an informal adviser to the Trump campaign, told two of his associates in 2016 that he'd been in touch with WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, per the Washington Post. An anonymous Stone associate cited in the report — the other is Sam Nunberg — claimed that Stone discussed hacked emails from the DNC and Hillary Clinton campaign chair John Podesta in Assange's possession in the spring of 2016.

Why it matters: If the claims about Stone are true, he would have known about the hacked DNC and Podesta emails — which the U.S. intelligence community determined came via a Russian hack — months before their eventual release by WikiLeaks later in the summer and fall of 2016.

Nunberg said Special Counsel Robert Mueller's team asked him to describe a conversation he had with Stone in 2016, in which Stone claimed he met with Assange.
Stone's response, provided to WashPost: "I wish him no ill will, but Sam can manically and persistently call you ... I said, 'I think I will go to London for the weekend and meet with Julian Assange.' It was a joke, a throwaway line to get him off the phone. The idea that I would meet with Assange undetected is ridiculous on its face."
More Stone: "The allegation that I met with Assange, or asked for a meeting or communicated with Assange is provably false."
Stone says he never left the country in 2016.
https://www.axios.com/roger-stone-julia ... 50703.html


Sam Nunberg and another witness told Mueller that Roger Stone met with Julian Assange in 2016

Roger Stone spoke to WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange as early as spring 2016, according to two witnesses in the special counsel probe.

The Republican “dirty trickster” and former Trump campaign adviser told Sam Nunberg and another associate about his contacts with Assange, contradicting their public denials, and both of those associates told Robert Mueller and his investigators, reported the Washington Post.

Nunberg gave an on-the-record interview to the newspaper about his testimony Monday, the same day Republicans on the House Intelligence Committee issued a one-page statement claiming their own probe had found no evidence of Trump-Russia collusion.

President Donald Trump then issued an all-caps statement on Twitter trumpeting the GOP lawmakers’ statement.

The other Stone associate spoke to the Post on the condition of anonymity.

Nunberg, who testified Friday and admitted afterward the Mueller probe was “warranted” because there’e “something there,” said Stone told him that he had met with Assange, and he then told the special counsel.

Another associate told Mueller that Stone revealed in spring 2016 that Assange told him that WikiLeaks had obtained emails that would torment top Democrats such as John Podesta, then campaign chairman for Hillary Clinton.

“The conversation occurred before it was publicly known that hackers had obtained the emails of Podesta and of the Democratic National Committee, documents which WikiLeaks released in late July and October,” the Post reported. “The U.S. intelligence community later concluded the hackers were working for Russia.”

Stone and Assange have denied communicating with one another, and the GOP operative has denied advance knowledge of the WikiLeaks document dumps — which he sometimes appeared to foreshadow on social media.

He reiterated his denials Monday to the Post, saying his comments to Nunberg were intended as a joke.

“I wish him no ill will, but Sam can manically and persistently call you,” Stone said. “I said, ‘I think I will go to London for the weekend and meet with Julian Assange.’ It was a joke, a throwaway line to get him off the phone. The idea that I would meet with Assange undetected is ridiculous on its face.’”
https://www.rawstory.com/2018/03/sam-nu ... ange-2016/



WELCOME TO THE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE, MR. POMPEO — THE LATEST COMMITTEE TO HAVE REASON TO INVESTIGATE RUSSIA!

March 13, 2018/3 Comments/in 2016 Presidential Election, Mueller Probe, Torture /by empty wheel

Yesterday, Rex Tillerson committed the one unforgivable sin on the Trump Administration: holding Russia accountable for its actions. While Trump and Sarah Huckabee Sanders equivocated, Tillerston strongly stated that the poison used in the attack on Sergei Skripal and his daughter obviously came from Russia.

U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson says the poisoning of ex-spy Sergei Skripal in Britain “clearly came from Russia” and “certainly will trigger a response.”

Tillerson says he doesn’t know whether Russia’s government had knowledge of the poisoning. But he is arguing the poison couldn’t have originated anywhere else. He says the substance is known to the U.S. and doesn’t exist widely. He says it’s “only in the hands of a very, very limited number of parties.”

Tillerson calls the poisoning “a really egregious act” and says it’s “almost beyond comprehension” that a state actor would use such a dangerous substance in a public place.


Today, Tillerson’s counterpart, Sergei Lavrov, drew the unenviable task of denying Russia’s involvement, even while the Russian Embassy and Putin himself barely hid their glee about the attack.

“Russia is not responsible,” Sergei Lavrov said during a televised press conference that marked an escalation of the standoff with the UK over the poisoning of the former Russian agent Sergei Skripal and his daughter, Yulia.

Lavrov also suggested Moscow would not comply with a Tuesday midnight deadline set by Theresa May to deliver an explanation or face retaliation. He said Moscow’s requests to see samples of the nerve agent had been turned down, which he called a violation of the chemical weapons convention outlawing the production of chemical weapons.

“We have already made our statement on this case,” he said. “Russia is ready to cooperate in accordance with the convention to ban chemical weapons if the United Kingdom will deign to fulfil its obligations according to the same convention.”


Trump did the predictable thing: Fired Tillerson by tweet, naming Mike Pompeo his successor and torturer Gina Haspel America’s first female CIA Director.

Image

Of course, both those nominations require confirmation. And while it would probably be easy for Haspel to work as Acting Director for the foreseeable future, it may be far, far harder for Pompeo to make the move.

Admittedly, Pompeo was confirmed CIA Director with a 66-32 vote (this was before Democrats got bolder about opposing Trump’s more horrible nominees, and Pompeo was, after all, a member of Congress). But Pompeo likely faces a harder time even getting through committee. While Senate Foreign Relations Committee Dems Jeanne Shaheen and Tim Kaine are among the idiotic who voted for Pompeo for CIA Director, SFRC Republican Rand Paul was the sole Republican voting against Pompeo. So even if just Shaheen and Kaine flip their votes, Pompeo will be bottled up in SFRC. But SFRC also includes several of the other Republicans who’ve been most skeptical of Trump and/or his dalliances with Russia: Bob Corker (who is retiring and has been chilly about Pompeo’s confirmation in the past), Jeff Flake (who is retiring), and Marco Rubio (who was hacked by Russia himself; though he has already said he would support Pompeo).

Since Pompeo’s last confirmation, he has done several things to coddle Trump’s Russia dalliance, as I laid out here.

Already, Pompeo’s cheerleading of Wikileaks during the election should have been disqualifying for the position of CIA Director.

That’s even more true now that Pompeo himself has deemed them a non-state hostile intelligence service.

Add in the fact that Pompeo met with Bill Binney to hear the skeptics’ version of the DNC hack, and the fact that Pompeo falsely suggested that the Intelligence Community had determined Russia hadn’t affected the election. Finally, add in the evidence that Pompeo has helped Trump obstruct the investigation and his role spying on CIA’s own investigation into it, and there’s just far too much smoke tying Pompeo to the Russian operation.


Remember, too, that in his last confirmation process, Pompeo refused to rule out using hacked intelligence from Russia, something Rubio should be particularly concerned about.

Pompeo can also expect to be grilled about why he ignored the sanctions against Russia’s top intelligence officers so they could all come for a meet and greet earlier this year.

I’m not saying it won’t happen. But it will be tough for Pompeo to get through the narrowly divided SFRC, much less confirmation in the full senate.

House Intelligence Republicans yesterday made asses of themselves in an attempt to get Russian investigations off the front page. But by nominating Pompeo to be Secretary of State, Trump just gave an entirely different committee, one far more hawkish on Russia issues, reason to start a new investigation into Trump — and Pompeo’s — Russia dalliances.
https://www.emptywheel.net/2018/03/13/w ... committee/
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Re: NSA Chief Russia Hacked '16 Election Congress Must Inves

Postby seemslikeadream » Tue Mar 13, 2018 1:33 pm

FBI tried to contact jailed ’sex coaches’ who say they have proof of Russian interferences: CNN
BY MAX GREENWOOD - 03/13/18 08:16 AM EDT

FBI tried to contact jailed ’sex coaches’ who say they have proof of Russian interferences: CNN
The FBI has tried to meet with two self-proclaimed "sex coaches" held in a Thai jail who claim to have information about Russian efforts to meddle in the 2016 election, CNN reported Tuesday.

FBI agents contacted Thailand's Immigration Bureau last week to try to set up a meeting with Anastasia Vashukevich and Alexander Kirillov, both Belarusian citizens, CNN reported, citing a high-level Thai official.

Thai officials turned down that request, however, because only the detainees' lawyers and family members are permitted access to them.


The U.S. Embassy in Bangkok referred CNN's questions about the matter to Thai law enforcement.

Vashukevich and Kirillov sent a handwritten letter to the U.S. Embassy last month offering to provide evidence of Russian meddling to U.S. authorities in exchange for asylum.

The U.S. intelligence community has previously concluded that Moscow sought to interfere in the 2016 presidential election and favored President Trump's candidacy. Special counsel Robert Mueller is conducting a criminal investigation into the matter.

Vashukevich and Kirillov were among several Russian-speaking sex coaches arrested at a seminar in Thailand last month for working without permits.

Vashukevich, who is known on social media by the name Nastya Rybka, claims that she is the former mistress of Oleg Deripaska, a Russian oligarch close to Russian President Vladimir Putin.

She alleges that she witnessed meetings between Deripaska and unnamed Americans in 2016 and 2017. Deripaska denies having an affair with Vashukevich.
http://thehill.com/homenews/news/378069 ... of-russian
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Re: NSA Chief Russia Hacked '16 Election Congress Must Inves

Postby liminalOyster » Tue Mar 13, 2018 2:15 pm

BenDhyan » Mon Mar 12, 2018 7:45 pm wrote:I know I know, the House Intelligence Committee is dominated by Republicans, but this finding is now a part of the official record...

House Intel releases verdict in Russia probe: No collusion

by Byron York | March 12, 2018

The House Intelligence Committee has released findings from its upcoming report on the Trump-Russia affair — and its main conclusion is that it has discovered no evidence of collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia to influence the 2016 presidential election.

"We have found no evidence of collusion, coordination, or conspiracy between the Trump campaign and the Russians," the committee said in a one-page summary of its findings released Monday afternoon.

In addition, the committee took issue with the Intelligence Community assessment of Russian motivations in the 2016 election. The committee agrees with the assessment that the Russians did, in fact, try to interfere — the findings cite "Russian cyberattacks on U.S. political institutions in 2015-2016 and their use of social media to sow discord." But the committee disagrees with the Intelligence Community judgment that Russian leader Vladimir Putin specifically tried to help Donald Trump win the election.

The committee's findings say investigators came to "concurrence with the Intelligence Community Assessment's judgments, except with respect to Putin's supposed preference for candidate Trump."

https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/news/congress/house-committee-releases-verdict-russia-probe-no-collusion



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Re: NSA Chief Russia Hacked '16 Election Congress Must Inves

Postby seemslikeadream » Tue Mar 13, 2018 3:50 pm

Barry Pollack, a lawyer for Julian Assange, leaves law firm Miller & Chevalier as Mueller probe heats up

Image


Lawyer for Assange Leaves Miller & Chevalier as Mueller Probe Heats Up
Barry Pollack, who said he is also representing a client in connection with the Robert Mueller investigation, quietly left Miller & Chevalier to join Robbins, Russell, Englert, Orseck, Untereiner & Sauber as a partner.

By Ryan Lovelace | UPDATEDMar 13, 2018 at 03:00 PM

Barry Pollack Barry Pollack. Photo: Diego M. Radzinschi/ALM
Barry Pollack, WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange’s Washington, D.C.-based attorney, has left Miller & Chevalier for a smaller boutique law firm and is representing an unnamed client involved in special counsel Robert Mueller’s Russia probe.

“I am representing someone with respect to the Mueller probe,” said Pollack, who is now a partner at Robbins, Russell, Englert, Orseck, Untereiner & Sauber. “The representation is not public at this point,” he said.

Pollack said Assange, whose organization in 2016 released troves of Democratic Party emails stolen by Russian hackers, has not been contacted by Mueller’s office thus far. Pollack said he is representing Assange only in relation to an ongoing criminal investigation in the Eastern District of Virginia. He gave no hints as to who he was representing in connection with Mueller’s investigation.
Last month rumor spread that former Trump campaign official Richard Gates had retained Pollack, following a report in The Daily Beast. Pollack told The National Law Journal he did talk to Gates about representing him at trial, before Gates ultimately pleaded guilty, but he was never retained.

“I had spoken to Mr. Gates about the possibility of representing him at trial if he was not able to resolve the case through a plea,” Pollack said. “Obviously, ultimately he decided that he did want to resolve the case through a guilty plea, and so there was no need for me as trial counsel. When I had spoken with him it was about the potential of representing him at trial, if [Sidley Austin senior counsel] Tom Green was not able to get a plea deal for him that he thought was in his best interest to take.”

Pollack added, “I have not spoken with anybody else [besides Gates] who has been charged or is in a position where they’re looking for trial counsel with respect to that investigation.”

The timing of Pollack’s exit from Miller & Chevalier follows a familiar path for attorneys with clients in Mueller’s crosshairs. Kevin Downing, a defense lawyer for former Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort, left Miller & Chevalier last year, with the firm citing a client conflict. Downing has continued to represent Manafort, who has pleaded not guilty to criminal charges.

Pollack gave no indication that he was also leaving Miller & Chevalier because of conflict issues. He said he wanted to join Robbins Russell because he thinks his practice brings trial-level criminal work that is a better fit for the firm. Pollack said Miller & Chevalier had a number of practice areas that were not necessary to support his work.

“I had been at Miller Chevalier for a little over nine years, and it is an excellent firm, but it has grown,” Pollack said. “Robbins Russell is more of a litigation boutique: A little bit smaller and just a very high-end litigation firm, and a firm that I feel like I can really be part of the next generation at that firm and that’s an exciting opportunity.”

Robbins Russell counts 35 attorneys on its website, including Pollack, while Miller & Chevalier has little more than 100 lawyers in its ranks.

Pollack also said he will continue to represent Assange while working as partner at Robbins Russell, but he will do so though his own independent firm, not through his new firm. Pollack said Robbins Russell did not want to take on Assange’s representation “for a variety of client and other reasons,” but he said the firm also did not want to interfere with Pollack’s relationship with Assange.

Pollack said his independent representation of Assange is unique to the controversial WikiLeaks founder.

“There are not presently other clients that fall in that same category [as Assange], but part of the idea of establishing my own firm is that if there are representations that I want to take on that for whatever reason Robbins Russell does not, it would give me the flexibility to do that,” Pollack said.

https://www.law.com/nationallawjournal/ ... 0213154931





I wonder if Pollack's new client's name rhymes with Dodger's Tone.... :P
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
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Re: NSA Chief Russia Hacked '16 Election Congress Must Inves

Postby seemslikeadream » Tue Mar 13, 2018 8:49 pm

emptywheel

Now why would you send your digital guy to visit the Russian ambassador a month after the election?

Image

https://democrats-intelligence.house.go ... ndices.pdf
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Re: NSA Chief Russia Hacked '16 Election Congress Must Inves

Postby seemslikeadream » Wed Mar 14, 2018 11:44 am

Papadopoulos says that Trump personally encouraged him to arrange meeting with Putin, new book reports

.
George Papadopoulos, a former foreign policy adviser to the Trump campaign and potentially a key witness in special counsel Robert Mueller’s Russia probe, told federal investigators that before the election, Donald Trump personally encouraged him to pursue a summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin, according to a new book being published Tuesday.

Papadopoulos’s account to Mueller — as reported in “Russian Roulette: The Inside Story of Putin’s War on America and the Election of Donald Trump,” by Yahoo News’ Michael Isikoff and Mother Jones’ David Corn — contradicts the public accounts of what took place at a critical meeting of Trump’s foreign policy team on March 31, 2016. It was at that meeting that Papadopoulos first informed Trump and the then candidate’s other foreign policy advisers that he had contacts in Britain who could arrange a summit between the GOP candidate and Putin.

Although one of the campaign officials present, J.D. Gordon, has said the idea was shot down by then Alabama Sen. Jeff Sessions, Papadopoulos told Mueller’s investigators that Trump encouraged him, saying he found the idea “interesting,” according to the book, which cites sources familiar with his questioning by Mueller’s investigators.

Trump looked at Sessions, as if he expected him to follow up with Papadopoulos, and Sessions nodded in response, the authors write. Sessions has said he has “no clear recollection” of the exchange with Papadopoulos. A White House official said that others at the meeting remember it differently than Papadopoulos.

Last fall, Papadopoulos pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI about his contacts with Russians and became a cooperating witness in Mueller’s probe.

The story of what happened at the only known meeting between Trump and Papadopoulos is one of a number of new details revealed in “Russian Roulette” about contacts that Trump, his campaign advisers and others had with various Russian figures and their associates during the 2016 campaign.

(The first two excerpts from the book were published last week by Yahoo News and Mother Jones. You can read them here and here.)


The book chronicles the efforts of Alexander Torshin, a deputy governor of Russia’s central bank and a close Putin ally, and his assistant, Maria Butina, to curry favor with the Trump campaign — including their own attempt to set up a Trump-Putin meeting in Moscow.

Those efforts began as early as July 2015, when Butina showed up at FreedomFest, a conservative gathering, in Las Vegas, where Trump was speaking. During a Q&A session, Trump called on Butina, who asked him about his stance on Russia and the sanctions imposed by the Obama administration on the country — eliciting the first response from the new GOP candidate on an issue that was a top priority of Putin’s government.

“I know Putin,” Trump replied during the course of a five-minute answer. “I believe I would get along very nicely with Putin, OK? I don’t think you’d need the sanctions.”


Photo illustration: Yahoo News
Later in the campaign, the book reports that two top Trump officials — Steve Bannon and Reince Preibus — discussed a video of the Las Vegas event and wondered how Butina gained such quick access to Trump’s ear.

“How was it that this Russian woman happened to be in Las Vegas for that event? And how was it that Trump happened to call on her?” Isikoff and Corn write. “And Trump’s response? It was odd, Bannon thought, that Trump had a fully developed answer. Priebus agreed there was something strange about Butina. Whenever there were events held by conservative groups, she was always around.”

In the spring of 2016, Torshin and Butina — who had close ties to the National Rifle Association — made a direct play to gain influence with the Trump campaign, floating their own proposal for a Trump-Putin summit during an international conference in Moscow on the plight of persecuted Christians, organized by Franklin Graham.

In an email to Trump campaign officials, Rick Clay, a conservative activist, described Torshin as a “very close friend of President Putin” and encouraged the Trump team to strongly consider the offer.

Maria Butina; Donald Trump and Alexander Torshin
Maria Butina; candidate Donald Trump speaks at FreedomFest in 2015; and Alexander Torshin. (Photo illustration: Yahoo News; photos: ITAR-TASS/ZUMAPRESS.com, John Locher/AP, Alexander Shalgin\TASS via Getty Images)
“Please excuse the play on words, but this is HUGE!” Clay wrote, according to a copy of the email that was reviewed by the authors. “The optics of Mr. Trump in Russia with Franklin Graham attending an event of over 1000 World Christian Leaders addressing the Defense of Persecuted Christians accompanied by a very visible meeting between President Putin and Mr. Trump would devastate the Clinton campaign’s efforts to marginalize Mr. Trump on foreign policy and embolden him further with evangelicals.”

The then-candidate’s son-in-law Jared Kushner subsequently sent an email recommending that the campaign “pass on this,” warning, “Be careful.”

Among other revelations in “Russian Roulette”:

The U.S. government had a secret source inside the Kremlin who warned as early as 2014 that Russia was mounting an ambitious campaign of cyberattacks and information warfare against Western European democracies and the United States. The reports from the source were “startling” because they spelled out the “magnitude” of the Kremlin’s “intention to do us harm,” according to a U.S. official familiar with the matter. The secret Kremlin source also provided stark insights into the contempt that Putin and his senior officials had for President Barack Obama and his administration — often expressed in racist terms. In Putin’s presence, Obama would be called a “monkey,” and it was not uncommon for the American president to be referred to by the N-word, the book reports.
Robby Mook, Hillary Clinton’s campaign manager, was so concerned about Trump’s ties to Russia-friendly advisers that he contemplated an idea to catch the Trump campaign in the act of colluding with Moscow by mounting what he called a “honeypot” operation straight out of a spy novel. The idea was that the Clinton team would plant a phony story about Clinton in the Democratic National Committee’s computer system and wait to see if the Trump campaign or its allies made public use of it. If they did, it would prove the Trump campaign was receiving intelligence from the Russian hackers who had infiltrated the DNC’s servers. But after Mook floated the idea to Marc Elias, the Clinton campaign’s lawyer, they decided it was “harebrained” and could backfire.
President Obama was incredulous when he was first briefed in early January 2017 about the contents of a dossier, prepared by former British spy Christopher Steele, alleging that the Kremlin had a videotape of Trump engaging in sordid sexual behavior with prostitutes in a Moscow hotel room. “Why am I hearing this?” he asked his national security adviser, Susan Rice. “Why is this happening?” Rice explained that the intelligence community had no idea if the claim was true but that Obama needed to be aware that the allegation was circulating. A few days later, when Vice President Joe Biden was briefed about intelligence reports on contacts between various players in the Trump orbit and the Kremlin, he had a visceral reaction. “If this is true, it’s treason,” Biden exclaimed.
When then President-elect Trump was handed a two-page synopsis of the Steele dossier, at the end of a U.S. intelligence briefing about Russia, he too had a visceral reaction. “It’s a shakedown,” Trump said, after FBI Director James Comey left the room. Trump believed he was being blackmailed by Comey. The incident, the authors write, may well have planted the seeds for what was later described by one of the most disastrous decisions of Trump’s presidency to date: the firing of Comey, a move that led to the appointment of Mueller as special counsel.
https://www.yahoo.com/news/papadopoulos ... 56370.html


Adam Schiff

BREAKING: GOP just shut down House Intel investigation, leaving questions unanswered, leads unexplored, countless witnesses uncalled, subpoenas unissued.

If Russians have leverage over the President, GOP has decided that it would rather not know. The minority's work continues:
Image
Image


Schiff responds: “In the coming weeks and months, new information will continue to be exposed... And each time this new information becomes public, Republicans will be held accountable for abandoning a critical investigation of such vital national importance.”
Image
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
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Don’t forget that.
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